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THE  STORY  OF  THE  NATIONS 


THE  CRUSADES 

THE  STORY  OF  THE  LATIN  KINGDOM 
OF  JERUSALEM 


BY 
T.  A.  ARCHER 

•  t 
AND 

CHARLES  L.  KINGSFORD 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

LONDON  :  T.  FISHER  UNWIN 


^^ 


>' 


v^ 


Copyright,  1894 

BY 

G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 

Enttred  at  Stationers^  Hall^  London 

By  T.  Fisher  Unwin 


Printed  and  Bound  by 

Ube  Itnfcfeerbocher  prcse,  Hew  JJorft 
G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 


PREFACE. 


The  present  volume  bears  the  sub-title,  "The 
Story  of  the  Latin  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem,"  in 
order  to  make  it  clear  at  the  outset  that  we  are 
here  concerned  only  with  the  Crusades  which  are 
Crusades  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  word.  With 
the  Fourth  Crusade,  the  Latin  Empire  of  Constanti- 
nople, and  still  rnore  with  those  developments,  or 
perversions  of  the  Crusading  idea,  which  led  to  the 
so-called  Crusades  against  the  Albigensians  and  the 
Emperor  Frederick,  we  have  nothing  to  do.  In 
making  the  story  of  the  Latin  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem 
the  main  thread  of  the  narrative,  stress  has  intention- 
ally been  laid  on  an  important  if  comparatively  un- 
familiar side  of  Crusading  history.  The  romance 
and  glamour  of  Crusading  expeditions  has  often 
caused  the  practical  achievements  of  Crusaders  in  the 
East  to  be  overlooked,  or  underrated.  Yet  it  is 
through  the  history  of  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem, 
that  the  true  character  and  importance  of  the 
Crusades  can  alone  be  discerned. 

A  brief  explanation  of  the  circumstances  under 
which  this  volume  has  been  written  appears  to  be 

vii 

222333 


Vlll  PREFACE. 


required  When  ill-health  made  it  impossible  for 
Mr.  Archer  to  contemplate  the  completion  of  his  own 
work,  his  material  was  placed  in  Mr.  Kingsford's 
hands.  The  preparation  of  this  material  for  the 
press  involved  not  only  much  condensation  and 
re-arrangement  of  the  manuscript,  but  also  the  filling 
up  of  some  considerable  gaps.  It  would  be  almost 
impossible  to  satisfactorily  divide  the  responsibility 
for  a  work  produced  under  such  circumstances,  and 
in  point  of  fact  there  is  no  single  chapter  to  which  both 
authors  have  not  in  some  degree  contributed.  The 
book  therefore  appears,  without  further  comment, 
under  their  joint  names. 

The  circumstances  of  the  present  series  forbid  that 
constant  citation  of  authorities  in  notes,  which  might 
otherwise  be  desirable  ;  but  the  fact  that  the  narrative 
has  in  the  main  been  compiled  from  the  writings  of 
contemporary  historians,  will,  it  is  hoped,  have  given 
it  some  merit  of  freshness,  even  though  the  conclu- 
sions arrived  at  may  often  not  differ  materially  from 
those  of  other  writers.  Whatever  claim  of  originality 
is  thus  put  forward  for  the  present  volume,  is  made 
in  no  spirit  of  detraction  from  the  advantage,  which 
has  in  places  been  derived  from  freely  consulting 
previous  workers  in  the  same  field. 

In  the  matter  of  chronology  the  conclusions  pro- 
pounded by  Mr.  T.  A.  Archer  in  an  article  in  the 
English  Historical  Review  for  January,  i88g,  have 
now  been  adopted  without  further  argument.  In  the 
spelling  of  proper  names,  those  forms  which  common 
use  has  made  familiar  have  been  preserved,  whilst 
in  the  case  of  persons  and   places  which  would  be 


1 


PREFACE. 


IX 


novel  to  most  readers,  the  endeavour  has  been  to 
give  the  simplest  form  consistent  with  accuracy. 
It  may,  perhaps,  be  well  to  observe  that  the  J  in 
names  like  Kilij,  Javaly,  Sinjar  is  to  be  pronounced 
likey  in  judge. 


CONTENTS. 


Preface  

Table  of  Contents 

Descriptive  List  of  Illustrations 


PAGE 

vii 


XI 

xix 


\  Introduction    .        .  1-25 

§  I.  The  Age  of  the  Pilgrims. 

Constantine  and  Helena,  3 — Chosroes  and  Heraclius,  4 — 
Rise  of  Mohammedanism,  5 — Arculf  and  Willibald,  9 — 
Charles  the  Great,  11 — Bernard  of  St.  Michael's  Mount, 
12. 

§  2.  The  Eve  of  the  Crusades.   " 

The  year  1000,  13 — P'^vival  of  piety,  15 — Eleventh  Cen- 
tury Pilgrims,  17— Rise  of  the  Seljuks,  19 — Constantinople 
in  danger,  21— The  Normans,  23 — Gregory  VII.  and 
Robert  Guiscard,  25. 


II. 


Peter  the  Hermit  and  Urban  the  Pope 


26-40 


Peter  at  Jerusalem,  27 — The  Council  of  Clermont,  29 — 
Urban  preaches  the  Crusade,  31— Signs  and  Wonders,  33 — 
The  preaching  of  Peter,  35  —Walter  the  Penniless,  37 — 
Fate  of  the  pilgrims,  39. 

xi 


Xll  CONTENTS., 

III. 

PAG« 

>  The    First  Crusade — The   Muster    and  the 

March  to  Antioch       .        .        .         .        .  41-58 

Gcxifrey  de  Bouillon,  43 — Bohemond,  45 — Raymond  of 
Toulouse,  47 — Robert  of  Normandy,  49 — The  Crusaders  at 
Constantinople,  51 — Schemes  of  Alexius,  53 — Siege  of 
Nicaea,  55~Battle  of  Dorylaeum,  57. 

IV. 

^   The  First  Crusade — The  Firstfruits  of  Con- 
quest :  Edessa  and  Antioch        .        .        .  59-76 

§  I.  The  Conquest  of  Edessa. 

Baldwin  at  Edessa,  61 — A  precarious  lordship,  63. 

§  2.  The  Siege  of  Antioch. 

The  City  of  Antioch,  65— Troubles  of  the  Crusaders,  67— 
Bohemond  captures  Antioch,  69 — Approach  of  Corbogha, 
71 — Invention  of  the  Holy  Lance,  73 — Defeat  of  Cor- 
bogha, 75. 


The    First   Crusade — The  Capture   of   the 

Holy  City  .        .        .        .        .        .        .     77-92 

Raymond  and  Bohemond,  79 — The  Crusaders  at  Marra,  81 
— Peter  Bartholomew,  83 — The  Siege  of  Jerusalem,  85 — 
Quarrels  and  visions,  87 — Procession  round  Jerusalem,  89 — 
Capture  of  Jerusalem,  91. 

VI. 

Godfrey  de  Bouillon     .        .        .        .        .    93-107 

Choosing  a  king,  93— Quarrel  with  Raymond,  95 — Battle  of 
Ascalon,  97 — The  Christmas  Feast,  99 — A  hero  of  Romance, 
loi— The  fates  of  the  Chiefs,  103— The  Aquitanian  Crusade, 
105 — A  disastrous  expedition,  107. 


CONTENTS.  Xlll* 

VII. 

PAGE 

The  Land  and  its  Organisation  .        .     109-129 

Physical  characteristics,  iii — Edessa  and  Antioch,  113 — 
The  County  of  Tripoli,  115 — The  lordships  of  the  Kingdom, 
117 — The  City  of  Jerusalem,  121 — The  Assize  of  Jerusalem, 
123 — Officers  and  Courts,  125 — Finance,  127 — The  Eccle- 
siastical Hierarchy,  129. 

VIII. 
The  Conquest  of  the  Land — Baldwin  I.   .     130-142 

Lack  of  money  and  men,  133 — Dangers  of  the  kingdom,  135 
— Jaffa  and  Ramleh,  137 — Tiberias  and  Montreal,  139 — 
Character  of  Baldwin  I.,  141. 

TX. 

The  Conquest  of  the   Land — The  Franks 

IN  Northern  Syria         .        .        .        .     143-158 

Turkish  feuds,  145 — Successes  of  Tancred,  147 — Maudud 
of  Mosul,  149 — Borsoki  and  Borsac,  151 — Roger's  victory 
at  Rugia,  153— Death  of  Roger,  155 — Tripoli,  157. 

X. 

The  Conquest  of  the   Land— Baldwin  TJ.     159-168 

Baldwin  II.  and  Il-Ghazi,  161 — Captivity  at  Kl.artperc,  163 
— Baldwin  II.  and  Antioch,  165 — The  taking  of  Tyre,  167. 

XL 

The  Military  Orders  .        .        .        .        .     169-187 

Gerard  the  Hospitaller,  171 — The  Rule  of  the  Temple,  173 
— Bernard  and  the  Knights,  174 — The  Hospitallers,  175 — 
The  Knights  in  the  East,  177— Wealth  and  its  abuses,  179 — 
The  Knights  in  the  West,  181— The  Lesser  Orders,  183  — 
Later  fortunes,  1S5— Elements  of  strength  and  weakness, 
187. 


XIV  CONTENTS. 


XII. 


The     Kingdom    at    its  Zenith  —  Fulk    of 

Anjou 188-196 

Character  of  Fulk,  189 — Antioch  and  Tripoli,  191— John 
Comnenus  and  Raymond  of  Antioch,  193— Hugh  II.  of 
Jaffa,  195 — Capture  of  Banias,  196. 

XIII. 

Zangi  and  the  Fall  of  Edessa    .        .        .     197-206 

Despair  of  the  Mohammedans,  199 — Rise  of  Zangi,  201 — 
•  Mohammedan  Conquests,  203 — Fate  of  Joscelin  II.,  205. 

XIV. 

The  Second  Crusade 207-221 

Bernard  of  Clairvaux,  209 — Louis  and  Conrad,  211 — Manuel 
and  the  Crusaders,  215 — Disasters  in  Asia  Minor,  217— 
Siege  of  Damascus,  219 — Miserable  termination,  221. 

XV. 
Loss  and  Gain 222-237 

§  I.  Baldwin  III.  and  Ascalon. 

Expedition  to  Bostra,  223 — Baldwin  III.  and  Melisend, 
224 — The  Capture  of  Ascalon,  227 — Theodoric  of  Flan- 
ders, 228 — Manuel  at  Antioch,  229 — Character  of  Baldwin 
III.,  231. 

§  2.  The  Struggle  for  Egypt. 

Anarchy  in  Egypt,  233 — Shawir,  Shirkuh,  and  Amalric, 
235 — Saladin  lord  of  Egypt,  237. 

XVI. 

The  Rival  Kings — Nur-ed-din  and  Amalric     238-248 

Character  of  Nur-ed-din,  239 — The  defender  of  Islam,  241 — 
Death  of  Nur-ed-din,  243 — Projects  of  Amalric,  244 — The 
Templars  and  the  Assassins,  245 —  Character  of  Amalric, 
247. 


CONTENTS,  XV 

XVII. 

PAGE 

The  Rise  of  Saladin 249-264 

A  leper  king,  250— Raymond  II.  of  Tripoli,  251 — Philip  of 
Flanders,  253 — Saracen  invasions,  255 — A  two  years'  truce, 
257 — Siege  of  Beyrout,  259— Conquest  of  Aleppo,  261 — 
Saladin  lord  supreme,  263. 

XVIII. 
The  Fall  of  Jerusalem        ....     265-281 

Frankish  dissensions,  267 — The  two  parties,  269 — The  mar- 
riage of  Botron,  271 — Coronation  of  Guy,  273— Battle  of 
Nazareth,  275— Battle  of  Hattin,  277 — Capture  of  the  Holy 
City,  279 — Joy  in  Islam,  281. 

XIX. 
The  Life  of  the  People       ....     282-304 

Knightly  training,  283 — Knightly  accomplishments,  285 — 
Knightly  amusements,  287 — Intercourse  with  the  Saracens, 
291 — Luxury  of  the  nobles,  291 — The  country-folk,  292 — 
The  Italian  traders  and  the  towns,  295 — The  Pullani  or 
Syrian  Franks,  297 — Pilgrims  and  Merchants,  299 — Com- 
merce with  the  Far  East,  301 — Weakness  of  the  kingdom, 
303. 

XX. 

The    Third    Crusade — The   Gathering  of 

the  Host 305-315 

Princes  and  preachers,  307 — Frederick  Barbarossa,  309 — 
March  of  Frederick,  311 — Richard  I.  and  Philip  Augustus, 
313— Sicily  and  Cyprus,  315. 

XXI. 

The  Third  Crusade — The  Siege  of  Acre  .    316-326 

Guy  de  Lusignan,  317— Siege  of  Acre,  319 — Christian  suc- 
cesses, 321 — Famine  in  the  camp,  323 — Arrival  of  Richard, 
325- 


XVI  CONTENTS, 

XXII. 

PAGB 

The  Third   Crusade  —  The   Campaigns  of 

Richard 327-348 

French  and  English,  329 — Departure  of  Philip,  331 — The 
coast  march,  333 — Jaffa  and  Ascalon,  337  —  Negotiations 
with  Saladin,  339 — Conrad  of  Montferrat,  341 — The  capture 
of  the  caravan,  343 — Rescue  of  Jaffa,  345 — Truce  with 
Saladin,  347. 

XXIII. 

Arms,  Armour,  and  Armaments   .        .        .    349-366 

Siege  operations,  351 — Siege  caatles,  353 — Defensive  armour, 
354 — Offensive  weapons,  357 — The  hawk,  the  hound,  and 
the  horse,  359 — Castles  and  fortresses,  361 — Military  organi- 
sation, 363  —Fleets  and  ships,  365. 

XXIV. 

The  Kingdom  of  Acre— The  Struggle  for 

Recovery         .        .        .        .  ■      .        .     367-389 

The  death  of  Saladin,  368— The  German  Crusade,  369— 
The  Fourth  Crusade,  371— John  de  Brienne,  373  -The  Fifth 
Crusade,  375 — The  Siege  of  Damietta,  377 — Frederick  II., 
379 — Frederick  in  Palestine,  381 — John  of  Ibelin  and 
Richard  Filangier,  383— Quarrels  of  the  Ayubites,  385 — 
Richard  of  Cornwall,  387 — The  Charismian  Invasion,  389. 

XXV. 

The  Crusades  of  St.  Louis  and  Edward  I.     390-407 

Flagging  enthusiasm,  391 — A  saintly  king,  393 — The  expedi- 
tion to  Egypt,  395 — Ruin  of  the  French  army,  399 — Louis 
in  Palestine,  401 — Death  of  St.  Louis,  403— Edward  in 
Palestine,  405 — Attempted  assassination,  407. 


CONTENTS.  XVll 

XXVI. 

PAGE 

The    Kingdom    of    Acre — Its    Decay    and 

Destruction 408-418 

A  kingless  realm,  409 — Christian  jealousies,  411 — The  Tar- 
tars and  Mamluks,  413 — Conquests  of  Bibars,  414 — The  Fall 
of  Acre,  417 

XXVII. 

The  Close  of  the  Crusades         .        .        .    419-424 

Fruitless  projects,  420 — The  Ottoman  Turks,  421 — Rhodes 
and  Cyprus,  423 — The  pilgrim  record,  424. 

XXVIII. 
Conclusion 425-451 

Results  of  the  Crusades,  427 — Influence  on  Politics,  429 — 
The  Crusades  and  the  Papacy,  431 — The  Crusades  and  the 
Reformation,  433 — Social  influence,  435 — The  Crusades  and 
Commerce,  437 — Influence  on  Historical  Literature,  441 — 
Influence  on  Geography  and  Science,  443 — The  Crusades 
and  Romance,  445 — True  Character  of  the  Crusades,  447 — 
Objects  of  the  Crusades,  449— The  Crusades  not  fruitless, 
451- 

Genealogical  Tables 452-456 

Index .        .    457 


DESCRIPTIVE    LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


1.  The  Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre.    {See  page  121  in 

Chapter  VII.)      .         .         .         .        .         ...       Frontispiece 

PAGE 

2.  Mosque  of  Omar 7 

This  building,  more  properly  known  as  the  "  Kubbet-es- 
Sakhrah"  or  "  Dome  of  the  Rock,"  almost  certainly  stands 
on  the  site  of  the  Ancient  Temple.  It  was  commenced 
by  Omar  and  completed  by  the  Caliph  Abd-el-Melek  about 
686.  The  Crusaders  converted  it  into  a  church  and  called 
it  the  Templum  Domini ;  much  of  their  work  still  remains 
in  the  interior — especially  a  beautiful  iron  grille  between  the 
pillars  of  the  drum.  The  Templars  may  have  owed  their 
name  to  the  Templum  Domini,  but  their  home  was  at  the 
Aksa  Mosque  or  Templum  Salomonis. 

3.  Effigy  of  Robert  of  Normandy 48 

This  oak-wood  effigy  is  in  Gloucester  Cathedral.  The  coat- 
of-arms  or  surcoat,  and  perhaps  the  incomplete  nature  of 
the  great  hauberk,  fix  its  date  at  the  close  of  the  twelfth 
or  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century. 

4.  Copper  Coins  of  Alexius 53 

On  the  obverse  of  (i)  is  Alexius  with  a  cross  in  his  right 
hand  and  cross-bearing  orb  in  his  left ;  on  the  obverse  of 
(2)  Alexius  has  the  sacred  labarum  or  sceptre  spear  in  his 
right  hand.  The  reverse  of  both  coins  is  the  same,  Christ's 
head  surrounded  with  a  nimbus.  Legend  :  Obverse,  I. 
*AAE[?t6c].  2.  'AAE[^(6e]  A E^f] 0[r?je] ;  reverse,  l[q(Tov]2 
X[,ot(Tro]2. 

xix 


XX         DESCRIPTIVE   LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS, 

PAGE 

5.  Knights  at  the  Time  of  the  First  Crusade       .        .     56 

From  the  seals  of  Guy  de  Laval  {floruit,  1095)  and  Raoul, 
Count  of  Vermandois  (1116).  These  seals  illustrate  the 
brunea  or  broigne  as  worn  at  the  time  of  the  First  Crusade 
{^see  page  353). 

6.  Coin  of  Baldwin  I.  as  Count  of  Edessa  ....    62 

A  copper  coin;  weight  about  131  grains.  The  inscription  is 
BAAAVIN0[2]  [K0]MH[2],  Baldwin  Count.  Other  coins  of 
Baldwin  I.  have  a  figure  on  the  reverse  very  much  like  the 
figure  on  Baldwin  II.'.  coin,  only  much  ruder. 

7.  Antioch 64 

This  view  of  modern  Antioch  is  taken  from  the  north,  and 
shows  the  ancient  walls  on  the  hills  in  the  distance. 

8.  The  Walls  of  Antioch 70 

This  shows  the  line  of  walls  on  the  southern  hills  ;  the  towers, 
of  which  there  were  four  hundred  and  fifty,  were  eighty  feet 
high  and  thirty  feet  square.  The  walls  are  fifty  to  sixty  feet 
high  and  eight  feet  wide  at  the  top. 

9.  Mosaic  in  the  Church  of  the  Nativity,  Bethlehem  .     87 

The  Church  of  the  Nativity  at  Bethlehem  is  perhaps  the  oldest 
Christian  church  in  the  world.  It  was  built  by  Constantine  or 
his  mother  Helena  over  the  traditional  cave  in  which  Christ 
was  born.  The  rich  mosaics,  which  adorn  the  interior,  were 
put  up  by  Manuel  Comnenus  in  1169,  as  the  Emperor's  own 
inscription  tells  us.  His  artist  was  a  certain  Ephraim,  and 
the  mosaics  were  already  complete,  when  the  Greek,  John 
Phocas,  visited  Bethlehem  in  1185.  The  Church  at  Bethlehem 
was  the  place  where  Baldwin  I.,  and  possibly  the  later  kings 
of  Jerusalem,  were  crowned.  It  became  a  custom  for  the 
Latin  kings  of  Jerusalem  to  spend  Christmas  Eve  in  this  place 
waiting  for  the  Christmas  morning.  The  scene  here  repre- 
sented is  Christ's  entry  into  Jerusalem. 

10.  A  Siege-Tower  (see  the  description  on  pages  352-3)    .         .     89 

The  tower  here  represented  is  moved  on  rollers,  and  has  a  ram 
in  the  lowest  story. 

11.  Tower  of  David       ........    94 

Also  called  the  Castle  of  the  Pisans.  The  existing  tower  dates 
from  the  early  part  of  the  twelfth  century. 


DESCRIPTIVE  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS.       xxi 

PAGE 

12.  The  Tomb  of  Godfrey  de  Bouillon       .        .        .        .  loi 

Chateaubriand  saw  this  tomb  in  1805-6  ;  but  the  Greeks  out  of 
national  jealousy  ruined  it  in  1808,  by  breaking  up  the  stones 
and  scattering  the  fragments  broadcast.  The  tomb  of  Baldwin 
I.,  which  stood  close  by,  seems  to  have  been  destroyed  at  the 
same  time. 

13.  The  Castle  of  Tripoii 114 

Somewhere  in  the  recesses  of  this  castle  there  is  said  to  exist 
the  tomb  of  the  great  Crusader,  Raymond  of  S.  Gilles,  who 
died  here  in  1106.  The  castle  is  now  turned  into  barracks  for 
Turkish  soldiers.  Though  a  good  deal  altered,  it  still  preserves 
much  of  the  aspect  of  a  twelfth  or  thirteenth-century  castle  both 
within  and  without.  In  the  early  years  of  the  present  century 
the  traveller  could  still  see  the  escutcheons  of  the  old  Frankish 
counts  on  the  stones.  "  Tripoli  itself,"  writes  a  modern 
traveller,  "is  the  town  of  the  Crusa.des /-a r  exre/Zem-r ;  it  is 
still  what  the  knights  left  it  in  1289.  Nothing  has  been 
destroyed.  Houses,  arcades,  w  ndows,  armorial  blazons 
cut  in  stone — all  bear  witness  to  the  two  hundrefi  years  of 
Frankish  rule." 

14.  Fkieze  in  the  Churcm  ok  the  Holy  Sepulchre         .  121 

This  carving  was  evidently  the  work  of  Western  ii;iasons.  It 
was  probably  brought  fr'jm  France  and  not  executed  in  Pales- 
tine. It  is  twelfth -century  work,  representing  (ij  the  raising 
of  Lazarus,  (2)  Christ  sends  His  disciples  to  procure  the 
ass  ;  Jesus  Himself  is  seen  within  the  house.  Below  are  two 
shepherds.  {3)  The  disciples  bring  the  ass  to  Christ.  (4) 
Christ's  entry  into  Jerusalem.     (5)  The  Last  Supper. 

15.  Beyrout  with  Lebanon  in  the  Distance      .        .        .  131 

16.  Tower  of  Ramleh 137 

The  so-called  White  Mosque,  or  Tower  of  the  Forty  Martyrs. 
Thi§^  tower  is  said  to  have  been  built  by  Arabic  workmen  from 
the  plans  of  a  European  architect,  and  is  considered  to  date 
from  about  the  year  1270.  Tradition  says  it  was  the  belfry 
of  the  old  Christian  church  ;  m  this  case  it  may  well  have 
been  restored  in  13 18,  and  not  as  sometimes  stated,  erected 
by  Malek-en-Nasr,  son  of  Kalaun. 


Xxil     DESCRIPTIVE  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE 

17.  Coin  of  Tancred 146 

Tancred  wears  the  Mohammedan  turban  and  dress,  which 
shows  how  early  the  Prankish  settlers  began  to  feel  the  in- 
fluence of  Eastern  luxury.  On  another  coin  Tancred  even 
uses  the  title  n^yag  dfiripac,  "great  emir."  The  legend 
is  K[ypt]E  B0[ri9ei]  TArKP[i/^<^]  I[rj(To!;]2  X[pt(Tro]2  NIKA- 
[rwp],  "  O  Lord  help  Tancred :  Jesus  Christ  the  Conj 
queror." 

18.  Coin  of  Roger  of  Antioch     .        .        .        .        .       .  154 

A  copper  coin  representing  St.  George  and  the  dragon. 
Legend  6  dyiog  (0  a  in  monogram),  rEQP[ytoe]:  POTZEP[oy] 
nPirK[i]nOS  ANTIOK[€tae].     S.  George:  Roger,  prince  of 

Antioch. 

19.  Coin  of  Baldwin  II 160 

Copper  coin  of  Baldwin  as  Count  of  Edessa,  weighing  about 
69 grains.  Legend:  BAAAOIN02AOTAO[2]STA"i\  "Baldwin 
slave  of  the  cross. "   The  ra  of  arav  is  written  as  a  monogram. 

20.  Seal  of  the  Hospitallers       .       ' 175 

21.  Seal  of  the  Templars 176 

This  shows  the  two  knights  on  one  horse.  The  reverse 
probably  represents  the  Mosque  of  Omar  or  Templum  Domini, 
from  which  the  order  perhaps  drew  its  name. 

22.  Ruins  of  the  Castle  at  Tortosa 179 

Built  by  the  Templars  about  1183.  It  has  been  suggested 
that  the  huge  stones,  of  which  the  castle  is  composed,  were 
drawn  from  the  sepulchral  monuments  of  Phoenician  or  pre- 
historic days,  and  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  Aradus  on  the 
site  of  which  Tortosa  stands.  Tortosa  was  captured  by  the 
Crusaders  in  1099.  The  Templars  abandoned  it  in  1291  ; 
they  seized  it  once  more  in  1 300,  but  only  to  lose  it  again  in 
1302  or  1303. 

23.  Seal  of  Pons,  Count  of  Tripoli,   from  about  1112 

to  1 137 190 

24.  Seal  of  Hugh  of  Jaffa 194 

This  may  be  the  seal  of  Hugh  II.,  who  was  banished  by 
P'ulk,  or  of  his  father,  Hugh  de  Puiset,  who  was  of  the 
noble  family  of  Puiset,  near  Chartres.     The  elder  Hugh  was 


DESCRIPTIVE  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS,     xxiii 

PAGE 

a  rebel  against  Louis  VI.  in  1112,  and  afterwards  sought  his 
fortunes  in  the  East,  and  was  made  Count  of  Jaffa  by 
Baldwin  I. 

25.   Crusaders  fighting  Saracens 200 

This  is  one  of  ten  pictures  in  a  window  formerly  behind  the 
great  altar  of  the  church  of  St.  Denys,  near  Paris ;  the 
window  was  destroyed  in  the  Revolution.  The  character 
of  the  armour  and  the  execution  of  the  work  point  to  the 
date  as  being  early  in  the  twelfth  century,  probably  before 
I140,  when  Suger  dedicated  the  church.  The  pictures 
illustrate  the  First  Crusade  :  the  one  given  in  the  text  repre- 
sents a  fight  between  Kilij  Arslan  and  the  Crusaders.  They 
form  a  valuable  representation  of  early  twelfth-century 
arm'our.  The  Christians  are  distinguished  by  a  cross  on 
their  conical  helmets  which  have  no  nasals.  The  Saracens 
have  round  helmets,  and  their  armour  is  more  often  com- 
posed of  scales  than  of  rings  or  plates ;  only  the  Saracens 
have  bows. 

z6.  Seal  of  Louis  VII.    .....  .       .  209 

This  represents  Louis  as  Duke  of  Aquitaine,  and  shows  the 
armour  in  use  at  the  time  of  the  Second  Crusade.  The  great 
hauberk  is  already  on  its  way  to  completeness,  and,  as  is 
sometimes  the  case  in  the  Bayeux  Tapestry,  has  a  coif  to 
protect  the  neck  and  head.  The  helmet  is  conical  with  a 
nose  piece  ;  these  characteristics  appear  occasionally  till  the 
very  end  of  the  century.  Compare,  however,  the  develop- 
ment as  shown  in  plates  42,  53,  and  56. 

27.  Statue  of  Conrad  III.  in  the  Cathedral  at  Bamberg    213 

This  is  a  thirteenth-century  work,  which  may  possibly  repre- 
sent not  Conrad  but  Stephen  of  Hungary.  In  any  case,  it  is 
a  good  example  of  civil  dress  about  the  year  1250. 

28.  Cover  of  Queen  Melisend's  Psalter     ....  225 

This  twelfth-century  psalter,  which  was  probably  written  'for 
Melisend,  wife  of  Fulk,  is  now  in  the  British  Museum,  and 
may  be  seen  in  the  show  cases.  The  book  is  beautifully 
written,  and  illuminated  with  full-page  scenes  from  the  life 
of  Our  Lord,  &c.  The  covers,  which  may  be  much 
earlier    than    the    manuscript,    are   carved    in    ivory,    and 


XXIV     DESCRIPTIVE  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE 

jewelled  with  small  rubies  and  turquoises.  The  artist  was 
probably  a  Byzantine,  and  seems  to  have  been  called 
Herodius.  The  cover  here  given  represents  the  six  acts  of 
mercy ;  the  king  may  be  Fulk  himself.  The  other  cover 
represents  scenes  from  the  life  of  David. 

29.  Coin  of  Manuel  Comnenus 229 

A  besant,  the  obverse  represents  S.  Theodore,  with  the 
Emperor  on  his  right  hand  ;  the  reverse  Jesus  Christ.  Legend 
MANOYHA  0EOAQPO2  llriaov]S  X[piaro]S. 

30.  Seal  of  Hugh  of  C^esarea 234 

Hugh  Grener  was  Lord  of  Caesarea  as  early  as  1154,  and  as 
late  as  II 68 ;  he  probably  died  in  or  before  11 74. 

31.  Seal   of    Reginald    de    Chatillon    as    Prince    of 

Antioch 242 

Reginald  came  to  Palestine  about  the  time  of  the  Second 
Crusade,  and  was  Prince  of  Antioch  from  his  marri^e  to 
Constance  in  11 53  to  his  captivity  in  I161. 

32.  Seal  of  Raymond  of  Tripoli 251 

This  is  probably  the  seal  of  Raymond  II.,  Count  of  Tripoli, 
1 1 52-1 187,  and  protector  of  the  kingdom  ;  or  it  may  be  that 
of  his  father,  Raymond  I.,  11 37-1 152. 

33.  Seal  of  Philip  of  Flanders 253 

This  is  by  no  means  the  most  curious  of  the  seals  engraved 
for  Philip.  An  earlier  seal  (a.d.  1161),  figured  in  Vrede's 
"Sigilla  comitum  Flandrensium,"  is  remarkable  as  showing 
the  lion  of  Flanders  emblazoned  on  the  count's  helmet, 
shield,  and  banner,  and  is  perhaps  the  very  first  instance  of 
so  lavish  a  display  of  the  armorial  blazonry  that  was  then 
coming  into  fashion.  No  true  armorial  bearings  can  be 
shown  to  have  existed  before  the  middle  of  the  twelfth 
century  (1134-1166),  and  the  true  art  of  heraldry  did  not 
take  shape  till  well  into  the  next  century. 

34.  Ruined  Tov^er  of  Kerak  (the  Castle  of   Reginald 

,    OF  Chatillon) 263 

-This  tower  was  built  by  Payn,  the  king's  butler,  about  1140. 


DESCRIPTIVE   LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS.      XXV 


For  the  history  of  Kerak  see  p.  117.  Its  importance  was  so 
great  that  when,  in  12 18  El-Kamil  offered  to  surrender  the 
whole  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  in  exchange  for  Damietta,  he 
expressly  excepted  Kerak  and  Montreal  from  the  exchange  ; 
this  exception  caused  the  failure  of  the  negotiations.  In  the 
thirteenth  century  Kerak  was  the  stronghold  of  Dawud, 
see  p.  387. 

35.  Seal  of  Balian  of  Ibelin 278 

This  may  be  the  seal  of  Balian  the  Old,  founder  of  the 
house  of  Ibelin,  who  died  in  or  before  1155.  More  probably 
it  is  that  of  his  son  Balian  II.,  the  hero  of  the  siege  of 
Jerusalem,  who,  through  his  marriage  with  Maria  Comnena, 
widow  of  Amalric  I. ,  acquired  the  lordship  of  Nablus.  Balian 
II.  was  a  child  in  1155,  and  could  not  sign  his  own  name  ; 
he  died  in  or  before  1205,  His  son,  John  "the  Old,"  was 
the  doughty  antagonist  of  Frederick  II.  ;  see  pp.  383-4. 

36.  Ceremony  of  Knighthood 283 

From  a  thirteenth-century  manuscript  in  the  British  Museum. 

37.  Knight:  Chessman 286 

This  is  one  of  the  pieces,  found  in  the  island  of  Lewis.  The 
pieces  are  large  ;  the  pawns  being  if  to  2|  inches  in  height, 
and  the  kings  3^  to  4!^  inches;  they  are  made  of  walrus  ivory, 
and  were  originally  coloured  dark  red.  From  the  great  number 
of  pieces  discovered,  it  seems  probable  that  the  find  con- 
sisted of  a  merchant's  stock,  not  of  the  property  of  a  player. 
The  costume  of  the  pieces  belongs  to  the  Twelfth  Century. 

38.  Fre  >erick  it.  and  his  Falconer  and  Hawks      .        .  289 

From  a  thirteenth-century  manuscript  of  Frederick's  treatise, 
"  De  arte  venandi  cum  avibus,"  now  in  the  Vatican  Library. 
It  is  full  of  the  most  beautiful  illustrations  of  hunting  and 
hawking.  The  illustration  here  given  represents  the  Emperor 
clad  in  a  Mue  mantle  with  an  under  robe  of  a  warm  brown  ; 
the  falconer  kneeling  before  him  has  a  loose  yellow-coloured 
robe.  Frederick  was  assisted  in  the  compilation  of  the  book 
by  his  son  Manfred. 


XXVI     DESCRIPTIVE  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE 

39.  Haymaking  and  Harvesting 293 

These  scenes  are  from  a  series  contained  in  a  manuscript  in 
the  British  Museum  (Cotton  Julius  A  vi, ),  which  was  written 
about  1050,  and  is  therefore  a  good  authority  for  agricultural 
operations  about  the  time  of  the  First  Crusade.  The  twelve 
months  are  represented.  In  January  the  peasants  are 
ploughing  with  oxen  ;  in  February  pruning  trees ;  in  March 
digging  and  sowing ;  in  April  feasting  on  the  ale-bench ;  in 
May  tending  sheep  ;  in  June  cutting  timber ;  in  July  and 
August  haymaking  and  harvesting  ;  September  shows  a  boar 
hunt ;  October  a  hawking  scene ;  November  a  bon-fire ; 
December  corn- threshing. 

40.  Statue  of  Frederick  1 311 

This  represents  the  contemporary  (11 70- 11 90)  statue  of  the 
Emperor  in  the  cloisters  at  the  church  of  S.  Zeno,  near 
Reichenhall,  in  Bavaria. 

41.  Coin  of  Guy  de  Lusignan  as  King  of  Cyprus    .        .  317 

This  is  a  denier.     Legend  Rex  Guido  de  Cipro. 

42.  Seal  of  Richard  1 325 

The  date  of  this  seal  is  1195.  It  shows  the  grand  hauberk 
complete;  but  as  yet  there  is  no  "barding"  for  the  horse 
and  no  surcoat  or  coat-of-arms  flowing  over  the  armour. 
The  "bliaud,"  worn  underneath  the  mail,  may  be  seen  flow-  • 
ing  behind  the  left  leg.  Notice  the  extreme  length  of  the 
sword  as  compared  with  that  of  Louis  VII.,  plate  26. 

43  and  44.  Knights  Fighting  ....       332  and  335 

These  illustrations  are  taken  from  a  late  thirteenth-century 
manuscript,  "  Histoire  de  la  commencement  du  monde 
jusques  a  la  naissance  de  Jesu  Crist. "  They  show  the  full 
development  of  surcoat,  barding  and  closed,  helmet ;  notice 
also  the  large  crests.  The  manuscript  (Reg.  16.  G.  vi. ) 
from  which  these  illustrations  are  taken  is  now  lettered  on 
on  the  back,  "  Les  Chroniques  de  S.  Denys  "  ;  it  is  most 
lavishly  adorned  with  beautifully  coloured  illustrations  of 
scenes  from  military  and  domestic  life.     These  illustrations 


DESCRIPTIVE   LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS,  XXV 11 

PAGE 

are  to  be  found  at  the  foot  of  most  pages,  and  in  many  cases 
are  crowded  with  figures.  Unfortunately  bad  colours  were 
used,  and  in  many  places  the  paint  has  now  peeled  off  or 
worn  away.  They  may  have  been  in  better  condition  when 
Shaw  made  his  drawings  ;  otherwise  he  has  certainly  given 
his  copies  a  finish  which  the  original  barely  justifies.  On 
many  pages  towards  the  end  of  the  volume  only  the  outline 
of  the  picture  has  been  sketched ;  in  other  places  their  out- 
lines are  only  partly  filled  in  with  colours. 

45  and  46.  Military  Machines 35o>  35^ 

These  are  modern  reconstructions  of  mangonels  or  stone 
casters,  but  will  show  to  some  extent  what  the  character  of 
the  machines  must  have  been. 

47.  King  and  Knight 354 

From  a  manuscript  "  Manual  of  Devotion,"  written  in  the 
early  part  of  the  thirteenth,  or  late  in  the  twelfth,  century, 
and  now  in  the  British  Museum  (MS.,  Reg.  2  A.  xx.).  The 
figure  of  the  knight  shows  clearly  the  laces  which  fastened 
the  armoured  hood — or  perhaps  the  movable  veittaille — 
down  to  the  grand  hauberk  or  tunic.  It  also  seems  to  show 
thigh  pieces,  distinct  both  from  the  hauberk  and  the  greaves, 
which  cover  the  fore  part  of  the  leg  IdcIow  the  knee.  The  sur- 
coat,  or  coat-of-arms,  shows  that  this  drawing  can  hardly  be 
earlier  than  1200  A.d. — soon  after  which  date  this  adjunct 
begins  to  appear  on  seals.  The  coat-of-arms  is  said  to  have 
been  introduced  from  the  East,  where  perhaps  it  served 
originally  to  keep  the  iron  broigne  from  being  heated  by 
the  sun's  rays.  Saladin's  Mamluks  seem  to  have  worn  yellow 
tunics  over  their  armour  as  early  as  1177 — years  before  we 
have  any  trace  of  this  habit  in  the  West. 

48.  Kerak  des  Chevaliers 362 

Now  called  Kalaat-el-Hosn,  was  a  castle  of  the  knights  of 
S.  John  and  commanded  the  roads  from  Emesa  and  Hamah 
to  Tripoli  and  Tortosa.  Kalaat-el-Hosn  was  taken  by  the 
Franks  about  1125,  and  given  to  the  Hospitallers  by  Count 
Raymond  I.  in  1145.  The  original  castle  suffered  much  from 
earthquakes  in  1157,  I169,  and  1202  ;  after  the  last  date  it 


xxwm  DESCRIPTIVE  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE 

was  probably  reconstructed  as  we  now  see  it.  The  castle  is 
still  much  as  it  was  when  the  Franks  left  it  in  1271  a.d. 

49.  Seal  of  James  de  Vitry 374 

He  was  a  Cardinal,  and  Bishop  of  Acre  from  about  121 7 
to  1229.  James  de  Vitry  was  the  historian  of  the  Fifth 
Crusade,  and  indeed  of  the  whole  kingdom  from  1099  to  his 
own  day. 

50.  Besant  of  Hugh  I.  of  Cyprus 375 

This  fine  gold  coin  has  the  king  in  his  royal  robes  on  the 
obverse,  and  Christ  seated  on  the  reverse,  with  the  legend, 
"HvGO  Rex  Cypri  "  :  1[t]<tov]^  X[oi(tto]^.  The  besants 
struck  in  Cyprus  contained  only  one-sixth  part  of  gold,  the 
remainder  being  chiefly  silver  ;  hence  from  their  colour  they 
were  called  "white  besants."  The  average  weight  of  a 
white  besant  was  88  grains. 

51.  Seal  of  Frederick  II.,  as  King  of  Jerusalem    .        .  382 

52.  Seal  of  Louis  IX.  of  France 393 


397 


53.  The  Two  William  Longswords  from  their  Tombs  in 

Salisbury  Cathedral 

William  Longsword  I,,  Earl  of  Salisbury  {d.  1226),  was  son 
of  Henry  II.,  and  perhaps  of  Fair  Rosamond,  and  was 
possibly  present  at  the  siege  of  Damietta  ;  his  tomb  affords  a 
beautiful  example  of  early  thirteenth-century  armour.  The 
other  effigy  is  traditionally  that  ot  his  son,  the  William 
Longsword  mentioned  in  the  text.  The  two  effigies  are 
much  alike,  except  that  ^'--e  latter  has  the  legs  crossed,  has 
no  blazonry  on  the  shield,  and  has  small  plates  of  armour  to 
protect  the  elbows  and  knees.  If  this  is  really  the  tomb  of  . 
William  Longsword  II.,  it  perhaps  affords  the  earliest  known 
instance  of  such  plates — the  beginnings  of  plate  armour. 

54.  Fortifications  of  Sidon 402 

This  represents  the  work  of  Louis  IX.  in  1250,  which  was 
almost  perfect  till  the  English  bombardment  in  1840. 

55.  Seal  of  Philip  III.  of  France 403 

He  accompanied  his  father  to  Tunis  in  1270,  but  left  Sicily 


DESCRIPTIVE    LIST   OF  ILLUSTRATIONS.    XXIX 

PAGE 

for  France  the  same  year,  and  never  fulfilled  his  promise  to 
return  to  the  East.  This  is  a  splendid  example  of  the 
luxurious  blazonry  now  so  fully  in  vogue,  with  coat-of-arms, 
horse  barding  and  vizored  helmet  all  complete. 

56.  Seal  of  Edward  I. 405 

This  shows  well  chain  armour  and  grand  hauberk  at 
their  fullest  development.  Notice  the  vizored  helmet  com- 
pletely hiding  the  face,  the  coat-of-arms  worn  over  the  hauberk 
and  the  horo,e  barding.  Compare  the  seal  of  Richard  I.  in 
plate  42. 

57.  Seal  of  John  de  Montfort,  Lord  of  Tyre  and  Toron  411 

He  was  son  of  Philip  de  Montfort,  a  cousin  of  the  famous 
Earl  Simon  of  Leicester,  who  married  the  heiress  of  Toron, 
and  acquired  Tyre  after  the  expulsion  of  Richard  Filangier, 
in  which  he  took  a  prominent  part ;  he  died  November  27th, 
1283. 

58.  Acre  as  it  was  about  1291  a.d 415 

From  the  manuscript  of  Marino  Sanuto's  treatise,  "  Secreta 
Fidelium  Crucis,"  written  in  1307  and  presented  to  Pope 
John  XXII.  in  September,  1321.  The  work  was  intended 
to  urge  upon  the  Church  and  princes  of  Western  Europe  the 
duty  of  a  new  Crusade.  It  was  by  the  Turris  Maledicta — 
name  of  ill-omen — that  Khalil  forced  his  entry. 

Of  the  above  illustrations  numbers  i,  2,  11,  13,  16,  and  54 
are  reproduced  from  Lortet's  "La  Syrie  d'Aujourd'hui " ; 
numbers  8,  10,  12,  20.  22,  25,  42,  45,  46,  48,  and  58  from 
Kugler's  "Geschichteder  Kreuzziige"  ;  numbers  3,  27,  36,  40, 
51,  and  56  from  Prutz's  "  Staatengeschichte  des  abenlandes  im 
Mittelalter  in  Oncken's  Allgemeine  Geschichte" ;  numbers  21, 
23,  24,  30-32,  35,  49,  and  57  from  Sebastian  Paoli's  "  Codice 
Diplomatico  del  sacro  militare  ordine  Gerosolamitano " ; 
numbers  6,  17-19,  41,  and  50  from  Schlumberger's  "  Numis- 
matique  de  I'orient  Latin  "  ;  numbers  4  and  29  from  Sabatier's 
"  Monnaies  Byzantines  " ;  numbers  5,  26,  and  55  from  Demay's 
"  Le  Costume  au  Moyen  age  d'apres  les  Sceaux  "  ;  and  number 
33  from  Demay's  "  Inventaire  des  Sceaux";  numbers  39, 
43,  44,  and  47  from  Shaw's  "Dresses  and  Decorations  of  the 


XXX      DESCRIPTIVE  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE 

Middle  Ages"  ;  numbers  7  and  15  from  Taylor's  "La  Syrie, 
&c. "  ;  numbers  9  and  14  from  Vogue's  "  Les  Eglises  de  la 
Terre  Sainte";  28  is  from  Bayet's  "  L'Art  Byzantin";  34 
from  the  Due  de  Luynes'  "Voyage  d'exploration  a  la  Mer 
Morte";  37  from  "  Archceologia,"  vol.  xxiv.  ;  38  from 
Seroux  d'Agincourt's  "  Histoire  d'Art,"  iii.  pi.  Ixxiii.  ;  and 
53  from  Dodsworth's  "  Historical  Account  of  Salisbury 
Cathedral."  The  plan  of  Jerusalem  in  1187,  on  page  119, 
is  reproduced  by  permission  of  the  Palestine  Exploration 
Society,  from  the  "  Survey  of  Western  Palestine,"  vi.  283. 

Maps. 

The  East  illustrating  the  Routes  of  the  First  Three 

Crusades Tofacepage      i 

The  Latin    Principalities   of    Syria    in    the  Twelfth 

Century 108 

Jerusalem  in  1187  . 119 


"And  I  began  to  talk  with  the  Most  High  again  and  said  : 

*'  O  Lord,  that  bearest  rule,  of  every  wood  of  the  earth, 
and  of  all  the  trees  thereof,  thou  hast  chosen  thee  one  only 
vine  :  And  of  all  the  lands  of  the  whole  world  thou  hast  chosen 
thee  one  pit  ;  and  of  all  the  flowers  thereof  one  lily ;  And  of 
all  the  depths  of  the  sea  thou  hast  filled  thee  one  river ;  «nd 
of  all  builded  cities  thou  hast  hallowed  Sion  unto  thyself; 
And  among  all  the  multitudes  of  people  thou  hast  gotten  thee 
one  people :  and  unto  this  people,  whom  thou  lovedst,  thou 
gavest  a  law  that  is  approved  of  all." — II.  Esdras,  c.  5. 


^ 


THE   CRUSADES, 


I. 

INTRODUCTION. 

**  Reft  of  thy  sons  ;  amid  thy  foes  foilurn, 

Mourn  widowed  Queen,  forsaken  Zion,  moum." 

Heber,  Palestine, 

§  I.  The  Age  of  the  Pilgrims. 

The  history  of  Syria  is,  to  some  extent  at  least,  a 
synopsis  of  the  history  of  the  world  ;  and  the  land 
itself  is  a  palimpsest,  from  which  the  records  of  later 
civilisations  have  failed  to  obliterate  entirely  those  of 
earlier  times.  Syria,  indeed,  is  marked  out  by  natui  c 
as  a  meeting-place  of  the  nations.  Westward  it  looics 
towards  Europe,  th.e  adopted,  if  not  the  original, 
home  of  the  Aryan  race  ;  to  the  east,  across  the 
desert,  lies  the  great  river  on  whose  banks  grew  up 
that  ancient  Akkadian  culture,  which  has  bequeathed 
us  much  of  our  most  familiar  knowledge.  In  the 
south  its  inhabitants  were  brought  into  contact  with 
the  immemorial  civilisation  of  the  Nile  ;  and  in  the 


r 


2  INTRODUCTION. 

north  with  still  more  mysterious  races,  of  whom 
even  modern  research  has  as  yet  but  little  to 
tell. 

No  wonder  that  Syria  has  been  the  battlefield  of 
the  dominant  powers  of  the  world.  Babylonians, 
Hittites,  Egyptians,  Assyrians,  Persians,  Greeks,  and 
Romans,  e^ch  in  their  turn  were  lords  of  part,  if  not 
of  the  whole,  of  Syria.  Yet  later  this  land  beheld  the 
struggle  of  Heraclius  with  Chosroes,  of  Mohammedan 
with  Byzantine,  of  Turk  with  Saracen,  and  Crusader 
with  Turk — all  phases  in  the  immemorial  conflict  of 
East  and  West. 

But  Syria  has  been  something  more  to  the  world 
than  this.  Through  the  enterprise  of  the  Semitic 
inhabitants  of  her  coast,  the  germs  of  Babylonian 
culture  were  carried  to  the  Aryan  races  of  the  West. 
Then,  when  her  commercial  mission  was  over,  she 
fell  beneath,  first  the  Greek,  and  afterwards  the 
Roman,  and  through  their  double  agency  imparted 
to  the  world  that  spiritual  life  which  had  found  its 
cradle  in  the  uplands  of  Palestine.  So  beneath  the 
shadow  of  the  "  Pax  Romana  "  this  land  became  the 
centre  towards  which  all  nations  of  the  Western 
world  turned  in  pious  aspiration. 

There  is  no  decisive  evidence  as  to  the  exact  date 
when  the  custom  of  pilgrimages  to  the  Holy  Land 
first  obtained  in  the  Christian  Church.  To  the  early 
Christians  Jerusalem  may  well  have  seemed  the  city 
of  the  wrath  rather  than  of  the  love  of  God.  To  them 
it  was  rather  the  scene  of  the  death  than  of  the 
resurrection  of  Christ,  and  its  sacred  associations 
were  perhaps  obliterated  in  horror  at  its  profanation 


CONSTANTINE  AND   HELENA,  3 

with   heathen   worship    under   the    Roman    name  of 
Aelia  Capitoh'na. 

But  when  Christianity  found  a  champion  in  Con- 
stantine  the  Great,  Jerusalem  began  to  raise  its  head 
among  the  cities  of  the  world.  The  piety  of  this 
Emperor  or  his  mother,  Helena,  built  churches  on  the 
traditional  scenes  of  Our  Lord's  birth,, and  burial ; 
traditional  only,  since  the  almost  coeval  legend  of 
the  Invention  of  the  Cross  shows  clearly  that  all 
exact  knowledge  had  been  lost.  Constantine  him- 
self is  credited  with  the  intention  of  a  visit  to  the 
Holy  Land,  and  from  this  time  we  can  trace  the  his- 
tory of  the  sacred  pilgrimages  from  century  to  cen- 
tury. That  emperor  was  yet  alive  when  a  pilgrim 
from  Bordeaux  made  the  journey  by  land  to  Jerusa- 
lem, and  left  a  record  which  still  survives.  In  the 
Holy  City  he  saw  the  pool  of  Solomon,  the  pinnacle 
whence  Satan  tempted  Christ  to  throw  Himself,  and 
the  little  hill  of  Golgotha,  which  was  the  scene  of  the 
Crucifixion.  At  other  places,  too,  he  notes  with  care 
whatever  events  in  Scripture  history  had  made  them 
famous.  Clearly  men  were  already  seeking  to 
identify  the  chief  scenes  of  the  sacred  narrative, 
although  in  their  credulity  they  were  ready  to  accept 
whatever  absurdities  invention  might  offer  ;  such,  for 
instance,  as  the  sycamore  tree  into  whic|i  Zacchaeus 
had  climbed. 

By  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  the  practice  of 
pilgrimages  had  so  much  increased  as  to  give  rise  to 
the  custom  of  collecting  alms  for  the  relief  of  the 
poor  at  Jerusalem.  It  was  well,  contended  St. 
Jerome,  that  men  should  reverence  holy  shrines  and 


4  INTRODUCTION. 

relics.  That  saint  himself,  when  forced  to  leave 
Rome,  made  his  home  in  the  Holy  Land,  and  there 
his  noble  patroness,  Paula,  came  to  see  him,  and  visit 
in  his  company  Elijah's  tower  at  Sarepta,  the  house 
of  Cornelius  at  Ca^sarea,  Jerusalem,  Bethlehem,  and 
Hebron.  Paula  herself  wrote  afterwards  to  her  friend 
Marcella  :  "  We  do  not  doubt  that  there  are  holy  men 
elsewhere  than  here,  but  it  is  here  that  the  foremost 
of  the  whole  world  are  gathere:'  together.  Here  are 
Gauls  and  Britons,  Persians  and  Armenians,  Indians 
and  Ethiopians,  all  dwelling  in  love  and  harmony." 
In  Jerome's  time'  Jciusalem  already  possessed  so 
many  sacred  places  that  the  stranger  could  not  visit 
them  in  a  single  day.  A  hundred  and  fifty  years 
later,  after  the  city  had  been  adorned  by  the  splendid 
buildings  of  Justinian,  they  cannot  have  been  less  in 
number.! 

Early  in  the  seventh  century  Jerusalem  was  plundered 
by  Chos^oes  the  Persian,  and  the  Holy  Cross  carried 
off  to  a  strange  land,  whence  it  was  rescued  a  few 
years  later  by  the  victorious^  armies  of  the  Emperor 
Heraclius.  But  alreadj^-a  power  was  rising  which 
was  to  overthrow  Persian  and  Roman  alike.  Even 
before  Heraclius  attained  the  zenith  of  his  fortunes 
the  flight  of  Mohammed  from  Mecca  had  marked  for 
the  world  of  Islam  the  beginning  of  a  new  era.  No 
language  can  give  an  adequate  idea  of  the  fervour  of 
the  adherents  of  the  new  creed.  Mohammed  was  hardly 

*  Amongst  those  who  described  the  Holy  Land  during  tlie  fifth  and 
sixth  centuries  we  have  the  famous  Eucherius  of  Lyons  (a.  d.  450),  an 
anonymous  "  Breviarius  de  Hierosolyma  "  (a.d.  530),  the  monk  Theo- 
dosius  (a.d.  530),  and  last,  Antoninus  Martyr  (a.d.  570). 


RISE    OF  MOHAMMEDANISM.  5 

dead  before  his  followers  had  conquered  Syria  and 
Egypt,  overthrown  the  Persian  monarchy,  and 
founded  an  Arab  empire.  A  century  later,  despite 
countless  schisms,  the  new  religion '  had  made  its 
influence  felt  from  the  banks  of  the  Indus  to  those  of 
the  Loire.  For  a  moment  in  717  it  had  even  seemed 
that  both  the  Roman  civilisation  and  Christian  faith 
must  perish  from  the  shores  of  the  Bosphorus.  But 
a  deliverer  appeared  in  the  person  of  Leo  the  Is- 
aurian,  who  with  his  successors,  if  unable  to  prevent, 
could  at  least  take  vengeance  for,  the  inroads  of  the 
Mohammedans. 

But  the  early  enthusiasm  of  the  new  faith  soon 
began  to  wax  cold,  and  by  the  middle  of  the  tenth 
centuf5^  the  Mohammedan  world  was  in  its  turn 
tending  to  dissolution.  The  provincial  governors 
rendered  a  merely  nominal  allegiance  to  the  Caliph, 
whilst  the  st^iism  of  the  Sunnites  and  Shiites  had 
put  on  ever  new  forms,  and  from  a  rivalry  of  faith 
had  produced  a  rivalry  of  temporal  power.  The  vast 
body  of  Sunnites  reverenced  the  orthodox  Abbaside 
Caliph  at  Bagdad  ;  though  in  Spain  a  rival  dynasty 
of  Omayyad  princes  established  the  Saracen  Cali- 
phate of  Cordova.  Yet  a  third  Caliphate  of  Shiites 
has  a  more  important  bearing  on  Crusading  history. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  ninth  century  one  Abdall'ah, 
the  ^on  of  Maimun,  established  a  new  sect  of  Moham- 
medanit,Ti,  which  absorbed  the  Ismailians  (a  division 
of  the  Shiites).  His  doctrines  spread  rapidly,  and 
above  all  in  Northern  Africa,  where,  in  973,  his  des- 
cendant, Moizz-li-dinillah,  conquered  Egypt,  and 
became  the  first  of  that  line  of  Fatimite  Caliphs  who 


6  INTRODUCTION. 

ruled  in  the  valley  of  the  Nile  for  over  two  hundred 
years.  Moizz  became  master  of  Syria  also,  and  both 
he  and  his  successor,  El- Aziz,  showed  themselves 
very  friendly  to  the  Christians.  Indeed  the  Ismai- 
lians,  by  the  very  nature  of  their  creed,  which  taught 
that  absolute  truth  could  only  be  attained  by  slow 
degrees,  and  lay  concealed  under  many  forms  of 
faith,  were  bound  to  display  a  tolerance  strange  to 
the  ages  wherein  they  flourished. 

During  all  these  centuries  Palestine  had  lain  sub- 
ject to  the  Mohammedan  power.  It  was  one  of  the 
first  of  all  the  Saracen  conquests,  achieved  in  the 
time  of  Omar,  the  second  Caliph,  whilst  the  new  faith 
was  yet  in  the  first  flush  of  its  vigour.  Yet  none  the 
less,  there  seems  to  have  been  little  or  no  cessation  in 
the  stream  of  pilgrims  from  the  West.  The  site  of 
the  Temple  was,  it  is  true,  covered  by  a  splendid 
mosque,  but  the  Holy  Sepulchre  had  been  preserved 
to  the  Christians  through  the  forbearance  of  Omar, 
who  refused  to  enter  its  precincts  lest,  after  his  depar- 
ture, his  infatuated  followers  should  claim  posses- 
sion of  a  spot  whereon  their  Caliph's  foot  had 
rested. 

Among  the  first  of  the  pilgrims  to  the  Holy  Land 
during  the  time  of  the  Mohammedan  domination 
was  a  certain  French  bishop,  Arculf  Arculf  told  the 
story  of  his  travels  to  Adamman,  Columba's  successor 
at  lona,  and  by  this  means  it  came  to  the  knowledge 
of  our  own  historian,  Bede.  Arculf  spent  nine 
months  at  Jerusalem  ;  there  he  saw  not  a  few  novel- 
ties that  had  escaped  previous  travellers  ;  the  lamps 
that,  flashing  from  the  glass  windows  of  the  Church 


8  INTRODUCTION. 

of  the  Ascension  on  Mount  Olivet,  shone  out  through 
the  night  over  the  hill  slopes  to  the  eastern  walls  of 
the  city ;  the  linen  cloth  which  had  wrapped  the 
Saviour  in  His  tomb  ;  and  the  lofty  column  erected 
on  the  spot  where  the  newly-discovered  Cross  restored 
the  dead  youth  to  life.  Arculf  likewise  visited 
Jericho,  and  bathed  in  the  milk-white  waters  of 
Jordan.  Then  he  journeyed  north,  and  on  his  way 
saw  the  locusts  on  which  John  the  Baptist  had  fed, 
and  the  three  Tabernacles  that  now  crowned  the 
mountain  of  the  Transfiguration.  Afterwards  he 
visited  in  turn  Damascus  and  Tyre,  Alexandria  and 
Constantinople,  whence  he  returned  by  sea  to  Rome, 
and  so  to  his  native  France. 

There  are  few  or  no  traces  of  the  pilgrimage  of  our 
English  ancestors  to  the  Holy  Land  during  the  first 
centuries  after  their  conversion.  For  them  it  would 
seem  that  the  nearer  splendour  of  Rome  had  more 
attraction  than  the  remote  squalor  of  Jerusalem.  In 
one  instance,  however,  the  Roman  pilgrimage  was  but 
the  first  stage  in  the  journey  of  an  Englishman  to 
Jerusalem.  St.  Willibald  was  a  kinsman  of  Boniface, 
the  Apostle  of  Germany.  Educated  in  the  monastery 
of  Bishop's  Waltham,  in  Hampshire,  Willibald  as  he 
grew  to  manhood  was  seized  with  the  desire  to  visit 
the  Holy  Land.  Accompanied  by  his  father  and 
brother,  Wanebald,  he  travelled  across  France  and 
into  Italy.  There  his  father  died  at  Lucca,  and  at 
Rome  Wanebald  fell  ill  of  a  fever.  Willibald  then 
continued  his  journey  with  two  comrades,  and 
reached  Palestine  by  way  of  Sicily,  Ephesus,  and 
Cyprus.     They  landed  at  Tortosa,  and  so  journeyed 


ARCULF  AND    WILLIBALD,  9 

to  Emesa,  where  they  were  thrown  into  prison  as 
spies.  At  length  a  Spaniard,  whose  brother  was 
chamberlain  to  the  Omayyad  Caliph,  Yazid  II.,  took 
pity  on  them.  The  master  of  the  ship  in  which  they 
had  come  from  Cyprus  was  brought  before  Yazid, 
who  asked  whence  the  strangers  came.  "  From  the 
land  of  the  sunset,"  was  the  reply,  "  beyond  which  we 
know  not  of  earth  but  only  waters."  "  If  this  be  so," 
burst  out  the  Caliph,  "  why  punish  them }  They 
have  done  us  no  wrong  ;  set  them  free."  Thus  Willi- 
bald  and  his  comrades  were  released,  and  so  went  on 
to  Damascus,  and  thence  to  Cana,  Mount  Tabor,  and 
Tiberias.  Willibald  spent  a  considerable  time  in 
Palestine,  and  made  four  separate  visits  to  Jerusalem. 
In  the  Holy  City  he  purchased  some  of  the  costly 
balm  for  which  Jericho  was  famous.  This  balm  was 
so  precious  that  its  export  was  forbidden ;  but  Willi- 
bald hid  his  treasure  in  a  vessel  partly  filled  with 
petroleum,  so  that  when  he  embarked  at  Tyre  the 
strong-smelling  oil  threw  the  custom  officers  off  the 
scent.  From  Tyre  Willibald  went  to  Constantinople, 
and  thence,  after  two  years,  to  Rome.  He  had  been 
absent  ten  years,  and  now  retired  for  a  like  period  to 
Monte  Casino,  which  he  only  left  to  join  Boniface  in 
Germany.  By  Boniface  he  was  consecrated  Bishop 
of  Eichstadt,  and  after  holding  that  see  forty- four 
years,  died  in  786. 

Less  than  half  a  century  later  the  monk  Fidelis 
related  in  the  presence  of  Dicuil  the  Irishman  how 
he  had  sailed  up  the  Nile  and  visited  the  pyramids, 
standing  afar  off  like  mountains,"  and  longed  to 
search  for   the    wheels  of   Pharaoh's  chariots  in  the 


10  INTRODUCTION. 

Red  Sea.     Whether  or  how  Fidel  is  reached  Palestine 
Dicuil  does  rTot  tell. 

At  the  end  of  the  century  the  great  Emperor 
Charles,  whom  legends  long  after  represented  as  a 
Crusader  before  the  Crusades,  opened  up  fresh  com- 
munications between  the  East  and  West.  When  his 
political  ambitions  bade  fair  to  involve  him  in  conflict 
with  the  Emperor  of  the  East,  he  found  a  useful  ally 
in  the  great  Abbaside  Caliph  Harun-el  Rashid.  Harun 
received  the  Frank  ambassadors  with  kindness,and  sent 
their  master  many  presents,  including  his  only  ele- 
phant, Abulabaz,  which  Charles  had  desired  to  possess. 
Beyond  all  else  he  is  said,  by  a  contemporary  writer, 
to  have  granted  the  great  Emperor  the  Holy  Places 
at  Jerusalem.  It  is  certain  that,  in  the  latter  years 
of  Charles's  reign,  a  colony  of  French  monks  was 
established  on  Mount  Sion.  To  this  community, 
Charles  himself  gave  a  copy  of  the  Rule  of  St. 
Benedict,  and  a  letter  is  still  preserved,  wherein  the- 
monks  complain  to  Charles  that  they  had  been 
ejected  on  Christmas  Day  from  the  church  at 
Bethlehem. 

The  almsgiving  of  the  great  Emperor,  which  ex- 
tended to  Carthage  and  Alexandria,  did  not  neglect 
Jerusalem.  More  than  fifty  years  later  Bernard  of 
St.  Michael's  Mount,  was  lodged  in  the  Holy  City, 
"at  the  hospital  of  the  most  glorious  Emperor 
Charles,  wherein  are  received  all  Roman-speaking 
pilgrims,  who  come  to  that  place  out  of  religion." 
In  Bernard's  days  parts  of  Southern  Italy  were  subject 
to  the  Caliph  of  Bagdad,  and  at  Tarentum  he  found 
six  Saracen  ships  crowded  with  Christian  captives,  in 


CHARLES   THE   GREAT.  II 

tended  for  the  slave  markets  of  the  East.  Thirty  days' 
sail  in  one  of  these  ships  brought  Bernard  and  his 
companions  to  Alexandria.  There  they  found  their 
letter  of  recommendation  from  the  Saracen  governor 
of  Bari  useless,  and  they  had  to  pay  thirteen-pence 
each  for  fresh  passports.  These  latter  only  carried 
them  to  Babylon  of  Egypt,  where  a  like  pay- 
ment had  to  be  made  before  they  could  proceed 
in  safety  to  Jerusalem.  In  the  Holy  City  Bernard 
saw  the  noble  library,  which  Charles  had  founded 
in  the  Virgin's  Church,  hard  by  the  hospital.  For 
a  description  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  he  refers  his 
readers  to  Bcde  ;  but  he  saw  or  heard  of  a  wonder 
concerning  which  Bede  is  silent.  "  We  must  note 
that  *  Kyrie  Eleeson  '  is  sung  until  an  angel  comes  and 
lights  the  lamps  above  the  Sepulchre.  From  the 
flame  thus  kindled,  the  patriarch  gives  a  light  to  the 
bishops  and  the  rest  of  the  people,  so  that  each  may 
have  a  light  to  himself  in  his  own  home."  This  is 
often  but  perhaps  wrongly  said  to  be  the  first  allusion 
to  the  "  Miracle  of  the  Sacred  Fire,"  which  fraud  or 
superstition  from  that  day  to  this,  with  hardly  a 
break,  has  continued  to  perpetuate  at  our  Lord's 
Tomb  on  every  Resurrection  Eve.^  After  visiting 
Bethlehem  and  other  places  in  the  neighbourhood, 
Bernard  went  back  by  way  of  Rome  to  his  monastery 
of  St.  Michael  in  Brittany  (circa  A.D.  8:^0). 

From  the  above  narratives  it  is  plain  that  during 
the  seventh,  eighth,  and  ninth  centuries  no  insuper- 
able obstacles  barred  the  way  of  pilgrims  from  the 

*  Eusebius  mentions  one  form  of  this  miracle,  and  the  e  is  a  possible 
allusion  by  Gregory  of  Tours  in  the  sixth  century. 


12  INTRODUCTION. 

West.  The  old  path  to  the  Holy  City  along  the 
great  roads  of  the  Empire,  through  Constantinople 
and  across  Asia  Minor  to  Antioch  was,  it  is  true, 
now  closed  ;  closed  it  may  be  from  the  very  days 
when  the  Huns  made  themselves  masters  of  the 
Danube  valley.  Probably,  however,  the  pilgrims 
made  their  journeys  as  before  ;  there  was  no  breach 
of  custom,  but  merely  a  change  of  route.  The 
strange  concessions  which  Mohammed  made  in  favour 
of  the  "  Peoples  of  the  Book,"  ensured  Christian 
pilgrims  from  any  violent  persecution.  Willibald, 
apart  from  his  imprisonment,  was  not  ill-treated  at 
Emesa,  and  no  doubt  in  the  days  of  Charles  the 
Great,  the  pilgrim's  condition  would  be  improved. 
Indeed,  Bernard  found  a  market-place  attached  to 
the  Emperor's  hospital  at  Jerusalem,  apparently  for 
the  special  use  of  pilgrims. 

But  Bernard  pays  a  higher  tribute  to  the  good 
order  and  religious  moderation  which  characterised 
the  Eastern  Caliphate  in  his  days.  At  Beneventum 
the  Christian  folk  had  murdered  their  own  prince, 
and  destroyed  all  Christian  law,  till  Louis,  grandson 
of  Charles  the  Great,  introduced  some  kind  of  dis- 
cipline. Worse  than  this,  the  roads  leading  to  Rome 
were  so  thronged  with  banditti,  that  no  one  could 
reach  St.  Peter's  in  safety,  unless  he  belonged  to  a 
large  and  well-armed  party.  This  state  of  misrule 
Bernard  contrasts  with  the  peace  prevailing  in  the 
Mohammedan  lands  through  which  he  travelled. 
"  I  will  tell  you  how  Christians  hold  the  law  of  God 
in  Jerusalem,  and  in  Egypt.  Now  the  Christians 
and  the  pagans  have  peace  one  with  another,  in  such 


THE    YEAR    1000.  1 3 

wise  that,  if  on  my  journey  the  camel  or  ass  that 
bore  my  h'ttle  property  were  to  die,  and  I  were 
to  leave  all  my  chattels  there  with  none  to  guard 
them,  while  I  went  to  another  city,  on  my  return  I 
should  find  everything  untouched.  But  if  in  any 
city,  or  on  any  bridge  or  road  they  find  a  man 
journeying,  whether  by  day  or  by  night,  without 
some  charter  and  seal  from  the  king  or  ruler  of  the 
district,  he  is  straightway  thrust  into  prison  till  he 
can  give  an  account  of  himself  whether  he  be  a  spy 
or  not." 

This  happy  state  of  affairs  continued  with  some 
intervals  of  disturbance  till  the  early  years  of  the 
eleventh  century. 

§  2.   The  Eve  of  the  Crusades. 

At  the  end  of  the  tenth  century  the  great  kingdoms 
of  mediaeval  Europe  were  assuming  a  definite  shape. 
The  sceptre  of  the  Western  Franks  had  passed  from 
the  hands  of  the  degenerate  descendants  of  Charles 
to  those  of  Hugh  Capet  ;  from  Hugh's  accession  the 
modern  kingdom  of  France  may  be  said  to  date, 
despite  the  limitations  which  the  great  vassal  counts 
and  dukes  imposed  on  their  nominal  suzerain.  In 
Spain  the  Christian  kingdoms  were  growing  daily  at 
the  expense  of  the  decaying  Caliphate  of  Cordova. 
In  other  lands  the  crown  of  Lombardy  already  was, 
and  that  of  Burgundy  soon  was  to  be,  annexed  to 
the  German  realm.  For  the  kingdom  of  the  Eastern 
Franks  had  now,  through  the  vigour  of  the  three 
Ottos,  entered  on  its  more  distinctively  German 
phase.    Yet  further,  the  German  kings  had  made  good 


14  INTRODUCTION. 

their  claim  to  the  imperial  title  also,  and  from  the 
days  of  Otto  I.,  it  was  the  chief  ambition  of  almost 
every  German  king  to  be  crowned  Emperor  of  the 
Romans  ;  that  ambition  was  destined  to  be  fatal  to 
German  kingship,  but  in  the  tenth  century  it  yet 
seemed  that  the  union  of  the  imperial  and  royal  offices 
would  bring  strength  to  both.  The  papacy,  that  power 
whose  enmity  was  to  be  the  ruin  of  German  king 
and  Roman  emperor  alike,  was  at  this  period  sunk 
in  the  lowest  depths  of  insignificance  and  vice.  From 
those  depths  first  the  Ottos  and  then  the  Henrys 
made  a  brave  effort  to  raise  it.  But  it  was  not  till 
the  days  of  Gregory  VII.  that  the  Popes  learned  the 
secret  of  their  own  strength,  or  the  German  kings  the 
•secret  of  their  own  weakness. 

^*5  ^G  fateful  year  looo  drew  near,  men's  hearts 
began  c.  l-h'^^  for  fear.  To  their  excited  imagi- 
nation, the  Secoii^  i^cvM^r^--  of  the  Loi'd  seemed  close 
at  hand  4ud  their  forebi*«t<vi^  we»-e  strengthened  by 
the  yfLv-'^of  misery  ai.iJL-^ti^i'^e  %hich  brought  the 
tenth  century  to  a  close  .Th 7-^  dread  is  marked 
in  every  aspect  of  life,  and  ihe  v«2ry  charters  bear 
witness  to  its  reality  by  their  solemn  opening 
"  appropinquante  termino  mundi."  The  terror  passed, 
but  only  to  revive  thirty  years  later  as  the  thou- 
sandth anniversary  of  the  Crucifixion  approached. 

When  at  length  the  cloud  was  lifted  a  spirit  of 
piety  seems  to  have  seized  upon  all  classes.  The 
Peace  of  God  was  already  formulated  in  Southern 
France ;  but  of  all  the  characteristics  of  the  new  era 
the  most  remarkable  was  the  zeal  for  pilgrimages. 
No    class   and    no  sex  was   free  from    this   passion. 


REVIVAL   OF   PIETY.  15 

The  same  enthusiasm  seized  upon^the  mean  and  tlie 
mighty  alike.  "  At  this  time,"  say.s  a  contemporary 
writer,!  "  there  began  to  flow  towards  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  so  great  a  multitude  as,  ere  this,  no  man 
could  have  hoped  for.  First  of  all  went  uie  meaner 
folk,  then  men  of  middle  rank,  and,  lastly,  very  many 
kings  and  counts,  marquises  and  bishops  ;  aye,  and 
a  thing  that  had  never  happened  before,  many  women 
bent  their  steps  in  the  same  direction."  Happy 
circumstances  opened  up  a  long-closed  pathway  to 
the  -ardent  pilgrims.  For  ages  the  land  route  to 
Jerusalem  had  been  practically  barred,  and  would-be 
travellers  like  Willibald  or  BernafQ  forced  to  sail 
across  the  Mediterranean  to  Ephesus  or  Alexandria. 
But  about  the  year  1000  the  old  route  was  opened  up 
once  more.  The  Huns  had  been  converted  to  Chris- 
tianity, and  so  Ralph  Glaber  a  little  later  could  write 
that  pilgrinis  were  forsaking  the  sea  route  and  passing 
through  Stephen's  y'^^nii:^  Hungary  bccaiise  this 
seemed  thersafe^.  1*^^.-  •  -    ^j-  .     ., 

Of  noble  eleve  ^^ry  pilgrims  a  iew  call  for 

special , notice,  ^y  .^ua  the  counts  of  Anjou  none 
bore  a  worse -name  than  Fulk  the  Black.  At  length, 
a.fter  a  life  of  bloodshed  and  battle,  he  was  moved  by 
the  fear  of  hell  to  go  as  a  pilgrim  to  Jerusalem.  He 
returned  somewhat  softened,  but  once  more  his  con- 

*  Ralph  Glaber.  It  is  pathetic  to  read  in  the  mediaeval  martyrologies 
•the  records  of  the  less  distinguished  wayfarers :  May  24,  Leger,  the  deacon " 
of  Auxerre,  who  died  on  the  way  from  Jerusalem  and  had  the  sea  for  his 
grave ;  June  30th,  Andrew  the  knight,  and  was  buried  at  Jerusalem ; 
November  24th,  Hictarius  of  blessed  memory,  he  set  out  for  Jerusalem, 
and  through  God's  mercy  died  on  the  way.  Migne,  "  Patrologia," 
cxxxviii.  1229,  1232,  1252. 


i6  Introduction. 

science  sent  him  forth.  At  Jerusalem,  so  runs  the 
story,  he  had  to  purchase  an  entrance  for  himself 
and  his  comrades  ;  and  to  the  Holy  Sepulchre  he  was 
only  admitted  on  promise  of  an  insult  to  the  cross  of 
Christ,  a  hard  necessity  from  which  he  escaped  by  a 
subterfuge.  However  he  contrived  to  bite  off  a  bit 
of  the  stone,  which  he  brought  home  as  a  precious 
relic  for  his  abbey  of  Beaulieu.  Later  on  Fulk  made 
a  third  pilgrimage,  and  died  on  his  way  back  at  Metz 
in  1040.  In  1035  Robert  the  Magnificent  left  his 
duchy  of  Normandy  and  his  young  son  the  future 
conqueror  of  England,  and  went  on  a  pilgrimage  to 
Jerusalem,  which  he  accomplished  in  safety.  But  on 
his  way  home  he  too  fell  ill  and  died  at  Nicaea,  where 
he  was  buried  in  the  Virgin's  church. 

Those  princes  who  could  not  themselves  go  on  the 
pilgrimage  displayed  their  religious  feelings  by  their 
habitual  piety.  Robert  I.  of  France  was  more  of  a 
priest  than  a  king.  Richard  H.  of  Normandy  sup- 
plied to  his  namesake,  the  abbot  of  Grace  Dieu,  the 
funds  which  enabled  him  to  go  to  Jerusalem,  and 
between  this  prince  and  the  monks  of  Mount  Sinai  a 
friendly  exchange  of  gifts  was  maintained.  William 
HI.  of  Aquitaine  (od.  1029)  won  for  himself  the  titles 
of  "  Father  of  the  monks,  builder  of  churches,  and  lover 
of  the  Roman  Church."  Every  year  he  made  a 
pilgrimage  to  Rome,  or  if  circumstances  prevented 
this  then  at  least  to  St.  James  at  Compostella.  Duke 
William  himself  never  went  as  far  as  Jerusalem,  but  his 
trusty  councillor  William  of  Angouleme  went  there 
with  many  nobles  and  bishops  passing  through  Hun- 
gary in  the  days  of  King  Stephen.     He  left  home  on 


October  1st,  reached  Jerusalem  in  tlie  first  week  of 
March,  and  by  the  third  week  of  June  was  back  in 
his  own  city  of  Angouleme.  Other  pilgrims  of  dis- 
tinction were  Earl  Godwin's  eldest  son  Swegen,  whose 
uneasy  conscience  sent  him  to  Jerusalem.  Ealdred, 
Archbishop  of  York,  went  to  Jerusalem  in  1058,  in 
such  state  as  no  other  before  him,  and  offered  at  our 
Lord's  tomb  a  golden  chalice  of  wondrous  workman- 
ship and  price.  ,  Six  years  later  Siegfried  of  Mayence 
and  three  other  bishops  led  a  motley  crowd  of  seven 
thousand  pilgrims  to  the  Holy  Land.  Their  gorgeous 
apparel  excited  the  cupidity  of  the  Saracens,  and  they 
fled  for  refuge  to  a  fort,  where  they  defended  them- 
selves during  three  days,  but  at  last  offered  all  their 
money  in  return  for  their  lives,  and  admitted  seven- 
teen of  the  Arabs  within  the  walls.  The  Arab  leader 
unrolled  his  turban,  and  flinging  it  round  Bishop 
Herman  of  Bamberg's  neck  exclaimed,  "  Thou  and 
all  thou  hast  are  mine."  This  was  more  than  the 
bishop  could  bear,  and  with  a  sudden  blow  he  laid 
his  captor  prostrate.  At  this  act  of  episcopal  valour 
the  Christians  regained  their  courage,  bound  the 
Saracens  who  had  entered  the  fort,  and  renewed  the 
contest  with  those  outside.  At  last  the  Saracen  lord 
of  Ramleh  came  to  the  rescue,  and  under  his  guidance 
the  pilgrims  visited  Jerusalem  in  safety.  But  only 
two  thousand  lived  to  return  to  Europe. 

We  must  now  return  to  the  course  of  events  in  the 
internal  history  of  the  East  itself,  and  more  particu- 
larly of  Syria  during  the  first  three-quarters  of  the 
eleventh  century.  At  the  beginning  of  that  era 
Jerusalem    was    subject   to   the    Fatimite    Caliph  of 

3. 


l8  ,  INTRODUCTION. 

Cairo.  El- Hakim,  the  then  Cah'ph,  had  succeeded  as  a 
boy  of  eleven  in  996  A.D.  ;  as  he  grew  to  manhood  he 
seems  to  have  developed  a  strain  of  madness,  though 
it  is  difficult  to  trace  the  exact  course  of  his  actions, 
as  told  in  the  narratives  of  contemporary  Christian 
and  later  Mohammedan  writers.  Like  the  other 
Fatimites,  El-Aziz — El-Hakim's  father — had  been  no 
bigot  ;  but  had  a  Christian  for  secretary,  and  a  Jew 
for  governor  of  Syria.  El- Hakim  did  not  share  his 
liberality ;  first  he  put  restrictions  on  Jews  and  Chris- 
tians, then,  according  to  Ralph  Glaber  on  September 
29,  loio,  he  ordered  the  destruction  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  itself^  Contemporary  rumour  ascribed 
this  outrage  to  the  artifices  of  the  Jews,  who  per- 
suaded El- Hakim,  that  unless  he  put  a  stop  to  the 
throngs  of  pilgrims  he  would  soon  find  himself  with- 
out a  kingdom.  False  though  the  rumour  was,  it 
became  the  pretext  for  the  widespread  persecution 
of  the  Jews  in  Christian  lands.  Eastern  historians, 
however,  show  that  El- Hakim  was  the  impartial  op- 
pressor of  Jew  and  Christian  alike,  imposing  absurd 
but  harassing  restrictions  on  the  members  of  either 
creed.2  Later  still  his  madness  took  a  more  serious 
form,  and  he  allowed  himself  to  be  publicly  declared 
the  creator  of  the  universe,  until  finally  he  was  slain 
by  order  of  his  sister  in  102 1. 

It  was  less  than  twenty  years  after  the  death  of  El- 


*  The  destruction  does  not,  however,  seem  to  have  been  very  com- 
plete. The  Sepulchre  was  indeed  restored  by,  Hakim  himself  in  the 
following  year. 

^  Such  as  forbidding  them  to  wear  rings  on  their  hands,  or  to  ride  on 
horses  or  mules. 


RISE   OF   THE   SELyUKS.  I9 

Hakim,  that  there  appeared  a  new  power  in  Western 
Asia  destined  to  influence  fatally  the  fortunes  of 
Palestine.  In  1038  Masud  the  Ghaznevid  was 
defeated  by  the  Seljukian  Turks,  who  thereupon 
chose  for  their  sovereign  Toghrul  Beg,  the  grandson 
of  Seljuk,  a  Turkish  chief  who  had  adopted  Moham- 
medanism and  founded  a  principaHty  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Samarcand.  Toghrul  rapidly  extended 
his  conquests  over  all  Persia,  and  into  regions  further 
west.  The  effeminate  Abbasides  had  long  possessed 
but  the  shadow  of  power,  and  the  reality  now  passed 
to  Toghrul,  who  was  eventually  in  1055  invested  with 
the  dignity  of  Sultan  or  vicegerent  for  the  Caliph  in 
the  orthodox  Mohammedan  world.  Toghrul  was 
succeeded  in  1063  by  his  nephew  Alp  Arslan,  under 
whose  leadership  the  Seljuks  conquered  Armenia, 
and  defeated  the  Emperor  Romanus  Diogenes  at 
the  great  battle  of  Manzikert  in  August,  107 1.  As 
the  fruit  of  this  victory  Alp  Arslan  acquired  the 
lordship  of  Anatolia,  and  though  he  himself  died 
within  a  year,  the  power  of  the  Seljuks  continued  to 
progress  throughout  the  twenty  years'  reign  of  his 
son  Malek  Shah.  After  the  captivity  of  Romanus 
Diogenes,  the  Byzantine  Empire  became  the  prey 
of  imperial  pretenders,  who  appealed  without  scruple 
to  the  aid  of  Norman  and  even  of  Turkish  arms. 
During  this  period  Asia  Minor  was  so  ravaged  by 
the  Turkish  hordes,  that  almost  the  whole  peninsula 
was  within  a  few  years  lost  to  civilisation.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  reign  of  Alexius  Comnenus  in  1081, 
so  far  had  the  wave  of  conquest  spread  that  the 
Turkish    standards   on    the    battlements   of    Nicaea 


20  INTRODUCTION. 

were  almost  within  sight  of  the  Byzantine   metro- 
polis. 

But  the  power  of  the  Turks  was  not  the  only 
danger  which  threatened  the  empire  of  Alexius  ;  the 
Normans,  under  Robert  Guiscard,  were  at  the  same 
time  cutting  short  his  dominions  on  the  shores  of  the 
Adriatic.  Like  his  predecessors,  Alexius  had  recourse 
to  foreign  arms  for  assistance  and  support.  Chief 
amongst  the  mercenary  leaders  in  the  reign  of 
Romanus  had  been  the  Norman  Ursel,  who  was 
perhaps  a  far-off  kinsman  of  our  own  English  and 
Scottish  house  of  Balliol.  At  the  capital  itself  the 
Emperor  maintained  the  famous  Varangian  guards, 
in  whose  ranks  there  served  side  by  side  with  the 
countrymen  of  their  conquerors,  many  English,  who 
had  fled  their  native  land  after  the  fatal  day  of 
Hastings^  The  employment  of  these  mercenaries 
familiarised  the  Eastern  emperors  with  the  notion  of 
deliverance  through  the  prowess  of  Latin  Christen- 
dom. Nor  were  the  Latins  without  some  feeling  of 
sympathy  for  the  affliction  of  the  Eastern  Christians. 
Pope  Sylvester  II.'s  famous  letter  of  appeal  on  behalf 
of  Jerusalem,  "the  immaculate  spouse  of  God,"  is 
possibly  a  forgery  of  the  later "  eleventh  century. 
It  is,  however,  certain  that  seventy  years  afterwards 
the  profound  statecraft  of  Gregory  VII.  saw  clearly 
the  danger  with  which  the  advance  of  the  Turks 
threatened  all  Christendom.  In  an  urgent  letter  he 
called  upon  all  Christian  warriors  to  take  up  arms 
on  behalf  of  Constantinople.  But  this  appeal  was 
not  fruitful  in  important  results,  and  even  if  Gregory 
entertained  any  definite  plan  for  uniting  the  West  in 


CONSTANTINOPLE  IN  DANGER.  21 

defence  of  the  Eastern   Empire,  the  troubles  of  his 
later  years  prevented  its  execution.  v/ 

Alexius  I.,  however,  seems  to  have  hoped  for  some 
such  aid.  A  letter  purporting  to  be  an  appeal  from 
him  to  Robert,  Count  of  Flanders,  brother-in-law  of 
William  the  Conqueror,  has  been  preserved  in  more 
than  one  form.  As  regards  its  actual  wording  it 
may  be  a  forgery,  but  it  certainly  dates  from 
the  early  years  of  the  twelfth  century  and,  as 
Robert  had  visited  Constantinople  whilst  on  a  pil- 
grimage to  Jerusalem,  there  is  nothing  improbable 
in  the  appeal.  There  is  a  pathetic  ring  in  the  Em- 
peror's words  as  preserved  in  this  letter :  "  From 
Jerusalem  to  the  ^Egaean  the  Turkish  hordes  have 
mastered  all :  their  galleys,  sweeping  the  Black  Sea 
and  Mediterranean,  threaten  the  Imperial  city  itself, 
which,  if  fall  it  must,  had  better  fall  into  the  hands  of 
Latins  than  of  pagans." 

The  reference  to  Jerusalem  is  literally  true,  for  since 
the  victory  of  Manzikert,  the  Turks  had  conquered 
Palestine  from  the  Egyptians.  Tutush,  brother  of 
Malek  Shah,  had  established  himself  at  Damascus, 
and  about  1092  granted  Jerusalem  to  Ortok  the 
Turk,  from  whose  son  Sokman,  the  Egyptian  vizir 
El-Afdal  captured  it  in  1096.  But  before  the  coming 
of  the  first  Crusaders  the  East  had  obtained  a  tem- 
porary relief  through  the  death,  on  the  i8th  of 
November,  1092,  of  Malek  Shah,  the  noblest  of  the 
Seljukian  Sultans,  whose  empire  extended  from  the 
borders  of  China  to  the  southern  frontiers  of  Pales- 
tine. Tiiis  vast  inheritance  was  disputed  for  by 
Malek's   children,   and    the   consequent   dissensions, 


22  INTRODUCTION. 

by  weakening  the  power  of  the  Seljuks,  made  the 
progress  of  the  first  Crusaders  from  Nicaea  to  Jeru- 
salem a  comparatively  easy  task. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  definite 
shape  that  the  kingdoms  of  Western  Europe  had  begun 
to  assume  at  the  opening  of  the  eleventh  century. 
For  four  hundred  years  previously  Europe  had  been 
devastated  by  three  great  plagues,  against  which,  in 
her  divided  state,  she  could  make  no  effectual  resist- 
tance.  Yet  it  was,  to  no  small  extent,  to  the  resistance 
offered  to  these  three  scourges  that  the  feudal  Europe 
of  the  Middle  Ages  owed  its  shape.  Out  of  resistance 
to  the  Saracens  arose  the  notion  of  religious  war  on  a 
large  scale ;  out  of  resistance  to  the  Northmen  rose 
the  sense  of  national  danger,  which  was  ultimately  to 
produce  the  sense  of  national  unity ;  through  resist- 
ance to  the  Hungarian  invasion,  the  great  rulers  of 
the  Saxon  house  made  good  their  claim  to  the 
German  kingship  and  all  it  brought  in  its  train,  the 
kingship  of  Italy,  and  the  Empire  of  Rome. 

But  amongst  all  the  incidents  which  these  troubles 
gave  rise  to,  there  is  none  of  such  interest  for  our 
present  subject  as  the  settlement  of  the  Normans  in 
Southern  Italy.  An  eleventh-century  legend  tells 
how  forty  Norman  warriors,  returning  from  a  pil- 
grimage to  Jerusalem,  found  the  Saracens  besieging 
Salerno.  They  eagerly  offered  their  aid  to  Guaymar, 
the  Lombard  prince  of  the  city  ;  and,  when  success 
crowned  their  efforts,  refused  to  accept  any  money 
payment  for  what  they  had  done  out  of  love  for  God. 
Historically  speaking,  the  Normans  seem  to  have 
established  themselves  in  Italy  towards  the  beginning 


THE   NORMANS.  23 

of  the  eleventh  century.  The  Greek  emperors  were 
then  striving  to  recover  the  land  from  the  Saracens 
and  Lombards.  The  confusion  was  favourable  to  the 
new-comers,  who  further  were  aided  by  Melo,  an 
Apulian  rebel  against  the  Emperor,  and  under  their 
leader,  Count  Ranulf,  the  Normans  fortified  them- 
selves near  Aversa.  Some  years  later  the  elder  sons 
ofTancred  of  Hauteville,  of  whom  the  most  famous 
were  Robert  Guiscard  and  Roger,  came  forward  as 
chiefs  of  the  new  settlement.  Robert  obtained  f<Sr 
himself  the  title  of  Duke  of  Calabria  and  Apulia, 
while  Roger  conquered  Sicily  from  the  Saracens. 
The  conquerors  were,  however,  eager  to  find  a  legal 
title  for  their  authority.  This  they  secured  when,  in 
1053,  they  defeated  and  took  prisoner  Pope  Leo  IX., 
who  was  soon  glad  to  purchase  his  release  by  the 
confirmation  to  the  Normans  of  all  their  conquests 
past  or  yet  to  come. 

The  great  and  powerful  Emperor,  Henry  III.,  died 
in  1056,  leaving  a  little  son — Henry  IV. — a  boy  of  six, 
whose  infancy  vv^as  to  be  the  source  of  prolonged 
trouble.  His  subjects  found  in  the  weakness  of  a 
divided  regency  a  fit  opportunity  for  revolt,  and 
hardly  had  the  young  king  come  to  manhood  when  a 
yet  greater  danger  appeared  without  Gregory  VII. 
availed  himself  of  the  king's  weakness  for  an  un- 
paralleled assertion  of  the  superiority  of  the  eccle- 
siastical over  the  civil  power';  nor  did  he  scruple 
to  support  the  rebellious  nobles  of  Germany  against 
their  lord.  Henry  set  up  Guibert  of  Ravenna  as  an 
anti-pope,  and  when,  in  1080,  his  opponent  Rudolf  of 
Saxony  had  fallen  in  battle,  entered  Italy  and  expelled 


24  INTRODUCTION. 

Gregory  from  Rome.     Henry  was  forced  to  retire  by 
the  approach  of  the  Normans  under  Guiscard  ;  but 
Gregory  could  not  recover  his  city,  and  died  as  an 
exile  at  Salerno,  leaving  the  contest  to  his  successors' 
— in  full  confidence  as  to  its  ultimate  issue. 

Indeed,  despite  the  sadness  of  his  last  days, 
Gregory's  labours  had  ensured  the  consolidation  of 
the  papal  power.  Popes  Zachary  and  Hadrian  I. 
had,  it  is  true,  played  a  great  part  in  the  days  of 
Pepin  and  Charles.  Nicholas  I.  (858-867)  also  had 
compelled  Lothair  to  take  back  his  divorced  wife 
Teutberga,  and  established  his  authority  in  the 
Gallic  Church  despite  the  resistance  of  Hincmar  of 
Rheims.  But  the  ambition  of  such  pontiffs  did  no 
more  than  furnish  a  foundation  for  the  lofty  and 
wide- spreading  pretensions  of  a  later  age.  The 
next  century  and  a  half  forms  the  most  degraded 
epoch  in  the  papal  annals,  and  it  was  Gregory  who 
was  the  true  creator  of  the  mediaeval  papacy.  Only 
when  Gregory's  action  had  forced  on  a  contest  with 
the  greatest  temporal  power  of  the  age  did  the  popes 
learn  to  perceive  their  own  strength.  It  was  that 
contest  which  gave  to  the  popes  their  position  as  the 
spiritual  heads  of  Christendom,  and  enabled  them  to 
preach  with  success  the  Crusade  against  the  Saracen. 

Gregory's  ally,  Robert  Guiscard,  had  meantime 
prepared  the  road  in  another  direction.  In  108 1  he 
had  carried  his  arms  across  the  sea  and  was  already 
master  of  Durazzo,  when  the  news  of  Gregory's 
disasters  compelled  him  to  leave  the  conduct  of  the 
war  to  his  son  Bohernond.  He  was  preparing  for  a 
second  expedition  against  Constantinople  itself,  when 


GREGORY    VII.   AND   ROBERT   GUISCARD. 


25 


death  overtook  him.  He  left  his  duchy  to  his  son 
Roger,  and  his  ambitious  projects  in  the  East  to 
Bohemond. 

Thus  neither  Robert  nor  Gregory  lived  to  take  part 
in  the  Holy  War,  for  which  they  both  had  consciously 
or  unconsciously  laboured.  Tradition,  indeed,  makes 
a  simple  hermit  the  prime  mover  in  the  first  crusade, 
and  to  his  history  we  must  now  turn. 


II. 


PETER  THE  HERMIT  AND  URBAN   THE  POPE. 

"  Bliss  was  it  in  that  dawn  to  be  alive, 
But  to  be  young  was  very  Heaven." 

Wordsworth,  The  Prelude, 


There  is  little  in  the  legend  of  Peter  the  Hermit 
which  may  not  very  well  be  true,  and  the  story  as  it 
stands  is  more  plausible  than  if  we  had  to  assume 
that  tradition  had  transferred  the  credit  of  the 
First  Crusade  from  a  pope  to  a  simple  hermit.  How- 
ever, the  full  tale  of  Peter's  visit  first  appears  in  the 
"  Chanson  d'Antioch,"  and  in  Albert  of  Aix,  some 
forty  years  after  the  supposed  event.  In  the  more 
sober  writings  of  contemporaries,  there  is  no  proof 
that  Peter  the  Hermit  stirred  up  Urban  to  his  great 
achievement,  nor  indeed  that  he  was  present  at  the 
Council  of  Clermont  at  all.  In  Guibert  of  Nogent 
he  appears  as  the  apostle  of  one  district  of  Northern 
France  ;  and,  though  a  contemporary  chronicler 
seemingly  takes  him  to  the  borders  of  Spain,  it  is 
more  probable  that  his  preaching  and  influence  were 
confined  to  a  very  limited  area. 

To  turn,  however,  to  the  picturesque  narrative  of 

26 


PETER   AT  JERUSALEM.  2 J 

the  traditional  tale.  About  the  year  1092  Peter  the 
Hermit,  a  native  of  Amiens  or  its  neighbourhood, 
went  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem.  Here  his  soul 
was  stirred  by  the  horrors  that  he  witnessed,  in  the 
pollution  of  the  Holy  Places,  and  the  cruel  oppression 
of  the  native  Christians  and  of  the  pilgrims  from 
distant  lands.  The  Patriarch,  when  appealed  to  by 
Peter,  could  only  lament  his  own  powerlessness  and 
his  dread  of  worse  in  store  unless  their  brothers  in 
the  west  should  send  them  aid.  At  his  entreaty  Peter 
promised  to  rouse  the  princes  of  Europe  to  a  sense  of 
the  sad  condition  of  the  Holy  City.  Before  all  else 
he  bound  himself  to  visit  the  Pope  and  enlist  his 
sympathies  on  the  same  side. 

Then,  so  runs  the  story,  Peter  left  the  Patriarch's 
presence,  to  spend  the  night  in  vigil  at  our  Saviour's 
tomb.  Weary  with  watching,  at  length  he  fell  asleep. 
As  he  slumbered  Christ  appeared  to  him  in  a  vision, 
and  bade  him  hasten  home  to  accomplish  his  task. 
But  first  Peter  was  to  obtain  from  fhe  Patriarch 
credentials  for  his  mission  :  "  So  shalt  thou  make 
known  the  woes  of  our  people,  and  rouse  the 
faithful  to  the  cleansing  of  the  Holy  Places ;  for 
through  danger  and  trial  of  every  kind  shall  the  elect 
now  enter  the  gates  of  Paradise." 

At  dawn  Peter  hurried  to  the  Patriarch,  and,  after 
obtaining  letters  signed  with  the  Holy  Cross,  went 
down  to  the  coast  and  took  ship  for  Italy.  Urban 
proved  a  ready  listener,  and  was  easily  induced  to 
promise  his  aid.  After  more  than  one  council  in 
Italy,  he  crossed  the  Alps  and  gathered  a  great 
''ouncil  at  Clermont,  where  his  exhortations  stirred 


28  PETER    THE  HERMIT  AND    URBAN   THE  POPE. 

lords  of  every  degree  to  bind  themselves  in  a  sacred 
mutual  engagement  to  redeem  the  Sepulchre  of 
Christ  from  the  hands  of  the  Mohammedan.  Such 
is  Albert  of  Aix's  narrative,  and  despite  some  taint 
of  legend  it  is  no  doubt  true  in  the  main. 

Urban  II.,  by  birth  a  native  of  Rheims,  and  by 
breeding  a  monk  of  Cluny,  had  been  advanced  by 
Gregory  VII.  to  be  bishop  of  Ostia.  Finally,  in 
1088,  he  became  Gregory's  second  successor  in  the 
papacy  and  the  inheritor  of  his  struggle  with  the 
Emperor  Henry.  To  this  German  trouble  was  added 
another  scandal  in  France,  where  King  Philip  lived  in 
open  adyltery  with  Bertrada  de  Montfort,  the  wife  of 
Fulk  Rechin  of  Anjou.  In  Lent,  1095,  Urban  held 
synod  at  Piacenza,  where  Philip's  envoys  attended 
to  make  peace  for  their  lord  ;  but  a  more  remarkable 
embassy  was  that  from  the  Emperor  Alexius,  plead- 
ing for  help  against  the  Turks.  The  church  was  not 
sufficient  to  hold  the  crowds  that  assembled,  and 
mass  was  celebrated  in  the  fields,  where  doubtless  the 
multitude  listened  to  the  impassioned  language  in 
which  the  Eastern  envoys  appealed  to  their  brethren 
of  the  West  for  aid  against  their  pagan  foes. 

Urban  at  once  displayed  his  interest  in  the  pro- 
posal, and  induced  many  to  pledge  themselves  to 
such  a  holy  service.  A  second  cojuncil  was  then  con- 
vened to  meet  at  Clermont  on  November  18,  1095. 
In  the  Acts  of  this  council  it  was  declared  that — 
"  whoever  shall  have  set  out  for  Jerusalem,  not  for 
the  sake  of  honour  or  gain,  but  to  free  the  Church  of 
God,  may  reckon  his  journey  as  a  penance."  The 
Acts  contain  no  further  allusion  to  the  Crusade,  but 


THE   COUNCIL   OF  CLERMONT.  29 

more  than  one  contemporary  historian  has  preserved 
what  purports  to  be  the  very  speech  with  which  Urban 
kindled  the  hearts  of  the  French  warriors.  These 
versions  may  be  copies  of  encyclical  letters  from  the 
Pope  to  the  Churches  of  the  West,  or  the  compositions 
of  the  historians  themselves.  But  in  either  case  they 
represent  the  aspirations  and  breathe  the  spirit  which 
impelled  the  first  Crusaders  to  relinquish  wife  and 
child  and  home  for  the  sake  of  Christ. 

When  the  strictly  ecclesiastical  business  of  the 
council  was  completed,  Urban  preached  to  the 
assembled  multitude,  exchanging  the  language  of  the 
universal  Latin  Church  for  the  French  speech  that 
had  been  familiar  to  him  in  his  youth.  To  the 
French  warriors  the  first  truly  French  Pope  could 
speak  in  his  own  and  their  mother  tongue.  He 
began  by  reminding  them  that  they  were  of  God's 
elect,  set  apart  by  a  special  providence  from  all  other 
nations  for  the  service  of  the  Church.  He  painted 
in  vivid  colours  the  sad  necessity  that  had  brought 
him  back  to  Gallic  soil ;  he  told  how  the  cries  from 
threatened  Constantinople  and  down-trodden  Jeru- 
salem had  long  been  ringing  in  his  ears.  It  would 
talce  two  months  to  traverse  the  lands,  which  the 
"  accursed  Persian  race "  had  won  from  the  Empire 
of  the  East  Within  all  this  region  the  Christians 
had  been  led  off  to  slavery,  their  homes  laid  waste, 
their  churches  overthrown.  Could  his  hearers  look 
on  unmoved,  when  the  heathen  had  entered  into 
God's  heritage  ?  Antioch,  once  the  city  of  Peter,  was 
given  over  to  Mohammedan  superstition.  Of  Jeru- 
salem it  was  a  shame  even  to  speak,  but  there  were 


30  PETER    THE  HERMIT  AND    URBAN   THE  POPE. 

some  there  who  had  witnessed  with  their  own  eyes 
the  abominations  wrought  by  the  Turks  in  the  very 
Sepulchre  of  Christ  Yet  God  had  not  in  His  mercy 
forsaken  the  land,  and  still  repeated  every  Easter 
His  miracle  of  the  Sacred  Fire. 

Then  Urban  appealed  to  the  proud  knights  stand- 
ing by?  and  asked,  how  they  were  busying  themselves 
in  these  fateful  days,  shearing  their  brethren  like 
sheep,  and  quarrelling  one  with  another.  Yea!  the 
knighthood  of  Christ  were  plundering  Christ's  fold. 
They  were  changing  the  deeds  of  a  knight  for  the 
works  oi  night. ^  As  they  loved  their  souls  let  them 
go  forth  boldly,  and  quitting  their  mutual  slaughter 
take  up  arms  for  the  household  of  faith.  "  Christ 
Himself  will  be  your  leader,  as,  more  valiantly  than 
did  the  Israelites  of  old,  you  fight  for  your  Jerusalem. 
It  will  be  a  goodly  thing  to  die  in  that  city,  where 
Christ  died  for  you.  Let  not  love  of  any  earthly 
possession  detain  you.  You  dwelt  in  a  land  narrow 
and  unfertile.  Your  numbers  overflow,  and  hence 
you  devour  one  another  in  wars.  Let  these  home 
discords  cease.  Start  upon  the  way  to  the  Holy 
Sepulchre ;  wrench  the  land  from  the  accursed  race, 
and  subdue  it  to  yourselves.  Thus  shall  you  spoil 
your  foes  of  their  wealth  and  return  home  victorious, 
or,  purpled  with  your  own  blood,  receive  an  everlast- 
ing reward.  ...  It  were  better  to  die  in  warfare 
than  behold  the  evils  that  befall  the  Holy  Places. 
,/Trenchmcn  recall  the  valour  of  Charles  the  Great 
and  his  son  Louis,  who  destroyed  the  kingdoms 
of   the  unbelievers,  and  extended  the  limits  of  the 

'  In  the  Latin  :  •*  militiam  male  depravastis  in  malitiam." 


URBAN  PREACHES   THE   CRUSADE.  31 

Church.      Valiant    knights,   descendants   of    uncon-^^ 
quered    sires,    remember    the   vigour   of    your    fore- 
fathers,   and    do    not    degenerate    from   your   noble 
stock." 

This  challenge  to  Christendom  to  forget  its  private 
feuds  in  one  great  effort  for  ^God  and  Christ,  this 
skilful  allusion  to  the  glories  of  the  old  Prankish  racel^::^ 
produced  an  instantaneous  result.     As  the  voice  of 
the  Pope  died  away  there  went  up  one  cry  from  the_ 
assembled  host :  "  Deus  Vult  !  Deus  Vult  !  "    ("It   / 
is  the  will  of  God  !     It  is  the  will  of  God  !  ") 

Then,  raising  his  eyes  to  heaven,  and  stretching  out 
his  hand  for  silence.  Urban  renewed  his  speech  with^^ 
words  of  praise.  "This  day  has  been  fulfilled  in  your 
midst,  the  saying  of  our  Lord  :  '  Where  two  or  three 
are  gathered  together  in  My  name,  there  am  T  in  the 
midst  of  them.'  Had  not  the  Lord  been  in  your  midst, 
you  would  not  thus  have  a-11  uttered  the  same  cry. 
Wherefore  I  tell  you  it  is  God  who  has  inspired  you 
with  His  voice.  So  let  the  Lord's  motto  be  your 
battle  cry,  and  when  you  go  forth  to  meet  the  enemy 
this  shall  be  your  watchword  :  '  Deus  Vult !  Deus  / 
Vult!''' 

"  The  vast  concourse,"  says  one  who  was  himself 
present  at  this  moving  scene,  "  flung  themselves  pros- 
trate on  the  .ground  while  Gregory,  a  cardinal,  made 
confession  of  sin  on  their  behalf,  and  begging  pardon 
for  past  misdeeds  received  the  apostolic  blessing." 
Then  man  after  man  pressed  forward  to  recei\e  his 
commission  in  the  sacred  service  from  the  Pope's  own 
hands.  To  each  class  was  assigned  its  special  .^hare  in 
the  glorious  work.     But  the  old  and  feeble  were  dis- 


32     PETER    THE   HERMIT  AND    URBAN   THE  POPE. 

suaded  from  an  expedition  wherein  their  presence 
was  more  likely  to  impede  than  to  assist.  No  woman 
was  to  venture,  unless  in  the  company  of  husband  or 
brother.  Priests  and  clerks  were  not  to  start  without 
the  leave  of  their  superior,  nor  any  layman  without 
the  blessing  of  his  priest.  The  rich  were  to  aid  in 
proportion  to  their  wealth,  and  even  to  hire  soldiers 
for  the  field.  All  these  elaborate  injunctions  can 
hardly  have  been  given  out  on  one  day :  it  is  more 
likely  that  the  historian  is  here  speaking  proleptically, 
for  he  certainly  wrote  at  a  date,  when  experience  had 
proved  the  impossibility  of  conducting  an  unarmed 
rabble  through  so  vast  a  space  of  unknown  land.  Of 
the  warnings  thus  put  into  Urban's  mouth  few  at 
the  time  could  have  seen  the  necessity. 

The  enthusiasm  reached  its  height  when  the  envoys 
of  Count  Raymond  of  Toulouse,  declared  that  their 
lord,  the  most  powerful  prince  of  Southern  France, 
had  pledged  himself  to  go  on  the  Crusade.  Not  only 
would  he  conduct  a  mighty  host  from  his  own 
domains,  but  he  was  willing  to  give  his  counsel  and 
wealth  to  all  intending  pilgrims.  Moreover,  it  was 
announced  that  Adhemar,  the  bishop  of  Puy,  would 
go  with  the  lord  of  Toulouse,  and  so  in  their  persons 
the  people  of  God  would  find  a  new  Aaron  and  a  new 
Moses. 

Urban  himself  was  foremost  in  the  work  of  dis- 
tributing the  crosses.  All  who  took  the  cross  did 
so  of  their  own  accord  ;  there  was  no  compulsion, 
but  there  must  be  no  turning  back.  The  renegade 
was  to  be  shunned  of  all  ;  he  was  to  be  a  per- 
petual outlaw  till    waking    to    the    true  wisdom    he 


SIGNS  AND   WONDERS.  33 

undertook  once  more  what  he  had  abandoned  so 
basely. 

At  length  with  the  papal  blessing  all  the  laymen  were 
dismissed  to  their  homes.  To  confirm  their  good 
intentions,  the  Church  promised  her  protection  to  the 
wives,  children,  and  property  of  all  who  undertook  the 
"  Way  of  God." 

The  bishops  and  priests  on  their  part  went  away  to 
preach  tlie  new  gospel  each  in  his  own  diocese  and 
parish.  As  the  clergy  uttered  their  exhortations,  the 
laymen  raised  their  voices  in  one  great  cry,  doubtless, 
the  same  that  had  first  made  itself  heard  at  the  council 
Clermont :  "  Beus  Vult !  "  Soon  men  began  to  seek 
for  signs  and  wonders.  Surely  God  must  have  given 
some  foretoken  of  all  that  was  to  happen..  Far  away 
from  Clermont,  Bishop  Gilbert  of  Lisieux,  a  philoso- 
pher, famous  for  his  knowledge  of  astronomy  and 
medicine,  one  of  the  physicians  who  had  ^yatched  by 
the  death-bed  of  the  Great  Conqueror,  was  looking 
out  upon  the  starlit  sky.  The  night  was  thick  with 
falling  stars,  and  as  Gilbert  watched,  he  expounded 
the  significance  of  this  marvellous  sight  to  the 
servant  who  shared  his  vigil  :  "  This  prefigures 
the  transmigration  of  many  people  frorp  one  realm 
to  another.  Many  shall  go  forth  and  never  return, 
until  the  stars  return  to  their  place  in  the  sky, 
whence  you  now  see  them  falling."  Later,  men 
saw  the  moon  turn  red  and  black  at  her  eclipse, 
a  sure  sign  of  change  in  high  places.'  Yet  wilder 
stories  spread  abroad,  and  it  was  fabled  that  the  Acts 
of  the  Council  of  Clermont  became  known  within  a 
few  hours  to  the  whole  world  ;  joy  leapt  up  in  the 


34  PETER    THE   HERMIT  AND    URBAN   THE   POPE, 

hearts  of  Christians,  but  fear  and  amazement  fell  upon 
the  heathen  dwellers  in  the  East ;  for  such  a  blast 
resounded  from  the  heavenly  trumpet  that  through- 
out all  lands  the  enemies  of  Christ  trembled  and  were 
afraid. 

Raymond  was  the  only  great  lord  who  had  pledged 
himself  to  the  Crusade  at  Clermont.  But  the 
enthusiasm  was  spread  broadcast  over  Western 
Europe  by  the  prelates,  priests,  and  laymen  as  they 
returned  from  the  great  assembly. 

A  vivid  picture  of  the  intense  excitement  of  the 
next  few  months  has  been  preserved.  In  the  high- 
ways and  the  cross-roads  men  would  talk  of  nothing 
else  ;  layman  and  priest  alike  took  up  the  cry  and 
urged  their  fellows  to  start  for  Jerusalem.  The 
intending  pilgrim  gloried  in  his  resolution,  while  his 
laggard  friend  took  shame  to  himself  for  his  sloth  and 
slackness  in  the  cause  of  God. 

The  last  harvest  had  been  a  failure  so  complete 
that  many  of  the  rich  found  themselves  in  penury, 
while  the  poor  were  driven  to  feed  on  herbs  and  the 
wild  roots  of  the  field.  Guibert  of  Nogent  draws  a 
vivid  picture  of  these  winter  days,  when  all  were  sad 
with  the  prospect  of  approaching  famine,  save  only 
the  prudent  rich  man,  who  had  long  been  storing  up 
in  the  years  of  plenty,  so  to  gather  wealth  in  times  of 
dearth.  "  It  was  a  time,"  writes  Guibert,  "to  gladden 
the  heart  of  the  miser  as  he  added  the  price  of  his 
garnered  grain  to  his  precious  hoard."  And  now 
just  when  the  money-lender  was  rejoicing  in  hope  of 
unexampled  profit,  his  dream  was  rudely  dissipated  ; 
Urban   had   spoken    and   Christendom  was    roused 


THE    PREACHING   OF  PETER,  35 

Instead  of  the  expected  want,  the  markets  were 
glutted  ;  every  one  was  eager  to  sell,  few  cared  to 
buy.  Before  the  council  bread  was  scarce  ;  after  the 
council,  though  it  was  full  winter,  when  stock  had  been 
killed  off  for  salting,  seven  sheep  were  sold  for  fivepence. 

As  usual  there  was  the  crowd  of  greedy  self-seekers 
only  too  eager  to  snatch  a  profit  out  of  the  enthusiasm 
of  their  fellows.  "  Yet,  even  these  men,"  says  a  con- 
temporary, "  could  not  all  hold  out  against  the  pre- 
vailing contagion.  To-day  a  man  might  be  seen 
chuckling  over  his  friend's  madness  ;  to-morrow  he 
might  be  seen  acting  the  same  part  and  selling  all  he 
had  for  a  few  trumpery  coins." 

It  was  in  North-eastern  France  and  on  the  lowef 
Rhine  that  the  popular  frenzy  first  gathered  head. 
Eight  months  were  to  elapse  before  any  of  the  great 
leaders  started  on  the  road,  for  many  preparations 
had  first  to  be  made.  But  the  wilder  spirits  could  not 
brook  delay,  nor  were  there  wanting  men  to  set  the 
torch  to  their  enthusiasm. 

In  the  long  winter  months  the  voice  of  one 
preacher  was  heard  in  North-eastern  France  urging 
men  to  fulfil  the  commands  of  .God.  This  preacher 
was  Peter  the  Hermit,  and  it  is  with  the  winter  of 
1095-6  that  his  historical  career  commences.  From 
town  to  town  he  passed  along  walled  round  by  a 
throng  of  eager  devotees.  "  Never,"  says  Guibert, 
"  within  our  memory  was  any  man  so  honoured."  Of, 
small  stature,  dark  complexion,  thin  features,  and  if 
we  may  trust  the  evidence  of  romance,  with  a  long 
white  beard,  he  rode  upon  a  mule,  whence  his 
followers  plucked  the  very  hairs  as  precious  relics. 


36    PETER   THE  HERMIT  AND   URBAN   THE  POPE. 

The  exhortations  of  Peter  and  his  fellows  produced 
a  marvellous  effect  Guibert  saw  villages,  towns,  and 
cities  emptied  of  their  inhabitants  as  the  preacher 
went  along.  This  of  course  is  the  language  of  exag- 
geration, though  it  may  possibly  bear  some  relation 
to  the  truth,  while  Peter  was  passing  through  a 
district.  But  the  real  effect  of  his  exhortations  is 
to  be  seen  in  the  expeditions  that  left  France  and 
Lorraine  in  the  early  spring  of  1096. 

The  popular  excitement,  however,  sank  to  lower 
depths  than  these.  Madness,  the  near  kinsman  of 
enthusiasm  and  credulity,  is  often  the  slave  of  persecu- 
tion. Whilst,  on  the  one  hand,  crowds  were  starting 
for  Jerusalem  under  the  guidance  of  a  mad  woman,  a 
goose,  or  a  goat  whom  their  frenzied  imagination  took 
to  be  the  receptacles  of  the  spirit  of  God,  others  made 
the  movement  an  excuse  for  wanton  rapine  and 
murder.  In  Lorraine  it  was  declared  that  a  man's 
first  service  to  God  should  be  the  destruction  of  the 
accursed  race  which  had  crucified  the  Lord.  At 
Cologne  the  synagogues  were  destroyed,  the  Jews 
slaughtered,  and  their  houses  sacked.  At  Mayence 
the  Jewish  community  vainly  purchased  the  arch- 
bishop's protection  and  sought  safety  in  his  house. 
Even  here  they  were  not  secure  ;  at  sunrise  a  certain 
Count  Emicho  led  the  rabble  against  them  ;  the  doors 
were  broken  open,  and  men,  women,  and  cliildren 
massacred  without  mercy,  till  in  their  despair  the 
victims  sought  death  at  each  other's  hands. 

The  preaching  of  Peter  the  Hermit  brought  some 
fifteen  thousand  French  pilgrims  to  Cologne  about 
Easter    1096.      Peter    wished    to    stay    and    exhort 


WALTER    THE    PENNILESS,  ^J 

the  Germans  also,  but  the  French  would  not  wait, 
and  set  out  under  the  guidance  of  Walter  de  Poissi 
and  his  nephew  Walter  the  Penniless.  They  jour- 
neyed through  Hungary,  where  they  were  kindly 
treated  by  King  Caloman,  to  Semlin  on  the  Danube. 
Here  the  main  body  passed  over  to  the  Bulgarian 
city  of  Belgrade,  but  a  small  party  remaining 
behind  to  purchase  arms  were  plundered  by  the 
people  of  Sernlin.  Walter  begged  the  Bulgarian 
chief  to  supply  him  with  provisions,  and  on  a  re- 
fusal suffered  his  followers  to  pillage  as  they  would. 
The  Bulgarians  then  mustered  in  such  force  that" 
Walter's  host  was  scattered,  and  many  of  his  fol- 
lowers killed.  The  stragglers,  however,  forced  their 
way  through  the  woods  in  eight  days  to  Nisch. 
and  there  obtaining  guides  and  food,  made  their 
way  on  to  Constantinople,  where  they  remained  till 
Peter  the  Hermit  and  his  contingent  arrived. 

Peter,  with  the  German  host  which  his  eloquence 
gathered  round  him  at  Cologne,  seems  to  have 
followed  the  same  route  as  Walter  the  Penniless. 
Through  Germany,  Bavaria,  and  the  modern  Austria 
they  passed  in  peace,  some  on  foot,  some  floating 
down  the  Danube  and  other  rivers  in  boats.  At 
Oedenberg  they  reached  the  Hungarian  frontier,  and 
there  awaited  Caloman's  permission  to  traverse  his 
dominions.  Thence  they  journeyed  in  peace  and 
good  order  to  Semlin.  From  the  walls  of  that  city 
they  saw  the  arms  of  Walter's  comrades  hung  as  in 
derision.  This  sight  moved  them  to  take  vengeance, 
the  horns  blew  to  arms,  the  standards  were  advanced, 
a  dense  rain  of  arrows  was  poured  in  upon  the  city, 


38    PETER    THE   HERMIT  AND    URBAN    THE   POPE. 

and  the  Hungarians  were  driven  from  the  walls.  The 
citizens  for  the  most  part  sought  refuge  in  a  lofty 
fortress,  while  the  pilgrims  occupied  the  town,  in 
which  they  found  an  abundant  supply  of  food  and 
horses.  After  a  stay  of  five  days  the  Crusaders 
crossed  over  to  Belgrade,  the  inhabitants  of  which 
town  had  fled  in  terror  at  the  news  of  Peter's 
success.  At  Nisch  the  Bulgarian  prince  Nichita 
granted  them  a  market,  but,  when  he  heard  that 
some  unruly  Germans  had  fired  seven  mills  on 
the  river,  at  once  bade  his  subjects  make  reprisals. 
Peter,  who  had  already  started  with  the  main  host, 
returned  at  the  news,  and  a  general  conflict  soon 
ensued.  The  Crusaders  were  scattered,  their  bag- 
gage lost,  and  Peter's  own  treasure  chest  with  all 
its  wealth  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Bulgarian 
prince.  A  few  of  the  fugitives  gathered  under  Peter's 
leadership  on  a  neighbouring  height,  where  one  by 
one  the  stragglers  joined  them  till  seven  thousand  had 
re-assembled.  Then  they  renewed  their  march,  and  at 
last,  on  August  30,  1096,  they  reached  Constantinople. 
There  Peter  had  an  interview  with  Alexius,  who 
advised  him  to  wait  till  the  great  Crusading  armies 
should  arrive.  But  certain  unruly  Lombards  set  fire 
to  some  buildings  near  the  city,  and  stripping  the  lead 
from  the  churches  sold  it  to  the  Greeks.  Annoyed 
at  such  disorder  Alexius  urged  that  they  should  pass 
over  to  Asia.  Peter  and  Walter  were  accordingly 
carried  across  to  Nicomedia,  whence  they  proceeded 
to  Civitot,  a  city  on  the  coast.  Here  the  Emperor's 
ships  supplied  them  with  abundance  of  food,  and. 
they  stayed  in  all  for  two  months. 


FATE   OF  THE   PILGRIMS,  39 

Some  of  the  Germans,  however,  led  by  one  Reinald, 
left  their  fellows  and  made  an  expedition  towards 
Nicaea.  Near  that  city  they  seized  a  deserted  fortress, 
called  Exerogorgo,  wherein  they  were  presently 
besieged  by  Kilij  Arslan,  the  Sultan  of  Rum. 
The  sufferings  of  the  Christians  were  intense,  for 
there  was  no  drinking-water ;  in  their  anguish  men 
drank  the  blood  of  their  horses,  some  sought  to  pro- 
cure a  few  drops  of  water  by  letting  down  their  girdles 
into  the  foul  fishponds,  others  dug  pits  in  the  earth, 
and  endeavoured  to  obtain  relief  by  covering  their 
limbs  with  the  moist  soil.  After  eight  days  Kilij 
Arslan  captured  Exerogorgo,  and  moved  on  against 
Civitot.  Peter  was  away  at  Constantinople  seeking 
aid  from  the  Emperor,  and  Walter  was  unable  to 
control  his  motley  host.  The  Sultan  surprised  the 
Christians  as  they  lay  asleep  in  their  camp  out- 
side the  walls  of  the  town.  Walter  was  slain, 
and  numbers  of  his  followers  ruthlessly  massacred  ; 
three  thousand  of  them,  however,  found  shelter  in 
a  roofless  fort  close  by.  The  Turks,  unable  to 
effect  an  entrance,  kindled  a  fire  against  the  walls, 
but  the  flames,  so  runs  the  contemporary  story, 
were  driven  back  by  the  wind  into  the  faces  of  the 
assailants.  In  this  fort  the  fugitives  maintained 
themselves,  until  Peter  persuaded  Alexius  to  send 
a  body  of  troops  to  the  rescue,  whereupon  the 
Turks  withdrew  with  their  spoil  and  their  captives. 

A  second  host  of  Germans  started  for  Constanti- 
nople under  the  leadership  of  a  priest  named  Gots- 
chalk.  They  were  well  received  by  Caloman,  whose 
kindness  they  requited  in  the  usual  way,  by  plunder 


40    PETER    THE   HERMIT   AND    URBAN    THE   POPE. 

and  drunken  disorder.  Their  conduct  so  angered  the 
king  that  he  ordered  the'  pilgrims  to  be  disarmed,  and 
then  the  enraged  Hungarians  massacred  the  defence- 
less host,  till,  as  it  is  asserted,  the  whole  plain  was 
covered  with  corpses  and  blood.  Folkmar,  a  priest, 
led  a  mixed  host  through  Bohemia  with  similar 
results.  A  fifth  army  under  Count  Emicho  included 
some  warriors  of  renown,  but  met  with  no  happier 
fate.  They  besieged  Meseberg,  on  the  Leitha,  and 
Caloman  had  prepared  for  a 'flight  into  Russia,  when 
a  sudden  panic  fell  upon  the  invaders.  The  Hun- 
garians took  fresh  courage  and  the  blood  of  their 
foes  soon  reddened  the  rivers.  A  few  of  the  leaders, 
including  Count  Emicho,  escaped  into  Italy  or  to 
their  own  homes,  but  the  mass  of  the  pilgrims  were 
slain  or  drowned :  "  Thus  is  the  hand  of  the  Lord 
believed  to  have  been  against  these  pilgrims,  who 
had  sinned  in  His  sight,  and  slain  the  Jews,  rather  for 
greed  of  money  than  for  justice  of  God." 


IIL 


THE    FIRST    CRUSADE — THE    MUSTER    AND    THE 
MARCH    TO    ANTIOCH. 

'EaTTfTE  vvv  HOI  Movant  'OXvfnna  «^wjuar'  ixovaai, 
oiTiviQ  rjyefiovsg  Aavautv  Kai  Koipavoi  riaav. 

Iliad  n. 
*'  Tell  me,  now,  ye  Muses  that  dwell  in  the  halls  of  Olympus, 
Who  were  the  chiefs  of  the  Greeks?  what  were  their  leaders'  names?' 


No  sovereign  prince  of  Western  Europe  took  part 
in  the  first  Crusade,  nor  did  any  prince  of  the  second 
rank  start  before  the  summer  of  1096.  The  inter- 
vening time  was  spent  in  negotiations  to»secure  a  free 
passage  and  plentiful  provisions  on  the  way  to  Con- 
stantinople. For  there  seems  to  have  been  no  real 
thought  of  proceeding  to  Jerusalem  by  sea ;  men 
shunned  the  horrors  of  a  Mediterranean  voyage,  and 
the  conversion  of  the  Huns  had  reopened  the  earlier 
track,  by  which  the  Bordeaux  Pilgrim  h-id  journeyed 
to  t'he  Holy  City.  The  numbers  of  the  first  Crusade, 
though  perhaps  grossly  exagG^erated,  were  too  great 
to  admit  of  a  united  progress  through  Central  Europe. 
The  main  hosts  of  the  Crusaders  accordingly  set  out 
in  five  distinct  bodies,  under  different  leaders  and  by 

41 


42  THE   FIRST  CRUSADE. 

different  routes.  The  first  started  in  August,  1096, 
the  last  did  not  join  its  fellows  till  they  were  camped 
round  Nicaea  in  the  following  summer. 

First  marched  the  Teutonic  host,  under  Godfrey 
of  Lorraine,  who  was  now  some  thirty-five  years 
old.  His  father  Eustace  II.  of  Boulogne  had  accom- 
panied William  on  his  expedition  to  England,  and 
even  before  then  had  played  a  prominent,  if  not  an 
honourable,  part  in  English  politics.  Through  his 
mother  Ida  he  was,  perhaps,  descended  from  Charles 
the  Great  ;  and  claimed  the  duchy  of  Lorraine,  which 
was  confirmed  to  him  while  still  a  youth  by  the 
Emperor  Henry  IV.  His  early  manhood  was  spent 
in  war  and  politics ;  he  fought  for  Henry  against 
Rudolf  and  Gregory,  and  when  ill  of  a  fever  at 
Rome  vowed  to  make  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy 
City.  Historically  speaking  before  the  first  Crusade 
Godfrey  figures  as  a  somewhat  turbulent  noble  of 
no  particular  piety.  His  grandfather,  Godfrey  the 
Bearded,  Duke  of  Lorraine,  had  been  one  of  the 
sturdiest  of  the  rebels  against  Henry  HI.  ;  even  in 
an  age  of  violence  men  stood  aghast  at  the  daring 
of  the  man  who  had  burnt  the  great  church  of 
Verdun  to  the  ground.  His  grandson  too,  for  all 
his  later  piety,  could  war  upon  the  Bishop  of  Verdun 
in  defence  of  what  he  deemed  his  rights.  But  in  the 
next  century  men  loved  to  think  of  Godfrey  of 
Bouillon  as  marked  out  from  his  very  infancy  for  his 
high  career. 

When  Godfrey  reached  Oedenberg,  on  the  borders 
of  Hungary,  he  found  his  further  advance  stopped  ; 
for    Caloman,  angry  at   the  injury  already  done  to 


GODFREY  DE   BOUILLON.  43 

his  kingdom,  would  not  grant  a  passage  till  Godfrey- 
had  paid  him  a  visit  of  reconciliation.  Finally  God- 
frey's brother  Baldwin,  with  his  wife  and  children, 
were  given  as  hostages,  and  a  peaceful  compact 
made  with  the  King.  "  So  day  after  day  in  silence 
and  peace,  with  equal  measure  and  just  sale,  did 
the  duke  and  his  people  pass  through  the  realm  of 
Hungary." 

Shortly  after  they  had  crossed  the  Save,  the  Greek 
Emperor's  envo}'s  met  the  duke,  promising  to  supply 
his  men  with  provisions  if  they  would  refrain  from 
plunder.  Nor  did  Alexius  fail  to  keep  his  promise, 
for  there  was  no  lack  of  corn,  wine,  and  oil  for  the 
leaders,  while  the  common  folk  had  full  liberty  to 
buy  and  sell.  But  at  Philippopolis  news  came  how 
Hugh  of  Vermandois  was  a  captive  in  Constanti- 
nople. At  first  the  duke  had  no  thought  of  ven- 
geance ;  but  when  the  envoys,  whom  he  sent  to 
petition  for  the  count's  release,  returned  with  a 
blank  refusal,  Godfrey  gave  orders  to  lay  waste  the 
surrounding  country.  A  second  and  more  friendly 
message  from  Alexius  induced  him  to  stay  his  hand 
and  advance  towards  Constantinople.  He  pitched 
his  tents  outside  the  city,  where  he  was  welcomed 
by  Hugh  and  his  fellow  captives  ;  but  by  the  advice 
of  the  French  residents  in  Constantinople  he  refused 
the  Emperor's  invitation  to  enter  the  city,  and  re- 
jected all  presents,  lest  they  should  be  poisoned. 
Alexius,  in  return,  forbade  his  people  to  supply 
the  Crusaders  with  food  ;  nor  was  it  till  Baldwin, 
brother  of  Godfrey,  took  to  plundering  that  the  pro- 
hibition was  withdrawn. 


44  THE   FIRST   CRUSADE. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  eleventh  century  the  coast 
of  the  Bosphorus  beyond  the  Golden  Horn  to  the 
Black  Sea  was  bordered  for  some  thirty  miles  with 
the  palaces  of  the  Byzantine  nobles.  Alexius,  eager 
to  have  the  Crusading  host  removed  as  far  as  pos- 
sible from  Constantinople  itself,  persuaded  Godfrey 
to  take  up  his  winter  quarters  in  this  favourable 
district.  To  this  Godfrey  assented,  but  still  refused 
the  Emperor's  solicitations  for  a  personal  visit. 
When  Alexius  had  resort  to  actual  violence,  the 
Crusaders  returned  to  their  old  position  before  Con- 
stantinople, and  the  Emperor  was  soon  compelled 
to  come  to  terms.  A  peace  was  patched  up,  and 
after  the  Emperor's  son  John  had  been  given  as  a 
hostage,  Godfrey  visited  Alexius  in  his  palace.  A 
little  later,  perhaps  on  the  2ist  of  January,  1097,  by 
the  Emperor's  request,  Godfrey  led  his  troops  across 
to  Asia. 

Bohemond  and  his  uncle.  Count  Roger  of  Sicily, 
so  runs  the  contemporary  story,  were  laying  siege  to 
Amalfi,  when  news  came  that  innumerable  Prankish 
warriors  had  started  on  the  way  to  Jerusalem.  Bohe- 
mond inquired  of  the  messengers,  "  What  are  their 
weapons,  what  their  badge,  and  what  their  war-cry  ?  " 
"Our  weapons,"  was  the  enthusiastic  reply,  "are  those 
best  suited  to  war  ;  our  badge  the  cross  of  Christ 
upon  our  shoulders ;  our  war-cry  'Deus  Vtilt  I  Deus 
VultV  The  piety  or  cupidity  of  the  warlike  Nor- 
man was  aroused  at  this  answer.  He  tore  from  his 
shoulders  his  costly  cloak,  and  with  his  own  hands 
made  of  it  crosses  for  all  who  would  follow  him  in 
the  new  enterprise.     His  example  proved  contagious, 


BOHEMOND.  45 

and  nearly  all  the  knights  ofifered  their  services  to 
Bohemond,  so  that  Count  Roger  returned  to  Sicily 
almost  alone.  With  Bohemond  went  his  cousin  ^ 
Tancred,  destined  in  later  days  to  be  lord  of  Antioch, 
and  to  find  immortal  honour  in  the  great  poem  of 
Tasso. 

Bohemond  crossed  to  Durazzo  about  the  end  of 
October^^aQji  two  months  later  had  reached  Castoria, 
where  (he  spent  the  Christmas,  and  then  proceeded 
on  hi§)  way  to  Constantinople.  He  seems  to  have 
been  well  supplied  with  provisions  on  the  route,  and 
l^ept  good  order  on  the  march.  At  Rusa,  on  the  ist 
of  April,  he  received  an  invitation  to  Constantinople, 
and  leaving  his  troops  under  the  care  of  Tancred, 
hurried  forward  with  only  a  few  attendants.  Alexius 
knew  Bohemond's  measure,  and  by  the  promise  of  a 
princely  lordship  in  the  confines  of  Antioch  prevailed 
on  him  to  take  an  oath  of  fidelity. 

The  third  host  marched  under  Raymond  of  St. 
Gilles,  and  comprised  all  the  men  of  the  Langue 
d'Oc.  Those  of  the  Langue  d'Oil  had  gone  before, 
and  under  the  guidance  of  Hugh,  Count  of  Ver- 
mandois,  had  been  the  first  of  all  the  Crusaders  to 
take  the  field.  "  Hugh,"  writes  a  contemporary,  "was 
first  to  cross  the  sea  to  Durazzo,  where  the  citizens 
took  him  prisoner,  and  sent  him  to  the  Emperor  at 
Constantinople."  How  he  was  released  from  his 
captivity  we  have  already  seen. 

Raymond  had  been  merely  Count  of  St.  Gilles, 
but  through  the  death  of  his  elder  brother,  while  on 
a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem,  had  become  in  1093  Duke 

^  Or  nephew,  for  the  genealogy  is  obscure. 


^ 


46  THE   FIRST   CRUSADE. 

of  Narbonne,  Count  of  Toulouse  and  Marquis  of  Pro- 
vence. He  was  older  than  the  other  Crusading  chiefs, 
being  now  past  fifty  years  of  age.  In  his  company 
was  the  Papal  legate  Bishop  Adhemar  of  Puy,  and 
under  his  banners  went  many  noble  knights  of 
Southern  P'rance.  "  It  was  already  winter  when 
Raymond's  men  were  toiling  over  the  barren  moun- 
tains of  Dalmitia,  whe^e  for  three  weeks  v/e  saw 
neither  bird  nor  beast.  For  almost  forty  days  did 
we  struggle  on  through  mists  so  thick  that  we  could 
actually  feel  them,  and  brush  them  aside  with  a 
motion  of  the  hand."  So  writes  a  contemporary,  who 
had  shared  in  all  the  horrors  of  this  painful  march. 
Raymond,  with  that  careful  consideration  for  the 
weak  which  seems  to  have  marked  his  character, 
did  his  best  to  hold  at  bay  the  rude  natives,  who 
dogged  his  rear  athirst  for  the  plunder  of  the  sick 
and  old ;  as  a  deterrent  he  cut  off  the  noses, 
hands,  and  feet  of  his  captives,  blinded  them,  and 
in  this  plight  sent  them  back  to  their  comrades.  At 
Scutari  Bodin,  the  King  of  the  Slavs,  promised  them 
an  open  market.  "But  this  was  fancy  only  ;  for  we 
repented  of  the  peace  we  had  sought  for,  when  the 
Slavs  once  more  began  to  rob  and  slay  in  their 
wonted  manner."  At  last  they  reached  Durazzo, 
"  where,"  writes  Raymond's  biographer,  "  we  believed 
that  we  were  in  our  own  country  ;  for  we  believed 
that  Alexius  and  his  followers  were  our  brothers 
and  allies."  The  Imperial  friendship  proved,  how- 
ever, but  a  broken  reed  ;  "  right  and  left  did  the 
Emperor's  Turks  and  Comans,  his  Pincenati  and 
Bulgarians,  lie   in  wait  for  us,  and    this    though   in 


RAYMOND    OF  TOULOUSE.  -        47 

his  letters  he  spoke  to  us  of  peace  and  brother- 
hood." However,  despite  such  experiences  and  the 
consequent  warfare,  this  host  at  last  made  its  way 
to  Rodosto,  whence  Raymond,  at  Alexius's  bidding, 
hurried  on  to  Constantinople.  Raymond,  unlike 
Bohemond,  Godfrey,  and  Robert  of  Flanders,  would 
take  no  oath  to  the  Emperor.  "  Be  it  far  from  me," 
were  the  words  of  his  proud  humility,  "  that  I  should 
take  any  lord  for  this  way  save  Christ  only,  for 
whose  sake  I  have  come  hither.  If  thou  art  willing 
to  take  the  cross  also,  and  accompany  us  to  Jeru- 
salem, I  and  my  men  and  all  that  I  have  will  be  at 
thy  disposal." 

While  at  Constantinople  Raymond  received  news 
that  during  his  absence  the  Emperor's  troops  had 
attacked  his  men.  In  his  wrath  it  is  said  that  he 
^vited  the  other  Latin  chiefs  to  join  him  in  the 
sack  of  Constantinople.  Bohemond,  however,  was 
staunch  to  the  Emperor,  and  even  gave  himself  as 
a  hostage  that  Alexius  would  recompense  the  count 
if  it  should  prove  true  that  the  Imperial  troops  had 
done  him  injury.  Godfrey,  too,  refused  to  bear  arms 
against  a  brother  Christian,  and  so  Raymond  had  to 
endure  his  wrong  as  best  he  might.  Nothing  could 
induce  him  to  become  the  Emperor's  liegeman,  but 
at  last  he  swore  to  do  Alexius  no  harm  to  his  life  or 
honour,  and  not  to  suffer  any  such  wrong  to  be  done 
by  another.  "  But  when  he  was  called  on  to  do 
homage,"  says  Raymond  of  Agiles,  "he  made  answer 
that  he  would  not,  even  at  the  peril  of  his  life.  For 
which  reason  the  Emperor  gave  him  few  gifts."  Yet 
Raymond's  oath  proved  of  better  worth  than  that  of 


EFFIGY  OF   ROBERT 


< 


ROBERT  OF  NORMANDY,  49 

those  who  had  sworn  more.  Anna  Comnena  per- 
haps writes  by  the  Hght  of  later  events,  but  her 
words  are  very  precise,  and  apparently  refer  to  this 
time:  "One  of  the  Crusaders,  the  Count  of  St.  Gilles. 
Alexius  loved  in  a  special  way,  because  of  his  wisdom^ 
sincerity,  and  purity  of  life  ;  and  also  because  he 
knew  that  he  preferred  honour  and  truth  above  all 
things." 

/  The  last  of  the  great  hosts  did  not  start  till  Sep- 
tember or  October,  1096.  At  its  head  was  the 
Conqueror's  son,  Robert  of  Normandy,  and  with 
him  went  his  sister's  husband,  Stephen,  Count  of 
Blois  and  Cliartres  ;  his  cousin,  Robert  of  Flanders  ; 
his  uncle  Odo,  the  turbulent  Bishop  of  Bayeux,  and 
a  goodly  host  of  warriors  from  the  lands  of  North- 
west France.  They  passed  through  Italy,  at  Lucca 
received  a  blessing  from  Pope  Urban,  and  so  by  way 
of  Rome  came  to  Bari. 

Winter  was  come  when  Robert  of  Normandy 
reached  this  town.  The  prospect  of  the  stormy 
Adriatic  determined  him  to  spend  the  winter  in 
Calabria ;  where  as  head  of  the  Norman  race  he 
might  look  for  lavish  hospitality  from  the  children 
of  those  Normans  who  had  conquered  Sicily  and 
South  Italy.  But  Robert  of  Flanders  bade  defiance 
to  the  winter  storms,  crossed  the  Adriatic,  and 
appears  to  have  reached  Constantinople  a  little 
before  Raymond.  The  great  majority  of  those  who 
remained  behind  suffered  terribly  ;  Robert  enjoyed 
his  ease  in  Italy  or  Sicily,  but  his  humbler  followers 
found  it  hard  to  support  themselves  in  so  unexpected 
a  delay.     "  Many,"  says  Fulcher,  "  of  the  commoner 


50  THE   FlkST   CRVSADk. 

sort  became  disconsolate,  and  through  fear  of  want 
sold  their  bows.  Then,  taking  up  their  pilgrims' 
staves  once  more,  they  returned  meanly  to  their 
homes.  So  they  became  vile  before  God  and  man, 
and  the  thing  was  turned  to  their  shame."  Of  the 
prelates,  Odo  died  at  Palermo  and  was  buried  there. 
y  By  the  end  of  March,  1097,  Duke  Robert  and 
Count  Stephen  were  ready  at  Brindisi,  and  fixed 
their  departure  for  Easter  Day,  the  5th  of  April.  The 
sinking  of  a  large  vessel  laden  with  four  hundred 
pilgrims  seemed  to  augur  ill  for  the  success  of  the 
expedition.  But  when  more  than  one  of  the  bodies 
thrown  upon  the  beach  was  found  to  be  marked  with 
a  mysterious  cross,  the  incident  was  turned  to  a 
happy  omen.  "  However,"  says  Fulcher,  "  some  being 
of  a  less  robust  faith  were  greatly  perturbed  with 
fear,  and  went  back  home,  saying  they  would  no 
more  venture  themselves  on  the  treacherous  waters. 
The  rest  of  us  placing  our  trust  in  Almighty  God, 
launched  forth  on  to  the  deep  amid  the  blare  of 
many  trumpets,  and  the  breath  of  a  gentle  breeze." 
Four  days  later  they  disembarked  near  Durazzo, 
and  thence  made  their  way  across  Thessaly  to 
Salonica  and  Constantinople.  Fulcher  relates  that 
**the  Emperor  would  not  let  us  enter  the  city  lest 
we  should  do  it  harm  ; "  but  the  new-comers  were 
not  indiscriminately  excluded,  and  it  was  doubtless 
the  tales  of  his  luckier  comrades  that  filled  Fulcher 
with  admiration :  "  Oh !  how  great  a  city  it  is ; 
how  noble  and  comely!  What  wondrously  wrought 
monasteries  and  palaces  are  therein  !  What  marvels 
everywhere  in  street  and  square !     Tedious  would  it 


THE   CRUSADERS   AT   CONSTANTINOPLE.         y 

be  to  recite  its  wealth  in  all  precious  things,  in  gold 
and  silver,  in  divers  shaped  cloaks,  and  saintly  relics. 
For  thither  do  ships  bring  at  all  tinries  all  things  that 
man  requires." 

So  one  by  one  the  varied  hosts  made  their  way 
to  Constantinople.  The  successive  arrivals  of  such 
numerous  bodies  of  men,  extending  over  nearly 
the  whole  of  a  year,  may  well  have  excited  a  feeling 
of  dismay  in  the  Eastern  Emperor  and  his  subjects. 
Almost  all  contemporary  writers  go  further,  and 
accuse  Alexius  of  an  actual  •  breach  of  faith ;  nor 
were  their  charges  entirely  devoid  of  foundation. 
Yet  so  far  as  the  providing  of  actual  supplies  was 
concerned  Alexius  seems  to  have  kept  his  word  in 
the  main.  We  read  how  Bohemond's  army  marched 
"  through  overmuch  plenty  from  villa  to  villa,  from 
town  to  town,  and  irom  fortress  to  fortress ; "  at 
Philippopolis  Duke  Godfrey  found  an  abundance  of 
things  necessary  for  eight  days  ;  and  at  Salonica 
Duke  Robert  and  his  comrades  pitched  their  tents 
before  a  city  abounding  in  all  good  store. 

But  the  hordes  of  Peter  the  Hermit  and  Walter 
the  Penniless  can  have  known  little  of  discipline,  and 
even  in  the  more  .regularly  constituted  hosts  it  was 
impossible  that  the  chiefs  should  maintain  strict 
authority.  It  was  perhaps  still  more  impossible  for 
Alexius  to  have  arranged  the  commissariat  without 
a  flaw,  and  possibly  his  authority  did  not  count  for 
much  in  cities  remote  from  the  capital.  "At 
Castoria,"  says  Bohemond's  chronicler,  "  the  inhabi- 
tants would  not  assent  to  a  market,  for  they  feared 
us   greatly,   deeming   us    no   pilgrims,   but  a  peopb 


52  THE  FIRST  CRUSADE. 

desirous  to  waste  their  land,  and  slay  them."  After- 
wards this  same  host  was  eager  to  attack  a  certain 
fortress,  for  no  other  reason  than  that  it  was  full  of 
all  manner  of  good  store.  Bohemond  refused,  as 
much,  we  read,  from  love  of  justice  as  from  loyalty 
to  the  Emperor.  But  even  Tancred  did  not  take 
so  strict  a  view  of  what  good  faith  meant. 

Mutual  distrust  soon  breeds  open  discontent,  which 
is  the  speedy  harbinger  of  open  war.  Nor  was 
Alexius  without  justifiable  suspicions  of  more  than 
one  Crusading  chief;  he  can  never  have  forgotten 
how  within  the  last  few  years  Bohemond  and  his 
father  had  waged  war  on  the  Empire.  Byzantine 
duplicity  was  only  too  ready  to  suspect  Norman 
guile  ;  might  not  Bohemond,  after  all,  be  using  the 
Crusade  as  a  cloak  for  his  own  designs  against  the 
Imperial  city?  Such  at  least  was  the  suspicion  of. 
the  Byzantines  a  few  years  later,  when  they  could 
interpret  the  events  of  the  eleventh  century  by  those 
of  the  early  twelfth.  "  Some  of  the  Crusaders,"  writes 
Anna  Comnena,  "  were  guileless  men  and  women 
marching  in  all  simplicity  to  worship  at  the  tomb 
of  Christ ;  but  there  were  others  of  a  more  wicked 
l^ind — to  wit,  Bohemond  and  the  like:  such  men  had 
but  one  object — to  get  possession  of  the  Imperial 
city."  Such  plans  as  these,  if  they  ever  existed, 
Alexius  was  bound  to  resist  to  the  utmost,  but  his 
hopes  went  much  further.  He  remembered  that  the 
Empire,  which  h.2  ruled,  had  once  stretched  to 
Antioch  and  the  Euphrates,  nay,  even  to  Jerusalem 
itself  Might  he  not  turn  the  Crusade  to  his  own 
advantage,  by  its  aid  beat  back  the  invading  Turks, 


SCHEMES   OF   ALEXIUS. 


53 


and  recover  for  the  Empire  all  that  Prankish  valour 
could  wrest  from  Saracen  hands  ?  This  was  what 
Alexius  had  in  view,  and  it  was  possibly  by  his 
insistence  on  this,  that  he  sowed  the  first  seeds  of 
permanent  distrust  between  himself  and  his  so-called 
allies. 

In  all  his  actions  Alexius  had  but  one  aim  :  he 
was  resolved  to  give  the  Crusading  hosts  no  facilities 
for  their  journey  through  Asia  Minor  until  the 
leaders,  one  and  all,  had  taken  an  oath  of  fealty  to 
him.  They  must  promise  too  that  whatever  con- 
quests  they  might    make  elsewhere    on   their    own 


COINS  OF  ALEXIUS. 


account,  everything  that  had  once  belonged  to  the 
Empire  should  revert  to  it  again.  Doubtless  he 
would  grant  them  out  in  fiefs  to  the  Prankish 
warriors,  but  he  must  at  least  be  over-lord.  Godfrey 
was  first  to  take  this  oath,  but  it  was  uncertain 
whether  the  other  leaders  would  consent  to  follow 
his  example  ;  the  bargain  seemed  dishonourable, 
and  they  suspected  some  hidden  trap.  But  at 
length  the  Emperor  won  his  way.  We  have  seen 
how  Bohemond  was  bribed  by  the  promise  of  a  vast 
principality,  and  how  Raymond,  at  first  inexorable, 
eventually  yielded  so  far  as  to  take  the  oath  in  a 
modified    form.     In  the  end   Tancred  was  the  only 


\ 


54  THE   FIRST   CRUSADE. 

Crusader  of  the  first  rank  who  escaped  the  oath, 
and  that  only  for  the  time.  "  He  came,"  says  his 
biographer,  "  to  get  himself  a  kingdom,  should  he  find 
himself  a  yoke  ?  "  So  Tancred  would  not  approach 
Constantinople,  but  crossed  the  Hellespont  in  dis- 
guise, whilst  Bohemond  had  to  excuse  his  con- 
duct as  best  he  might.  After  the  fall  of  Nicaea, 
Bohemond  brought  his  kinsman  back  to  Constanti- 
nople, and  Tancred  then  took  the  oath,  but  refused 
all  the  Emperor's  smaller  gifts,  hoping  for  a  splendid 
tent,  "turreted  like  a  city,  and  a  load  for  twenty 
camels."  This  Alexius  refused  to  give  him,  making 
a  few  wholesome  remarks  on  his  covetousness,  and 
Tancred  accordingly  returned  in  dudgeon  to  Nicaea. 

The  first  exploit  of  the  Crusaders  after  they  were 
all  mustered  in  Asia  Minor  was  the  siege  of  Nicaea, 
which  city  they  reached  on  May  6th.  The  first 
attack  on  the  city  failed,  and  then  came  news  that 
Kilij  Arslan  was  approaching  with  an  army  of 
relief  On  Saturday  morning,  May  i6th,  his  troops 
were  pressing  down  upon  the  city,  when  fortunately 
Raymond  of  St.  Gilles  and  Adhemar  of  Puy  arrived 
to  join  their  comrades.  It  was  a  glorious  day  for 
the  Crusading  armies,  and  their  first  battle  with  the 
enemy  resulted  in  a  complete  victory.  "  The  Turks 
rushed  to  war,  exultingly  dragging  with  them  the 
ropes,  wherewith  to  bind  us  captive.  But  as  many 
as  descended  from  the  hills  remained  in  our  hands  ; 
and  our  men  cutting  off  their  heads  flung  them  into 
the  city,  a  thing  that  wrought  great  terror  amongst 
the  Turks  inside." 

After  this  victory  the  siege  was  renewed  with  fresh 


SIEGE   OF  NICMA,  55 

vigour,  and  when,  early  in  June,  Robert  of  Normandy 
and  Stephen__QfL-Blois,  arrived  the  whole  city  was 
at  length  encompassed,  except  on  one  side,  where 
a  lake  aftbrded-  means  to  go  out  and  come  in.  It 
was  plain  that  Nicaea  would  never  be  taken  till  this 
entry  was  closed.  Envoys  were  sent  to  seek  aid 
from  Alexius,  and  through  his  assistance  vessels 
were  brought  overland  from  the  sea,  and  launched 
upon  the  lake.  It  seemed  now  that  the  city  must 
fall ;  and  all  were  looking  forward  with  eagerness 
to  the  plunder,  which  w^as  to  repay  them  for  their 
labour.  But  the  Turks  preferred  to  fall  into  the 
hands  of  Alexius,  and  just  when  the  Christians  were 
hoping  to  capture  the  city  the  Imperial  banners  were 
seen  floating  from  the  walls.  Still  though  Alexius 
had  thus  forestalled  his  Prankish  allies  he  was  lavish 
of  his  gifts'!  among  them.  "  To  our  leaders,"  says 
Fulcher,  "  he  gave  gold  and  silver,  and  raiment ;  and 
among  the  foot-soldiers  he  distributed  brass  coins 
that  they  call  Tartarons."  No  generosity,  however, 
could  quite  satisfy  the  greed  of  the  disappointed 
soldiery.  What,  they  angrily  demanded,  had  become 
of  the  gold  and  horses  of  the  conquered  ?  Where 
was  the  hospital  that  Alexius  had  promised  to  build 
for  the  poorer  Franks  ?  So  also  says  Raymond  of 
Agiles — "  Alexius  paid  the  army  in  such  wise  that,  so 
long  as  ever  he  lives,  the  people  will  curse  him,  and 
declare  him  a  traitor." 

The  siege  of  Nicaea  thus  ended,  the  Crusaders 
started  on  their  way  to  Antioch  on  June  29th. 
Whether  by  accident  or  design  they  divided  into  two 
parts  ;  with  one  went  Raymond,  Adhemar,  Godfrey, 


55  THE  FIRST   CRUSADE. 

and  Robert  of  Flanders  ;  with  the  other  Bohemond, 
Tancred,  Hugh  the  Great,  and  Robert  of  Normandy. 
At  evening  on  the  following  day  Bohemond  found 
himself  beside  a  little  stream.  The  heights  around 
were  thronged  with  thousands  of  Turks,  and  a  hasty 
order  was  issued  to  pitch  tents.  The  night  passed 
in  anxious  expectation,  till  in  tl^e  early  morning  of 
July  1st,  the  horn  gave  the  signal  to  resume  the 
march.  An  hour  or  two  later  tlie  scouts  of  the 
two    armies    came    to    close    quarters ;    Bohemond 


KNIGHTS    AT  THE   TIME  OF   Till::    FIRST   CRUSADE. 

ordered  a  halt,  the  baggage  was  stacked,  and  a  mes- 
sage sent  to  call  up  the  other  host  of  the  Crusaders. 
Then  the  knights  dismounted,  and  Bohemond  bade 
them  be  of  good  cheer,  and  keep  the  foe  at  bay, 
while  the  footmen  guarded  the  tents. 

It  was  a  day  of  heroic  deeds  ;  "  the  very  women 
were  a  stay  to  us,"  writes  Bohemond's  eulogiser,  "  for 
they  carried  water  for  our  warriors  to  drink,  and  ever 
did  they  strengthen  the  fighters."  At  last,  hemmed 
in   by  thousands   of  Turks,  Bohemond  himself  was 


BATTLE   OF  DORYLMUM.  57 

losing  heart,  and  his  men  giving  way,  when  Robert — 
mindful,  perhaps,  how  his  father  turned  the  day  at 
Hastings — bared  his  head  to  view,  and  urged  his 
comrades  to  stand  firm.  The  battle  was  resumed 
with  vigour,  and  as  the  other  Christian  leaders  came 
up,  the  Turks  were  driven  back,  and  fled  leaving  their 
treasures  behind  them.  Victory  had  been  snatched 
out  of  the  very  jaws  of  defeat,  and  well  might  the 
Christian  warrior  write  :  "  Had  not  the  Lord  been 
with  us  in  this  battle,  and  sent  us  speedily  another 
army,  none  of  our  men  would  have  escaped." 

Such  was  the  fight  at  Dorylaeum,  the  first  pitched 
battle  between  the  Crusader  and  the  Turk.  Fable  or 
superstitious  enthusiasm  soon  cast  a  halo  round  the 
fight.  "  A  wondrous  miracle  is  reported  to  have 
taken  place,"  writes  Raymond  of  Agiles,  "  but  we  did 
not  behold  it ;  for  it  is  said  that  two  knights  of  won- 
derful appearance,  and  clad  in  shining  armour,  went 
before  our  army  and  pressed  the  enemy  in  such  wise' 
as  to  leave  them  no  chance  of  fighting."  A  few  years 
later  men  told  one  another  with  awe  how  St.  George, 
St.  Demetrius,  and  St.  Theodore,  came  forth  from 
the  mountains  on  white  horses,  bearing  white  ban- 
ners in  their  hands,  and  dealt  deadly  blows  against 
the  infidels. 

From  Dorylaeum  the  Crusaders  plodded  on  over  the 
rugged  table-lands  of  Asia  Minor,  through  a  water- 
less and  uninhabited  region,  "  whence  we  scarcely 
issued  with  our  lives."  Survivors  related  to  Albert 
of  Aix,  the  story  of  their  terrible  march  across  the 
mountains.  Men,  women,  and  horses,  perished  of 
thirst  in  the  heat  of  the  hot   July  sun.     Pregnant 


58  THE   FIRST   CRUSADE. 

women  dropped  down  by  the  way  to  give  birth  to 
their  hapless  offspring  before  their  time  ;  men 
marched  along  with  open  mouths,  hoping  thus  to  cool 
their  parched  throats  by  even  the  slightest  breath  of 
air.  The  hawks  and  dogs,  which  accompanied  the 
chiefs  to  the  war,  died  in  the  hands  of  their  at- 
tendants. At  length  a  stream  was  reached  ;  there 
was  a  general  rush  to  gain  the  bank  ;  men  and  cattle 
unable  to  restrain  their  desire  drank  themselves  to 
death. 

Over  the  rough  mountains  the  Crusaders  passed 
into  the  pleasant  valleys  near  Iconium,  where  the 
friendly  inhabitants  taught  them  how  to  carry  water 
in  the  skins  of  the  country.  At  Heraclea  now  Erkli, 
Tancred  and  Baldwin  left  the  main  army,  and,  by 
the  famous  "gates  of  Judas,"  passed  into  the 
Cilician  plains.  This  they  did  in  order  to  conquer 
on  their  own  account,  nor  were  they  the  only  chiefs 
who  at  this  time  left  the  army  for  such  a  pur- 
pose. Raymond,  Bohemond,  Godfrey,  and  the  two 
Roberts,  for  some  unexplained  reason,  turned  north 
towards  Armenia  ;  but  at  length  the  main  host  of 
the  Crusaders,  under  their  command,  pitched  its  tents 
before  the  walls  of  Antioch  on  Wednesday,  October 
21,  1097. 


IV. 


THE   FIRST   CRUSADE — THE    FIRST   FRUITS  OF  CON- 
QUEST :   EDESSA  AND  ANTIOCH. 

"  The  true  old  times 
When  every  morning  brought  a  noble  chance, 
And  every  chance  brought  out  a  noble  knight." 

Tennyson. 


§  I.  The  Conquest  of  Edessa. 

When  Tancred  entered  Cilicia,  and  pitched  his  tents 
outside  the  walls  of  Tarsus,  that  city,  like  many  other 
towns  of  Asia  Minor  and  Syria,  though  mainly  in- 
habited by  Christians,  was  held  by  a  garrison  of 
Turks.  The  citizens  were  eager  to  obtain  Bohe- 
mond's  protection,  and  in  his  absence  Tancred  was 
only  too  ready  to  become  their  lord.  The  Turks 
were  on  the  point  of  surrendering,  when  Baldwin's 
host  appeared  on  the  neighbouring  mountains.  The 
Turks,  mistaking  this  force  for  allies  of  their  own, 
refused  to  keep  their  engagement.  The  new-comers 
then  joined  the  Normans  in  prosecuting  the  siege,  but 
Baldwin,  jealous  of  Tancrcd's  success,  presently 
induced    the  citizens  to  transfer   their  allegiance  to 

S9. 


6o  THE  FIRST  CRUSADE. 

him.  Tancred  was  too  weak  to  resent  such  injustice, 
and  withdrew  to  Adana,  where  Welf  the  Burgundian 
gave  him  a  kindly  welcome. 

A  h"ttle  later  the  Turks  surrendered,  and  Baldwin, 
leaving  a  garrison  at  Tarsus,  started  eastwards  in 
hi^  turn  once  more.  Tancred  who  was  now  at 
Messis,  beheld  with  indignation  his  rival  come  again 
to  pitch  his  tents  outside  the  city.  Was  he  always 
to  yield  his  conquests  to  the  greed  of  Baldwin  ? 
So  at  their  chief's  bidding  the  Norman  knights 
attacked  the  new-comers,  but  only  to  meet  with  a 
repulse.  Next  morning  each  army  began  to  regret 
such  a  violation  of  their  pilgrim's  vows,  and  peace 
was  restored.  Baldwin  then  went  off  to  seek  fresh 
adventures  in  Armenia,  whilst  Tancred  proceeded  by 
the  coast  towards  Antioch. 

Among  the  cities  of  Armenia  proper,  none  was 
,^ore  famous  than  Edessa,  celebrated  in  Christian 
legend  for  its  king  Abgar,  and  for  the  tombs  of  the 
apostles  Thomas  and  Thaddeus.  At  this  time  it  was 
ruled  by  an  Armenian  prince  called  Thoros,  who, 
though  nominally  subject  to  Alexius,  had  much  diffi- 
culty in  maintaining  himself  against  the  conquering 
Turks.     Almost  all  .rmenian  lands  had  fallen 

into  the  possess^  lie  infidels,  and  it  was  only 

here  and  there  that  a  remnant  of  that  powerful  nation 
still  maintained  themselves  in  their  ancient  home. 
Others  had  alread)^  commenced  that  obscure  and 
mysterious  migration,  which,  before  the  close  of  the 
next  century,  was  destined  to  establish  a  new  king- 
dom of  Armenia  on  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean. 

Such    a    state    of   confusion    offered   not   merely 


BALDWIN  AT  EDESSA,  6l 

great  facilities,  but  some  justification,  to  Frankish 
conquests.  Nor  were  the  Franks  long  before  they 
availed  themselves  to  the  full  of  their  opportunities. 
Baldwin  was  led  by  the  advice  of  Pakrad,  ^n 
Armenian,  who  had  joined  the  Crusaders  at  Nicaea, 
to  seek  a  field  of  conquest  in  Armenia.  His  fama 
reached  Thoros  at  Edessa,  and  a  message  soon  came 
to  beg  his  assistance  against  the  Turks  beyond  the 
Euphrates.  Baldwin  accepted  the  invitation  with 
alacrity  ;  with  eighty  knights  he  crossed  the  great 
river,  and  was  received  within  the  walls  of  Edessa  to 
the  sound  of  trumpets.  Thoros  welcomed  him  kindl\-, 
but  presently,  growing  jealous  of  Baldwin's  popularity, 
refused  to  pay  the  promised  wage.  The  twelve 
senators,  who  seem  to  have  formed  an  aristocratic 
curia  in  Edessa,  then  begged  their  governor  to  fulfil 
his  bargain,  and  so  retain  this  illustrious  warrior  for 
service  against  the  Turks.  Thoros  yie'dcd  to  their 
persuasion  and  adopted  Baldwin  as  his  son  ;  after 
the  manner  of  their  race  and  country,  he  and  his  wife 
in  turn  took  the  count  beneath  their  shirts,  and 
pressed  him  to  their  naked  breasts.  This  curious 
ceremony  completed,  Baldwin  started  on  an  un- 
successful expedition  aj.  Balduc,  the  Turkish 
ruler  of  Samosata.  On  •  -n  he  found  the 
people  of  Edessa  eager  to  have  him  for  their  prince. 
Treachery  was  at  work,  and  on  the  Sunday  and 
Monday  before  Easter,  1098,  Thoros  and  his  adherents' 
were  attacked,  and  the  prince  imprisoned  in  his  own 
citadel.  Baldwin  seems  to  have  been  a  party  to  the 
tumult ;  but  at  least  he  may  be  credited  with  a 
sincere   desire   to   save    his    benefactor's    life.      He 


62 


THE   FIRST   CRUSADE. 


counselled  Thoros  to  abandon  all  his  treasures, 
and  swore  to  secure  him  a  safe  retreat  to  Melitene. 
But  Baldwin's  promises  were  in  excess,  either  of  his 
powers  or  his  intentions.  Once  more  the  people  rose 
up  against  their  ancient  prince.  Trembling  for  his 
life,  Thoros  attempted  to  let  himself  down  from  a 
window  by  a  rope.  His  attempt  was  detec.cd  and 
in  a  moment  his  corpse,  riddled  with  arrows,  was 
flung  out  into  the  square. 

Baldwin  was  now  lord  of  Edcssa,  but  it  was  by  a 
precarious  tenure  ;  for  the  Turks  were  close  at  hand, 
and  his  own  troops  few  in    number,  whilst  he  had 


COIN   OF   BALDWIN    I. 


already  learnt  how  little  trust  could  be  reposed  in 
Armenian  fidelity  or  valour.  Yet  for  all  this  he  held 
himself  as  proudly  as  if  he  had  an  army  of  Franks  at 
his  back.  Balduc  sent  offers  of  tribute,  and  in  return 
for  a  talent  of  gold  Samosata  was  left  in  Turkish  hands. 
"  But  from  that  day,"  writes  Albert  of  Aix,  ''  Balduc 
became  Baldwin's  subject,  a  dweller  in  his  house,  and 
one  among  his  friendly  Gauls." 

Baldwin's  next  conquest  was  Saruj,  a  town  a  few 
miles  south  of  Edessa,  which  was  surrendered  by  its 
Armenian  ruler  and  entrusted  to  Fulchcr  of  Chartres.^ 

*  This  was  not  the  historian,  but  a  namesake. 


A  PRECARIOUS  LORDSHIP.  63 

He  then  sought  to  make  his  rule  more  pleasing  to 
his  subjects  by  taking  an  Armenian  wife  ;  for  his 
English  wife,  Godwera,  who  accompanied  him  on  the 
Crusade,  had  died  a  few  months  previously  at  Marash. 
Baldwin  now  married  a  niece  of  the  Armenian  prince 
Constantine  the  Rupenian,  by  which  alliance  he 
strengthened  himself  both  among  his  new  subjects 
and  against  his  Turkish  foes.  Still  his  position  was 
very  insecure,  and  he  could  render  no  help  to  the 
great  army  of  the  Crusaders,  and  indeed  was  himself 
besieged  for  forty  days  by  Corbogha,  when  the  Mussul- 
man prince  was  on  his  way  to  Antioch.  He  did, 
however,  contrive  to  send  large  store  of  provisions  to 
his  brother  Godfrey,  whilst  the  Armenian  mountains 
furnished  many  of  the  Crusaders  with  a  refreshing 
scene  of  adventure  during  the  weary  months  of  the 
siege  of  Antioch.  Such  hospitality  was,  however,  a 
great  strain  on  Baldwin's  resources,  and  the  consequent 
oppression  excited  a  rebellion  in  Edessa.  Although 
this  movement  failed,  the  renewed  extortion  for  which 
it  furnished  a  pretext  alienated  many  of  Baldwin's 
best  friends,  and  so  the  position  of  the  Franks  in 
Edessa  was,  from  the  first,  one  of  danger  and 
difficulty. 

§  2.  T/[e  Siege  of  Antioch. 

Antioch  on  the  Orontes  was  by  far  the  most  famous 
of  the  sixteen  cities  founded  by  Seleucus  Nicator  in 
honour  of  his  father.  Within  four  centuries  of  its 
creation  it  was  the  third  city  of  the  Roman  world, 
the  central  point  of  all  the  Hellenic  east.  Later  it 
became  the  seat  of  one  of  the  four  great  patriarchates, 


THE   CITY  OF  ANTIOCH.  65 

and  the  birth-place  of  the  golden-mouthed  preacher  < 
of  the  Eastern  Church.  Justinian  surrounded  it  with 
a  girdle  of  enormous  walls,  which  after  the  earthquakes 
and  sieges  of  thirteen  centuries,  still  bid  defiance  to 
the  wasting  power  of  time.  It  was  taken  by  the 
Saracens  in  635  A.D.,  recovered  under  Nicephorus 
Phocas  in  9^8,  and  again  lost  to  the  Seljuk  Soliman 
in  1084. 

At  the  present  day  Antioch,  lost  in  its  gardens  and 
orchards,  occupies  but  a  small  portion  of  its  ancient 
extent.  Now,  as  of  old,  the  city  lies  on  the  south 
bank  of  the  Orontes,  beyond  which  there  stretches 
northwards  to  the  foot  of  Mount  Amanus  a  wide 
and  level  plain  ;  on  the  south  the  precipitous  hills 
ploughed  with  deep  ravines  run  down  from  the 
mountains  of  Ansarieh  to  within  half  a  mile  of  the 
river.  The  modern  Antioch  is  huddled  together  in 
one  corner  of  the  narrow  space  that  lies  between 
these  hills  and  the  Orontes  ;  but  in  the  eleventh 
century  the  southern  walls  of  the  city  were  built  along 
a  ridge  of  the  hills  which  rise  in  that  quarter  to  a 
height  of  several  hundred  feet  above  the  valley,  and 
are  cleft  by  a  deep  and  narrow  ravine,  down  which  a 
mountain  torrent  ran  northwards  through  the  city  to 
the  Orontes.  On  the  more  westerly  half  of  the  range 
rose  the  citadel  ;  the  other  portion  also  was  secured 
by  a  castle.  The  whole  circuit  of  the  fortifications 
may  have  enclosed  an  area  of  some  four  square  miles. 
Within  its  course  were  included  four  gates :  on  the 
west,  the  Gate  of  St.  George  ;  near  the  north-west 
angle,  a  gate  which  led  to  a  stone  bridge  over  the 
Orontes ;   on  the  north-east,  the  Gate  of  St.   Paul ; 

.6^ 


66  THE  FIRST  CRUSADE. 

and  on  the  south,  at  the  deep  ravine,  the  Iron 
Gate.  Besides  these  there  were  numerous  smaller 
gates  at  comparatively  short  distances  apart. 

Such  was  the  city  that  the  Crusaders  sat  down 
to  besiege  in  October,  1097.  Orders  had  been  issued 
that  all  the  predatory  bands  were  to  gather  together, 
but  even  in  their  fullest  strength  the  Crusaders 
were  all"  too  few  for  the  task  before  them.  Yet 
a  contemporary,  who  should  have  had  special 
opportunities  for  knowledge,  asserts  that  the  host 
consisted  of  three  hundred  thousand  armed  men ; 
whilst  within  the  walls  there  were  but  two  thousand 
choice  horsemen,  five  thousand  mercenaries,  and  some 
ten  thousand  footmen.  Finding  it  impossible  to 
invest  efficiently  the  whole  circuit,  the  Crusaders 
directed  their  first  efforts  to  the  north-eastern  portion 
of  the  walls.  Bohemond  pitched  his  tent  furthest 
south,  on  a  rock  opposite  the  castle  ;  a  stone's  throw 
off  and  nearer  the  city  wall  was  Tancred.  Then  came 
Duke  Robert  of  Normandy  and  Robert  of  Flanders  ; 
near  the  Dog  gate  were  stationed  Raymond  and 
Bishop  Adhemar ;  Godfrey  and  his  fellow  Teutons 
were  posted  before  a  gate  which  in  William  of  Tyre's 
days  was  still  called  the  Duke's  gate. 

It  was  Wednesday,  21st  of  October,  1097,  when 
the  Crusading  army  encamped  before  Antioch.  For 
fifteen  days  no  Turk  dared  issue  from  the  city,  but 
the  Armenians  and  Syrians  came  out  daily  to  the 
camp,  pretending  friendliness  to  their  fellow 
Christians,  but  in  reality  seeking  intelligence  for  the 
besieged.  Presently  the  Turks  began  to  make  sallies 
in  every  direction,  whilst  their  friends  in  Harenc  also 


TROUBLES   OF   THE    CRUSADERS,  67 

pressed  the  besiegers  hard.  As  Christmas  drew  near, 
the  Crusaders  felt  the  first  touches  of  want:  "We 
did  not  venture  abroad,  nor  could  we  find  aught 
to  eat  in  the  land  of  the  Christians  ;  for  none  dared 
enter  Saracen  land  without  a  great  host"  Bohemond 
and  Robert  of  Flanders  led  out  a  large  force  to  forage, 
but  they  gained  little  booty,  and  the  Turks  seized  the 
opportunity  to  make  a  sudden  sally,  wherein  they 
slew  many  knights  and  footmen.  From  this  moment 
the  Armenians  and  Syrians  ceased  to  bring  provisions 
to  the  Christian  camp,  and  transferred  their  services 
to  the  besieged. 

As  the  new  year  advanced  on  things  grew  worse  and 
worse.  There  was  no  provender  for  the  horses,  and 
two  solidi  would  scarcely  purchase  a  man's  food  for 
one  day.  There  were  signs  in  heaven  above,  and  in 
the  earth  beneath  ;  the  earth  trembled,  and  red  lights 
burnt  in  the  northern  sky  at  night.  Terror  seized 
upon  the  bravest  hearts  ;  Bohemond  declared  that  he 
could  not  stay  to  see  his  men  perish.  Godfrey  was 
ill,  and  so  also  was  Raymond.  The  leader  of  Alexius' 
Greek  auxiliaries  urged  his  Latin  colleagues  to  retire, 
and  it  seemed  that  there  was  no  hope  but  to.  abandon 
the  siege.  Then  came  news  that  a  vast  host  of  Turks 
was  advancing  from  the  east.  Bohemond's  warlike 
spirit  was  roused,  and  at  his  own  suggestion  he  led 
out  one  half  of  the  host  to  battle,  while  the  other 
half  remained  to  keep  watch  on  the  city.  Starting 
late  at  night,  at  early  dawn  he  came  upon  the  Turks 
encamped  on  either  side  of  the  riven  But  despite 
this  advantage  the  battle  at  first  went  against  the 
Christians,  till    the  reserve  under    Bohemond's   own 


68  THE  FIRST  CRUSADE. 

banner  restored  the  day.  Then  the  Turks  were 
routed,  their  camp  plundered,  and  Bohemond  re- 
turned with  a  hundred  heads  as  a  trophy  of 
his  valour.  This  was  on  Tuesday,  February  9, 
1098. 

The  Crusaders  now  determined  to  build  a  fortress 
on  the  height  above  Bohemond's  camp,  hoping  thus 
to  check  the  constant  sallies  from  the  city.  Another 
castle  was  to  be  built  on  a  little  hill  near  the  bridge 
over  the  Orontes.  During  a  temporary  absence  of 
Bohemond,  the  Turkish  commandant  sent  out  his 
troops  across  the  bridge,  and  closed  the  city  gates 
behind  them,  bidding  them  conquer  or  die.  It  would 
have  gone  hard  with  the  Christians,  but  for  a  valiant 
knight,  Isuard  of  Gagia,  who  with  a  hundred  and  fifty 
footmen  made  a  desperate  onset  on  the  Turks,  and 
drove  them  back  to  the  bridge  to  find  that  Bohemond 
was  returned.  The  narrow  causeway  was  crowded 
with  horsemen,  and  the  walls  of  Antioch  were  thronged 
with  Christian  women  eager  to  behold  the  destruction 
of  their  Turkish  tyrants.  "  We  overcame  the  enemy, 
and  flung  them  into  the  river,  where  they  received 
.everlasting  darhnation,  and  rendered  up  their  wretched 
souls  to  Satan.  If  by  chance  any  strove  to  climb  on 
to  the  piers  of  the  bridge,  or  to  swim  ashore,  our  men 
slew  them  from  the  bank.  Twelve  emirs  and  fifteen 
hundred  of  a  meaner  sort  fell  upon  that  day."  On 
the  morrow  the  Turks  came  out  and  gathered  their 
dead  for  burial  ;  but  the  Christians  broke  into  the 
cemetery,  flung  the  corpses  into  a  ditch,  and  carried 
off  the  heads  as  witness  to  the  number  of  those  slain. 
Then    the    besiegers   renewed    the   building    of    the 


BOHEMOND   CAPTURES  ANTIOCH,  69 

castle,  and  when  it  was  finished  entrusted  it  to  Count 
Raymond  to  guard. 

During  all  these  months  it  would  seem  that  Bohe- 
mond  had  been  in  negotiation  with  the  besieged.  He 
had  further  obtained  a  promise  from  all  the  other 
chiefs,  except  Raymond,  that  he  should  be  lord  of 
the  city  when  captured.  Now,  after  having  arranged 
with  a  certain  Emir,  Pyrrhus  or  Firuz,  for  the  betrayal 
of  the  city,  Bohemond  prevailed  upon  the  chiefs  much 
against  their  will  to  promise  Antioch  to  the  man, 
who  should  succeed  in  taking  it. 

Once  sure  of  his  reward  Bohemond  revealed  his 
plan.  A  night  was  fixed  for  the  surrender,  and  on 
the  preceding  day  a  part  of  the  Christian  army 
went  foraging  so  as  to  throw  the  enemy  off  their 
guard.  At  midnight  a  Uttle  band  gathered  below 
the  Gate  of  St.  George,  and  there  waited  for  the 
signal.  At  last  a  messenger  came  to  bid  them  stay 
till  the  passing  of  the  watch,  which  every  night  made 
the  circuit  of  the  walls  lamps  in  hand.  Dawn  was 
breaking  before  the  wished-for  sign  was  given,  and 
Bohemond  ordered  his  men  to  advance.  They  found 
a  ladder  ready,  and  sixty  men  ascended  and  seized 
the  three  towers  of  which  Pyrrhus  had  charge.  When 
Bohemond  learnt  that  the  towers  were  in  the  hands 
of  his  men,  he  advanced  with  the  remainder ;  in 
their  exultation  the  Christians  crowded  on  to  the 
ladder,  which  broke  beneath  their  weight.  It  was  a 
desperate  moment  for  the  few,  who  were  now  left 
alone  upon  the  walls  ;  it  was  still  too  dark  to  see 
clearly,  but  at  last  they  felt  their  way  to  a  gate, 
broke  it  down,  and  so  let  in  their  comrades.     As  the 


WALLS  OF  ANTIOCH. 


APPROACH   OF   CORBOGHA,  7I 

morning  sun  rose,  the  Christians  from  their  tents 
against  the  eastern  walls  saw  Bohemond's  banner 
floating  on  the  hill.  There  was  a  general  rush 
forward,  the  other  gates  were  burst  open  and  the 
city  won.  There  was  riot  everywhere,  and  forgetful 
of  their  God  men  gave  themselves  over  to  banquets, 
and  the  blandishments  of  pagan  dancers. 

Hardly  had  the  Crusaders  taken  Antioch,  when  on 
June  5th  the  scouts  of  Corbogha's  army  appeared 
before  the  city.  He  drove  the  Crusaders  before  him 
within  the  walls,  and  even  gained  possession  of  the 
citadel.  From  this  vantage  ground  the  Turks  pressed 
the  city  hard.  All  day  the  Christians  strove  to 
bar  their  progress,  and  at  night  rested  among 
the  corpses  of  their  comrades.  As  Corbogha's  hpst 
closed  round  the  city  on  the  south,  the  hearts  of 
the  besieged  began  to  fail.  Men  turned  their  thoughts 
to  flight,  and  under  the  cover  of  darkness  let  them- 
selves down  by  ropes  from  the  walls.  The  panic 
affected  even  the  noblest ;  the  .  Grantmaisnils — Al- 
beric  and  that  Ivo  who^e  turbulence  a  few  years 
later  won  him  afi  evil  fame  in  English  history — 
escaped  over  the  hills  to  the  port  of  St  Simeon,  and 
put  out  to  sea.  Scarcely  any  event  made  such  an 
impression  as  this  cowardly  flight :  the  recreant  nob'es 
are  spoken  of  with  scorn  as  "  rope-dancers,"  and  as 
men  who  were  everywhere  called  infamous  and  held 
up  to  shame  and  execrario!i.  But  there  was  one 
deserter  of  still  more  importance  even  than  these. 
Stephen  of  Chartres,  son-in-law  to  the  great  Con- 
queror, HaH~^ade  his  failing  health  an  excuse  for 
retiring  to  Alexan  hetta  before  the  fall  of  Antioch. 


72  THE  FIRST  CRUSADE. 

The  besieged  Christians  sent  him  daily  messages  for 
help,  and  at  last  he  mustered  heart  :o  scale  a  height 
whence  he  could  look  down  upon  the  innumerable 
tents  that  filled  the  plain  of  Antioch.  The  sight 
was  too  much  for  his  unwarlike  mind  ;  panic  seized 
him,  and  he  hurried  back  to  his  own  camp  eager 
to  escape  the  coming  doom.  Departing  northwards 
he  met  Alexius,  who  was  marching  with  a  great 
army  to  assist  the  Crusaders.  The  Emperor  was 
only  too  glad  for  an  excuse,  and  despite  the  ex- 
postulation of  Bohemond's  brother  Guy,  Stephen  and 
Alexius  shortly  went  back  to  Constantinople. 

Meanwhile  the  state  of  Antioch  grew  daily  worse. 
*  We,  who  remained,"  writes  Tudebode,  "  could  not 
hold  up  against  the  arms  of  those  within  the  castle, 
and  we  built  a  wall  between  ourselves  and  them, 
and  watched  it  day  and  night."  Hunger  came  as 
the  climax  of  their  ills  ;  those  who  had  money  might 
purchase  a  small  goat  for  sixty  shillings,  or  a  horse's 
head  for  three  ;  the,  poorer  folk  fed  on  any  garbage 
they  could  find,  on  boiled  fig-leaves,  or  ox-hides 
softened  in  water.  Even  the  greatest  nobles  were 
reduced  to  beg  for  the  commonest  necessities,  and 
but  for  his  successful  mendicancy  Robert  of  Flanders 
would  have  been  horseless  on  the  day  of  the  great 
battle. 

For  nearly  -a  week  the  fight  had  raged  hotly  along 
the  southern  wall,  and  things  were  at  their  very 
worst,  when  the  madness  or  enthusiasm  of  a  poor 
Provencal  brought  hope  and  ultimate  victory.  It 
was  early  on  Wednesday,  June  the  9th,  as  Count  Ray- 
ITiond  and  Adhemar  were  sadly  gazing  at  the  enemy's 


INVENTION   OF   THE   HOLY  LANCE.  73 

stronghold,  that  one  Peter  Bartholomew  appeared 
before  them  with  a  strange  story.  St.  Andrew  had 
revealed  to  him  in  a  dream  the  hiding-place  of  the 
very  lance,  wherewith  the  Roman  soldier  had  pierced 
the  side  of  Christ.  He  was  bidden  to  reveal  this 
vision  to  Raymond  and  Adhemar,  but  feared  to 
approach  men  so  noble.  Twice  was  the  vision  re- 
peated, and  twice  he  failed  to  obey  the  apostle's 
command.  He  had  even  fled  from  the  city,  and 
set  sail  for  Cyprus,  but  a  storm  drove  him  back  to 
Mamistra,  whence  he  had  now  made  his  way  to 
Antioch.  At  first  this  strange  tale  received  little 
credence.  "  The  bishop  thought  it  empty  words ; 
but  the  Count  believed,  and  entrusted  Peter  to  the 
care  of  his  chaplain  Raymond."  Such  is  the  account 
which  Raymond  of  Agiles  gives  of  the  famous  legend 
of  the  Invention  of  the  Holy  Lance. 

Confirmation  soon  followed,  for  that  night  as  a 
priest  named  Stephen  was  watching  in  St.  Mary's 
Church,  Christ  Himself  appeared  to  him,  and 
promised  aid  within  five  days.  These  visions  had 
come  at  the  darkest  hour  of  the  Crusaders'  fortunes  ; 
it  was  on  the  previous  night  that  the  Grantmaisnils 
had  fled,  and  it  was  even  rumoured  that  all  the  great 
leaders  were  meditating  flight.  In  such  a  strait  it  is 
no  wonder  that  policy  or  superstition  inclined  the 
Crusaders  to  look  for  aid  from  a  supernatural 
quarter. 

The  five  days  passed,  and  early  on  the  morning  of 
the  14th  of  June,  Raymond  of  Agiles  and  eleven 
others  went  to  the  Church  of  St.  Peter.  From  morn 
to  eve  they  dug  without  reward  ;  as  each  withdrew 


74  THE   FIRST   CRUSADE, 

in  weariness  fresh  workers  took  their  place.  "  At 
last,  seeing  that  we  were  fatigued,  the  young  man 
who  had  told  us  of  the  lance  leapt  into  the  pit,  all 
ungirt  as  he  was,  without  shoes  and  in  his  shirt.  He 
adjured  us  to  call  upon  God  to  render  us  the  lance 
for  our  comfort,  and  our  victory.  At  last  the  Lord, 
moved  by  such  devotion,  showed  us  the  lance.  And 
1,  who  have  written  these  things,  as  soon  as  ever  the 
blade  appeared  above  ground,  greeted  it  with  a  kiss  ; 
nor  can  I  tell  how  great  joy  and  exultation  then  filled 
th2  city." 

By  this  time  Corbogha  must  have  changed  the 
siege  into  a  blockade.  What  happened  during  the 
ensuing  fortnight  we  cannot  precisely  tell.  Perhaps 
these  were  the  worst  days  of  the  famine,  during 
which  the  Crusaders  hoped  against  hope  for  the 
coming  of  Count  Stephen,  or  the  Emperor  Alexius. 
It  would,  however,  seem  that  the  time  was  partly 
spent  on  fruitless  negotiation.  The  Christians 
offered  to  stake  the  issue  on  the  valour  of  six  or 
three  chosen  champions  from  either  side  ;  but  this 
and  other  offers  were  rejected  with  disdain.  So  at 
length  the  Crusaders  determined  on  action,  and  in 
the  morning  of  Monday,  28th  of  June,  issued  to  the 
attack.  A  gentle  rain  was  falling  with  the  dawn  of 
day,  and  to  their  pious  feelings  it  seemed  like  the 
dew  of  God's  blessing. 

They  marched  in  six  battalions  ;  first  were  Hugh 
the  Great,  Godfrey  and  Robert  of  Normandy  ;  fourth 
was  Adhemar  bearing  the  Holy  Lance,  and  leading 
the  men  of  Provence,  Count  Raymond  being  left 
behind  to  watch  the  citadel  ;  fifth  went  Tancred  and 


DEFEAT  OF  CORBOGHA.  75 

the  men  of  Poitou  under  Gaston  de  Beam  ;  last  was 
Bohemond  with  the  horseless  knights.  Many  bishops 
and  priests  accompanied  the  army  with  crosses  in 
their  hands  ;  whilst  others  from  the  city  walls  called 
down  God's  blessing  on  the  departing  host.  "  As  we 
marched  from  the  bridge  towards  the  mountains  it 
was  a  toilsome  journey,"  writes  Raymond  of  Agiles, 
"  for  the  enemy  strove  to  hem  us  in.  Yet  though  we 
of  the  bishop's  squadron  were  hard  pressed  in  the 
fight,  thanks  to  the  Lord's  Lance  none  of  us  were 
wounded,  no  not  so  much  as  by  an  arrow.  I,  who 
speak  these  things,  saw  them  for  myself,  since  I  was 
bearing  the  Lord's  Lance.  And  if  any  says  that 
Heraclius,  the  bishop's  standard-bearer,  was  wounded 
in  this  battle,  let  him  know  that  Heraclius  was 
straggling  far  from  our  ranks." 

Meantime  Corbogha  dreamt  of  nothing  so  little  as 
an  attack.  He  was  sitting  in  his  tent  playing  at 
chess,  when  news  came  of  the  sally  of  the  besieged.  A 
fugitive  Turk,  who  had  escaped  from  Antioch,  assured 
Corbogha  thit  there  was  no  cause  for  fear  ;  but  as 
the  bishop's  followers  came  in  view, he  added,  "These 
men  may  be  slain,  but  they  will  not  be  put  to  flight." 

In  strict  truth  Corbogha  seems  to  have  suffered 
the  Crusaders  to  approach,  in  the  hope  of  draw- 
ing them  out  from  the  city  to  battle  in  the  open 
plain.  He  had  despatched  a  force  of  Turks  to 
make  a  circuit  and  take  the  Christians  in  the  rear, 
warning  their  commander  that  a  fire  would  be  the 
signal  thit  the  main  battle  was  lost.  Perceiving 
these  tactics,  and  fearing  to  be  surrounded,  the 
Crusaders  organised  a  seventh  squadron  of  knights, 


76  THE   FIRST   CRUSADE. 

taken  from  the  divisions  of  Godfrey  and  Robert, 
and  placed  it  under  the  command  of  a  certain  Count 
Reginald.  When  the  Christians  came  within  range 
of  the  camp,  Corbogha's  men  discharged  their  bows  ; 
but  a  violent  wind  destroyed  the  surety  of  their  aim, 
so  that  they  fled  in  panic,  and  Count  Hugh  on  his 
arrival  found  none  to  oppose  him.  Bohemond  was, 
however,  hard  pressed,  and  Hugh  and  Godfrey 
hastened  back  to  give  their  aid  where  the  real  stress 
of  conflict  lay.  Many  deeds  of  valour  were  then 
wrought  ;  but  at  length  the  signal  of  defeat  was 
raised,  and  the  Turks  fled  on  all  sides  for  the 
mountains.  In  their  excitement  the  Christians 
imagined  allies  of  no  earthly  mould.  "  For  there 
came  out  of  the  mountains  innumerable  armies  on 
white  horses,  and  bearing  white  banners.  And  our 
men  seeing  this  host,  knew  not  who  they  were,  till  they 
recognised  it  for  the  promised  aid  of  Christ.  The 
leaders  of  this  host  were  George,  Mercurius,  and 
Demetrius.  These  things  are  worthy  of  belief,  for 
many  of  our  men  beheld  them." 

It  was  a  day  of  glory  for  the  Christian  host.  A 
half-famished  and  ill-equipped  band  had  routed  an 
immense  army  well  provided  with  all  warlike  stores. 
"  But  the  Lord  multiplied  us,  so  that  in  battle  we 
were  more  than  they.  And  returning  to  the  city 
with  great  joy,  we  praised  and  magnified  God,  who 
gave  the  victory  to  His  people." 


THE  FIRST  CRUSADE — THE  CAPTURE  OF  THE  HOLY 
CITY. 


"  Lay  siege  against  it,  and  build  a  fort  against  it,  and  cast  a  mound 
against  it ;  set  the  camp  also  against  it,  and  set  battering  rams  against 
it  round  about." — Ezekiel  iv.  i,  2. 


Though  Antioch  was  at  last  secured,  the  Crusaders 
neglected  to  hurry  on  to  Jerusalem,  the  goal  of  their 
ambition.  Godfrey  had  learnt  at  Rome,  fifteen  years 
before,  what  dangers  attended  summer  warfare  in  a 
hot  climate.  He  therefore  opposed  an  immediate 
advance,  which,  if  undertaken  promptly,  might  have 
brought  about  the  fail  of  the  Holy  City  without  a 
siege,  and  the  departure  was  accordingly  postponed 
till  November  ist. 

This  interval  the  chiefs  devoted  to  conquest  on  their 
own  account ;  each  great  lord  offering  pay  to  all  who  -^ 
would  enlist  under  his  banner.  To  these  months  we 
must  ascribe  the  acquisition  of  most  of  the  fortresses  \ 
between  Antioch  and  Edessa,  though  only  a  few 
scattered  incidents  of  this  warfare  have  been  preserved. 
Raymond  Pilet,  a  follower  of  Count  Raymond,  took 
the  castle  of  Tell  Mannas,  but  failed  in  an  attack 


78  THE   FIRST   CRUSADE, 

on  the  more  important  town  of  Marra.  The  count 
himself  captured  Albara,  and  slew  all  the  Saracens 
whom  he  could  find,  men  and  women,  young  and  old. 
Then  he  sought  out  for  his  conquest  a  bishop  who 
might  convert  it  from  a  house  of  devils  to  a  temple  of 
the  living  God.  The  chief  of  Hazart,  who  was  hard 
pressed  by  his  lord,  Ridhwan,  the  powerful  ruler  of 
Aleppo,  appealed  to  Godfrey  for  assistance.  When 
the  proffered  alliance  had  been  accepted,  the  envoys, 
to  the  astonishment  of  the  Christian  bystanders, 
drew  two  pigeons  from  their  breast,  and  despatched 
them  as  messengers  of  their  success  to  Hazart^  God- 
frey summoned  Baldwin  from  Edessa,  and  the  two 
brothers  then  advanced  to  Hazart.  Ridhwan,  who 
was  already  encamped  before  the  town,  withdrew 
on  their  approach.  Godfrey  renewed  his  compact 
with  the  chief  of  Hazart,  and  gave  his  ally  a  wrought 
helmet  of  gold,  a  masterpiece  of  art,  wherein  his 
ancestor,  Herebrand  of  Bouillon,  had  been  wont  to 
issue  forth  to  battle.  After  this  Godfrey,  shunning 
the  August  heat,  withdrew  to  the  highlands  of 
Armenia,  where  his  brother  gave  him  Ravendal  and 
Tell-basher. 

About  this  time  the  Christians  at  Antioch  ex- 
perienced a  grievous  loss.  On  August  ist,  Adhemar, 
Bishop  of  Puy,  "  one  dear  to  God  and  man,  departed 
in  peace  to  the  Lord."  On  the  night  after  his  burial 
in  the  Church  of  St.  Peter,  the  bishop  appeared  in 
a   dream  to  Peter    Bartholomew,    in    company  with 

*  This  is  the  first  notice  we  have  of  this  use  of  pigeons  in  Syria, 
which  later  on  was  a  familiar  method  of  intelligence  among  the  Farnk 
settlers. 


RAY-MOND   AND   BOHEMOND.  79 

Christ  and  the  Apostle  Andrew.  To  Peter,  Adhemar 
confessed  that  he  had  been  led  down  into  hell  in 
punishment  for  his  doubts  as  to  the  Holy  Lance  ;  but 
after  his  burial  Christ  had  visited  him  in  the  flames, 
and  brought  him  up  to  heaven,  whence,  Adhemar 
said,  he  now  came  to  assure  his  former  comrades  that 
he  would  not  forsake  them. 

In  November,  the  chiefs  began  to  assemble  at 
Antioch.  Bohemond  was  absent  at  first,  and  Count 
Raymond  took  occasion  to  protest  against  the  be- 
stowal of  the  citadel  on  the  Norman  chief  to  his  own 
detriment.  The  other  chiefs  feared  to  offend  either  of 
these  great  lords,  and  so  would  make  no  decision.  It 
seemed  that  the  quarrel  would  prevent  any  further 
advance,  when  Raymond,  with  characteristic  self- 
restraint,  offered  to  waive  the  question  for  a  time. 
If  Bohemond  would  join  in  the  march  south,  the 
count  would  leave  the  dispute  to  the  judgment  of 
their  peers,  always  saving  the  fealty  due  to  the 
Emperor.  Bohemond  agreed,  and  the  two  rivals 
were  formally  reconciled,  although  both  thought  well 
to  fortify  such  parts  of  the  city  as  they  held. 

When  peace  had  thus  been  patched  up,  the  army 
set  out  on  its  march.  On  Saturday,  November  28th, 
Raymond  made  an  unsuccessful  attack  on  Marra, 
wKich,  on  Bohemond's  arrival  next  day,  was  renewed, 
but  again'  to  no  purpose.  Raymond,  who  often 
figures  as  the  engineer  among  the  Crusading  chiefs, 
then  built  a  great  wooden  castle.  ^  The  huge  machine 
overtopped  the  city  walls,  and  defied  all  attempts  to 

*  See  the  detailed  description  of  these  engines  in  chap,  xxiii.,  and  the 
illustration  on  page  89. 


80  THE  FIRST  CRUSADE. 

burn  or  crush  it.  The  defenders  of  the  city  were 
driven  from  their  posts  by  showers  of  stones,  the 
Crusaders  clambered  up  the  walls,  and  the  Saracens 
fled  in  panic.  The  Crusaders  slew  without  discrimi- 
nation, "  so  that  there  was  no  corner  without  a 
Saracen  corpse,  and  one  could  scarcely  ride  through 
the  streets  without  trampling  on  the  dead  bodies " 
(Dec.  II,  1098). 

The  capture  of  Marra  led  to  a  fresh  quarrel  between 
Raymond  and  Bohemond.  The  Norman  mocked  at 
the  latest  revelations  of  the  Count's  Provencal 
follower,  Peter  Bartholomew ;  he  also  refused  to 
surrender  his  portion  of  the  city  unless  Raymond 
would  relinquish  his  share  of  Antioch.  Raymond 
taunted  his  rival  with  greed  and  slackness  in  the 
fight  ;  he  wished  to  bestow  Marra  as  a  military  fief 
on  the  Bishop  of  Albara.  A  further  cause  of  discord 
was  soon  added.  Bohemond  urged  that  the  advance 
to  Jerusalem  should  be  postponed  till  Easter ; 
Christmas  was  close  at  hand,  Godfrey  and  many 
knights  were  still  absent  at  Edessa.  The  army, 
however,  was  in  favour  of  advance,  and  with  one 
accord  appealed  to  Raymond  to  be  their  leader,  if  all 
the  other  chiefs  should  fail.  After  some  hesitation 
Raymond  agreed,  and  named  a  day  for  the  renewal 
of  the  march.  Bohemond  thereon  returned  in  wrath 
to  Antioch.  In  the  face  of  these  troubles  Godfrey 
was  summoned  from  Edessa,  and  a  conference  of 
the  chiefs  held.  Only  a  few  supported  Raymond, 
although  these  few  included  the  two  Roberts  and 
Tancred.  But  news  of  the  dispute  reached  those 
who  were  lying  sick  at  Marra,  and  their  indignation 


THE   CRUSADERS  AT  MARRA.  8 1 

took  a  strange,  though  practical  form.  Rising  from 
their  beds  they  tottered  feebly  to  the  walls  in  eager- 
ness to  destroy  a  city  over  which  their  chiefs  were 
quarrelling.  Indignation  gave  them  strength  to  drag 
huge  stones  from  their  places  ;  and  though  the 
bishop's  officers  might  stop  the  work  of  destruction 
for  a  moment,  it  was  renewed  as  soon  as  they  had 
passed  by.  "  Those  who  dared  not  destroy  by  day 
pressed  on  by  night  ;  hardly  a  man  was  too  weak  to 
work  at  bringing  down  a  wall." 

At  last  the  appointed  day  arrived,  and  despite  all 
the  opposition,  Raymond  and  his  followers  marched 
out  from  Marra  on  January  13,  1099.  The  fear  of  the 
Christians  had  gone  before  them,  and  the  rulers  of  the 
great  cities  along  the  Orontes  were  eager  to  purchase 
peace.  In  the  valley  of  Desem,  where  the  Crusaders, 
spent  the  Feast  of  the  Purification  (February  2nd), 
they  passed  a  fortnight  of  ease  and  plenty.  Then, 
having  determined  to  forsake  the  straight  road  for 
Damascus,  they  crossed  the  Great  Lebanon,  hoping  on 
the  coast  to  hear  news  of  the  ships  they  had  left  in 
the  ports  near  Antioch,  and  through  this  means  obtain 
supplies  from  Cyprus.  On  Monday,  February  14th, 
Raymond  sat  down  before  the  stronghold  of  Arkah, 
a  fortress  situated  on  a  steep  and  almost  inaccessible 
hill,  and  surrounded  with  a  double  wall.  Here  the 
Crusaders  were  detained  three  months,  finding  in  the 
neighbourhood  ample  scope  for  the  foraging  ad- 
ventures, so  dear  to  the  eleventh-century  knight. 
Moreover,  the  besiegers  were  in  no  lack  of  provisions, 
for  these  were  brought  in  abundance  by  the  Greek 
and  Italian  merchants  to  the  seaports  close  at  hand 


82  THE  FIRST  CRUSADE. 

Presently  there  came  a  rumour  that  the  Cah'ph  of 
Bagdad  was  sending  an  immense  host  to  raise  the  siege. 
In  this  peril  Raymond  appealed  to  Godfrey  and  Robert 
of  Flanders,  who  were  besieging  Jebleh  or  Gibel. 
The  northern  army  marched  to  Arkah  only  to  find 
the  rumour  false.  The  new-comers  openly  charged 
Raymond  with  having  invented  the  story,  and  mur- 
mured at  his  wealth,  which  they  contrasted  with  their 
own  poverty.  The  visions  of  Peter  Bartholomew  and 
others,  which  had  not  abated,  were  again  turned  to 
ridicule,  the  chief  among  the  scoffers  being  Robert 
of  Normandy's  chaplain  Arnulf,  afterwards  Patriarch 
of  Jerusalem.  Peter  Bartholomew  retorted,  "Make 
me  the  biggest  fire  you  can,  and  I  will  pass  through 
its  midst  with  the  Lord's  Lance  in  my  hand.  If  it  be 
the  Lord's  Lance  may  I  pass  through  unharmed  ;  if 
not,  may  I  be  burned  up." 

On  Good  Friday  morning,  April  8th,  forty  thousand 
Crusaders  gathered  to  see  the  ordeal.  In  front  of  them 
were  two  parallel  piles  of  dead  olive  branches,  fourteen 
feet  long  by  four  feet  high,  and  only  one  foot  apart. 
"  When  the  fires  were  kindled,  I,  Raymond,  spake 
before  the  whole  multitude:  *  If  God  hath  spoken  to 
this  man  face  to  face,  and  if  the  blessed  Andrew 
showed  him  the  Lord's  Lance  as  he  slept,  may  he  pass 
through  the  fire  unharmed  ;  but  if  the  thing  be  a  lie, 
let  him  be  burned  up  together  with  the  Lance  that  he 
holds.'  And  all  the  people  answered,  '  Amen.'  Now 
the  fire  blazed  so  fiercely  that  it  occupied  the  space 
of  twenty  cubits,  nor  could  any  man  approach  it" 
Then  Peter  Bartholomew,  clad  only  in  his  tunic, 
knelt  before  the  Bishop  of  Albara,  received  the  Lance, 


PETER   BARTHOLOMEW,  83 

and  manfully  entered  the  fire.  Some  fancied  that 
they  saw  a  bird  fluttering  over  his  head,  but  the  great 
mass  of  the  people  do  not  appear  to  have  seen  anything 
miraculous  ;  though,  as  Raymond  remarks,  "  There 
was  a  multitude  present,  and  all  men  cannot  see 
everything."  As  Peter  issued  from  the  flames  he  was 
greeted  with  loud  cries  of  "  God  aid  him."  Such  was 
the  popular  enthusiasm  that  he  would  have  been  torn 
to  pieces,  had  not  Raymond  Pilet  forced  a  way 
through  the  thronging  multitude,  and  carried  Peter 
off*  in  safety. 

Peter  died  within  a  few  days,  and  the  ordeal, 
as  might  be  expected,  only  served  to  confirm  the 
believers  and  the  incredulous  each  in  their  own  faith. 
For  while  his  supporters  declared  that  he  passed 
through  the  fire  comparatively  unhurt,  and  owed  his 
wounds  to  the  unruly  crowd,  his  enemies  asserted  his 
death  to  be  due  to  the  effects  of  the  ordeal  itself 
Even  Raymond  of  Agiles  had  to  confess  that  "there 
was  some  sign  of  burning  about  him,"  though  qualify- 
ing his  admission  by  adding  that  his  wounds  were 
great. 

Easter  passed  and  Arkah  was  still  untaken. 
There  were  two  parties  among  the  Crusaders  ;  some 
urged  that  the  host  should  await  the  coming  of 
Alexius,  v/ho  had  promised  to  join  them  by  mid- 
summer, others  pointed  to  the  harvest,  which  was 
already  ripening  in  mid-April,  and  were  for  pro- 
ceeding to  Jerusalem  with  the  new  crops.  The  latter 
counsels  prevailed,  and  on  Friday,  May  13th,  the 
host  departed  from  before  Arkah,  and  marched  along 
the  coast  to  Ca^sarea.     There  they  celebrated  Whit- 


84  THE   FIRST  CRUSADE. 

Sunday,  and  thence,  turning  inland,  marched  to 
Ramleh. 

At  Ramleh  the  Crusading  chiefs  held  a  council  of 
war.  Some  advised  that  they  should  strike  at  the 
very  heart  of  Mohammedan  pov/er,  and  leaving 
Jerusalem  on  one  side,  march  south  for  Alexandria 
and  Babylon  ;  thus  they  would  conquer  a  great 
kingdom,  and  Jerusalem  would  then  fall  without  an 
effort.  Others  asked  how  a  host  which  numbered 
only  fifteen  hundred  knights  could  conquer  vast 
nations,  if  it  w^ere  too  feeble  to  take  the  capital  of  a 
province  like  Jerusalem.  Finall)-,  the  latter  prevailed, 
and  the  march  for  the  Holy  City  was  resumed.  Many 
eager  for  present  gain  hastened  to  set  their  banners 
on  the  neighbouring  strongholds  and  homesteads, 
others  mindful  of  Peter  Bartholomew's  advice,  refused 
to  think  of  such  earthly  things  while  nearing  the  goal 
of  their  desire.  "  These, '  to  whom  the  Lord's 
command  was  dearer  than  lust  of  gain,  advanced 
with  naked  feet,  sighing  heavily  for  the  disdain  that 
the  others  showed  for  the  Lord's  command." 

It  was  June  6,  1099,  when  the  Crusaders  arrived 
before  the  Holy  City.  During  the  course  of  the  few 
preceding  years,^  Jerusalem  had  once  more  passed 
into  the  hands  of  the  Egyptian  Calph,  who  had  been 
in  negotiation  with  the  Crusaders  for  more  than  two 
years  before.  Alexius  had  pointed  out  the  advantages 
to  be  gained  from  an  alliance  with  the  Egyptian 
Caliph,  who  as  head  of  the  Shiites  would  willingly 
co-operate  against  the  unorthodox  Turks.  During 
the  siege  of  Nicaea,  the  Crusading  chiefs  had  sent  an 

*  The  exact  date  is  obscure  ;  Arabic  writers  give  1096. 


THE    SIEGE   OF  JERUSALEM.  85 

embassy  to  the  Caliph,  and  during  that  of  Antioch 
had  received  one  in  return.  Later  when  the  Caliph 
found  both  Turks  and  Christians  bidding  for  his 
friendship,  he  had  compromised  matters  by  offering 
to  admit  three  hundred  unarmed  pilgrims  into 
Jerusalem.  '"  But  we  laughed  this  proffer  to  scorn, 
hoping  for  God's  grace,  and  threatening  that  unless 
he  gave  us  up  Jerusalem  for  nothing,  we  would  lay 
claim  to  Bab3'lon." 

I'he  Crusaders  were  too  few  to  encompass  Jeru- 
salem entirely  ;  but  so  far  as  possible  they  distributed 
their  forces  over  the  whole  circuit.  Robert  of  Nor- 
mandy camped  on  the  north,  by  St.  Stephen's  Church, 
and  near  him  was  his  namesake  from  Flanders. 
Godfrey  and  Tancred  besieged  the  city  from  the  west 
Count  Raymond  stationed  himself  on  Mount  Sion  to 
the  south.  Eastward,  by  Mount  Olivet,  the  Cru- 
saders kept  no  watch,  for  the  city  was  impregnable 
on  that  side,  where  the  strong  walls  of  the  Temple 
enclosure  rose  abruptly  from  the  deep  valley  of 
Jehoshaphat.i 

After  some  days  of  preparation  the  Crusaders  on 
June  14th  delivered  an  assault,  which  almost  suc- 
ceeded, but  they  could  not  secure  any  permanent 
advantage.  Then,  as  the  days  crept  on,  hunger  and 
thirst  made  their  appearance  in  the  besiegers'  camp. 
The  chief  water  supply  was  the  little  fountain  of 
Siloe,  which,  bubbling  up  only  every  other  day,  was 
but  a  doubtful  blessing ;  for  as  soon  as  it  began  to 
flow,  men  and  animals  crowded  to  the  waterside  in 
such  numbers  that  they  trod  one  another  to  death, 

*  See  the  plan. on  p.  119. 


86  THE   FIRST   CRUSADE. 

and  at  last  the  spring  was  entirely  choked  with  the 
corpses  of  men  and  animals.  Raymond  of  Agiles 
draws  a  fearful  picture  of  the  things  he  saw :  "  Near 
the  fount  lay  many  weak  folk,  unable  to  utter  a  cry 
for  the  dryness  of  their  tongues  ;  there  they  remained 
with  open  mouths,  and  hands  stretched  out  to  those 
whom  they  saw  had  water.  Horses,  mules,  and  oxen, 
lay  rotting  where  they  had  fallen,  till  the  stench  of 
the  decaying  flesh  became  abhorrent  to  the  camp." 
Afterwards,  when  water  was  discovered  a  few  leagues 
distant,  the  Saracens  lay  in  ambush  among  the  moun- 
tains to  plunder  the  cattle  as  they  were  being  driven 
to  drink. 

Food  also  was  running  short,  when  fortunately  news 
came  that  nine  Christian  ships  had  put  in  at  Jaffa. 
With  early  dawn  on  Friday,  June  17th,  Raymond 
Pilet  started  with  a  band  of  a  hundred  knights  to 
convey  the  provisions  to  the  camp.  The  seamen  at 
Jaffa  welcomed  the  Crusading  warriors  with  a  feast, 
and  they  spent  the  night  together  in  careless  glee. 
In  fancied  security  they  kept  no  watch,  and  at  dawn 
they  awoke  to  find  themselves  surrounded  by  their 
enemies  ;  but  they  contrived  to  unload  their  cargo^ 
and  carry  it  up  to  the  camp,  though  the  ships  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Saracens,  except  for  one  that  had 
been  cruising  outside,  and  which  escaped  back  to 
Laodicea. 

The  danger  of  famine  was  thus  averted  ;  but  fresh 
trouble  arose  through  the  outbreak  of  the  old  quarrels 
once  more.  Some  grudged  Raymond  his  post  on 
Mount  Sion  ;  others  blamed  Tancred  because  he  had 
set  up  his  banner  over  the  Church  of  the  Nativity  at 


QUARRELS  AND   VISIONS. 


87 


Bethlehem  ;  others  again  began  to  talk  of  electing 
a  king  for  the  yet  uncaptured  city.  With  the  old 
quarrels  the  old  visions  also  began  to  multiply ; 
Adhemar  of  Puy  appeared  to  Peter  the  Hermit,  and 
promised  that  the  city  should  fall,  if  the  host  encom- 


MOSAIC   IN   THE  CHURCH   OF  THE   NATIVITY,   BETHLEHEM. 

passed  it  barefoot  during  nine  days.  The  bishop's 
brother,  Hugo,  took  up  the  cry  ;  a  council  was  called, 
and  the  chiefs,  admitting  that  they  had  been  lax, 
agreed  to  work  and  pray  henceforward  with  more 
vigour  and  concord.  A  general  reconciliation  was 
proclaimed  ;  processions  were  to  make  the  circuit  of 


88  THE   FIRST  CRUSADE. 

the  walls,  and  every  effort  was  devoted  to  the  con- 
struction of  the  great  engines  necessary  for  the  siege. 
Th2  lack  of  wood  for  this  last  purpose  had  been 
among  the  most  pressing  difficulties  of  the  besiegers  ; 
Tancrcd,  while  prowling  about  the  mountains,  had 
discovered  four  choice  beams  in  a  cave,  but  this  was 
as  nothing  to  the  amount  required,  and  there  was  no 
nearer  source  of  supply  than  the  groves  at  Nablus 
some  thirty-six  miles  off.  Robert  of  Flanders  super- 
intended the  work  of  felling  the  trees,  and  protecting 
the  timber  on  the  road,  and  so  at  last  two  wooden 
castles  were  constructed  ;  one  by  Godfrey  on  the 
north,  the  other  by  Count  Raymond  on  the  south. 

While  these  works  were  in  progress,  the  other  half 
of  Adhemar's  injunctions  was  not  forgotten.  It  was 
probably  on  Tuesday,  July  1 2th,  that  the  Crusaders 
made  their  grand  procession  round  the  city.  The 
whole  army,  so  far  as  it  was  possible,  marched  slowly 
from  St.  Mary's  Church  on  Mount  Sion  to  St. 
Stephen's  on  the  north-east.  At  their  head  went  the 
whitc-stoled  priests  and  bishops  barefoot,  and  cross 
in  hand,  chanting  hymns  and  praying  as  they  went 
for  the  fall  of  the  city.  The  Saracens  clustered  on 
the  walls  to  see  the  novel  sight,  and  as  the  Crusaders 
made  their  first  halt  near  St.  Stephen's,  mocked  them 
with  derisive  shouts  and  gestures.  "  Moreover,  in 
sight  of  all  the  Christians,  they  kept  beating  the  most 
holy  crucifix,  whereon  Christ  shed  His  blood  for  the 
redemption  of  mankind,  cr\ing  out  in  the  Saracen 
tongue :  *  Franks,  it  is  the  blessed  cross.' "  On  the 
Mount  of  Olives,  where  a  small  church  marked  the 
place  of  Christ's  ascension,  Arnulf,  afterwards  Patri-  " 


PROCESSION  ROUND  JERUSALEM. 


89 


arch  of  Jerusalem,  preached  a  sermon,  while  the 
Saracens  ran  up  and  down  the  opposing  height, 
brandishing  their  swords  in  futile  anger  at  the  foe. 
Thence  again  the  Christians  started  in  procession  to 
St.  Mary's  monastery,  in  the  valley  of  Jehoshaphat, 


t^MM&£'- 


A   SIEGE  TOWER. 


and  by  this  route  returned  at  length  to  Mount  Sion. 

The  Saracens  within  the  city  on  their  part  were  not 
idle  ;  they  had  strengthened  their  walls,  and  raised 
the  height  of  their  towers.  But  the  native  Christians 
in  Jerusalem  kept  the  Crusaders  informed  of  all  that 


90  THE  FIRST  CRUSADE, 

went  on.  On  Wednesday,  July  13th,  the  attack  was 
commenced  on  every  side,  and  continued  next  day, 
but  without  any  decided  success.  On  the  Friday  the 
Saracens  attempted  to  fire  Godfrey's  castle,  whicli, 
through  the  fracture  of  one  of  its  wheels,  was  fixed  at 
a  little  distance  from  the  walls,  unable  to  advance  or  to 
withdraw.  The  defenders  further  protected  the  walls 
from  the  assaults  of  the  ram  by  hanging  out  sacks 
stuffed  with  straw.  But  the  Saracens  were  driven  from 
the  walls  by  continual  volleys  from  the  stone-slingers; 
the  straw  sacks  were  set  ablaze  by  fire-bearing  arrows; 
the  scaling  ladders  were  placed  against  the  walls ; 
the  drawbridge  lowered  from  the  castle,  and  Jerusalem 
was  won.  Bernard  of  St.  Valery,  a  surname  after- 
wards very  glorious  in  Crusading  history,  was  first  to 
leap  upon  the  battlements,  and  as  his  comrades 
followed  him  the  Saracens  fled  in  panic  before  them 
to  the  Temple  of  Solomon. 

Meanwhile,  in  the  opposite  part  of  the  city,  Ray- 
mond had  met  with  less  success.  He  had  built  his 
castle  with  the  aid  of  the  Genoese  sailors  who  had 
lost  their  ships  at  Jaffa.  After  breaking  down  the 
outworks  {antemuralid),  and  filling  up  the  foss  {val- 
lum), he  found  the  Saracens  on  the  walls  had  ten 
times  as  many  engines  as  he  could  bring  against 
them.  It  was  the  ninth  day  of  which  Peter  had 
spoken,  and  though  the  Crusaders  were  not  working 
as  they  should  have  done,  this  was  doubtless  due  to 
the  spells  of  two  Saracen  witches  upon  the  wall.  A 
stone  silenced  their  iniquitous  incantations,  but  even 
this  brought  no  relief,  and  at  noon  the  wall  was  still 
unshaken.     The  chiefs  were  already  meditating  the 


CAPTURE   OF   JERUSALEM,  QI 

withdrawal  of  the  engines,  when  suddenly  the  count's 
men  caught  sight  of  a  strange  apparition.  Far  away 
on  the  Mount  of  Olives  stood  a  knight  waving  his 
shield  in  triumph.  It  was  a  sign  that  the  city  had 
v;^een  forced  from  the  other  side.  "  Who  this  knight 
was,"  says  Raymond  of  Agiles,  ever  ready  to  believe 
in  a  miracle,  "  we  could  never  find  out."  But  his 
meaning  was  understood  at  once,  and  the  Provencal 
soldiery  returned  to  the  assault  with  renewed  vigour. 
Jerusalem  had  at  last  been  taken,  and  was  to  fare 
as  captured  cities  only  too  often  did  in  mediaeval  war- 
fare. The  words  of  an  eye-witness  paint  the  horrors 
of  the  day  in  general  terms  without  any  attempt  at 
detail — "  When  our  men  had  taken  the  city  with  its 
walls  and  towers,  there  were  things  wondrous  to  be 
seen.  For  some  of  the  enemy,  and  this  is  a  small 
matter,  were  reft  of  their  heads,  while  others  riddled 
through  with  arrows  were  forced  to  leap  down  from 
the  towers ;  others,  after  long  torture,  were  burnt  in 
the  flames.  In  all  the  streets  and  squares  there  were 
to  be  seen  piles  of  heads,  and  hands,  and  feet ;  and 
along  the  public  ways  foot  and  horse  alike  made 
passage  over  the  bodies  of  the  dead."  Tancred  burst 
into  the  Temple,  and  tore  down  the  golden  hangings 
from  the  walls — seven  thousand  marks  in  weight. 
He  was,  perhaps,  of  a  more  pitiful  turn  than  most 
of  his  compeers,  for  he  offered  to  protect  such  as  took 
refuge  in  Solomon's  Temple.  But  even  his  charity 
could  only  offer  a  reprieve,  and  not  a  full  pardon. 
Weary  with  slaughter  the  Christians  at  length  turned 
their  thoughts  to  sacred  things,  and  went  in  tearful 
procession  to  the  Holy  Sepulchre       But  early  next 


92  THE   FIRST   CRUSADE. 

morning  their  sterner  mood  revived  ;  the  rumour 
went  about  that  Tancred  had  been  luring  the 
fugitives  to  their  destruction,  and  the  Crusaders 
armed  themselves  anew  to  the  work  of  death. 
Every  one  was  eager  for  blood  :  some  stationed 
at  a  distance  shot  the  hapless  Saracens  with  their 
arrows  ;  others  scaled  the  roof  of  the  Temple  itself 
and  massacred  both  men  and  women  wi  h  the  sword. 
Raymond  alone  seems  to  have  felt  an  honourable 
compassion  for  the  conquered ;  he  offered  life  to 
those  who  had  taken  refuge  in  the  Tower  of  David, 
and  on  their  surrender,  suffered  them  to  depart 
unharmed  to  Ascalon. 

This  terrible  slaughter  "  filled  all  the  city  with 
dead  bodies,"  and  the  first  work  of  the  conquerors 
was  to  cleanse  the  streets  of  the  impurity  which 
might  breed  a  plague.  The  surviving  Saracens 
were  compelled  to  carry  the  dead  outside  the  walls, 
where  they  were  "  heaped  up  in  mountains,"  to  be 
presently  destroyed  by  fire.  "  Such  a  slaughter  of 
pagan  folk  had  never  been  seen  or  heard  of;  none 
knows  their  number  save  God  alone." 


y 


^ 


VI. 


GODFREY   DE   BOUILLON. 

"He  was  a  very  parfile  gentil  knyght." 

Chaucer. 


Eight  days  after  the  capture  of  the  Holy  City, 
the  Crusaders  met  to  elect  a  king  (July  22nd).  Few, 
however,  of  the  great  chiefs  were  willing  to  accept  so 
barren  and  laborious  an  honour.  The  object  of  their 
expedition  accomplished,  all  were  eager  to  return 
home ;  so  to  one  after  another  was  the  crown  offered 
in  vain.  Raymond  of  St.  Gilles,  if  we  may  trust  his 
biographer,  refused  to  bear  a  king's  title  in  the  Holy 
City.  "  Robert  of  Normandy's  refusal,"  writes  an 
almost  contemporary  English  chronicler,  "  aspersed 
his  nobility  with  an  indelible  stain,  to  which  not  re- 
verence, but  sloth  or  fear  impelled  him."  At  last 
Godfrey  de  Bouillon  was  persuaded  to  accept  the 
headship  of  .the  conquered  city.  But  he,  too,  refused 
to  wear  a  crown  in  the  city  where  our  Lord  was 
crucified,  and  so  does  not  figure  among  the  kings 
of  Jerusalem.     He  contented  himself  with  the  modest 

93, 


QUARREL    WITH  RAYMOND.  95 

title  of  Baron  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  even  after  he 
had  practically  become  king  of  a  new  realm. 

After  a  temporal  head,  it  was  necessary  to  elect  a 
spiritual  one.  There  were  many  claimants  for  the 
office,  but  finally  the  choice  fell  upon  Arnulf,  chaplain 
to  Robert  of  Normandy,  According  to  Raymond  of 
Agiles,  he  was  as  yet  only  a  sub  deacon,  and  a  man 
of  loose  life,  whose  notorious  amours  were  the  theme 
of  popular  songs  in  the  Crusading  camp.  Ralph  of 
Caen,  on  the  other  hand,  speaks  in  no  mean  terms 
of  his  literary  taste.  Arnulf  had  been  tutor  to  the 
Conqueror's  daughter,  Cecilia,  and  followed  Odo  of 
Bayeux  on  the  Crusade.  He  was  chief  of  the  dis- 
believers in  the  Holy  Lance,  and  narrowly  escaped 
murder  at  the  hands  of  the  Provengal  count's 
emissaries  ;  when  the  Holy  Lance  was  discredited 
he  had  a  golden  crucifix  made  to  take  its  place 
as  an  object  of  devotion.  His  influence  had  grown 
as  that  of  Raymond's  followers  diminished,  and  he 
had  been  chosen  to  preach  the  sermon  on  Mount 
Olivet  on  the  day  of  the  great  procession  round 
Jerusalem.  Such  was  the  man  who  was  first 
elected  to  the  Latin   Patriarchate  in  the   Holy  City. 

Immediately  after  the  capture  of  Jerusalem, 
Tancrea  and  Count  Eustace  started  north  to  secure 
Nablus.  Meantime  at  Jerusalem  a  quarrel  broke  out 
between  Godfrey  and  Raymond,  who  refused  to  sur- 
render the  Tower  of  David.  When  Godfrey  wrested 
the  stronghold  from  the  Bishop  of  Albara,  to  whom  it 
had  been  entrusted,  the  count  indignantly  declared  that 
he  would  go  home  at  once.  But  first,  in  accordance 
with  the  injunctions  of  Peter  Bartholomew,  Raymond 


96  GODFREY  DE   BOUILLON. 

and  his  company  made  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Jordan. 
There  his  followers,  unable  to  find  a  vessel,  launched 
their  lord  on  a  boat  of  wicker-work  ;  and  then  flinging 
off  his  worn-out  garb,  dressed  him  in  new  apparel. 
"  This,"  said  Raymond  of  Agiles,  "  we  did  in  accor- 
dance with  our  instructions,  but  we  know  not  why 
^  the  man  of  God  bade  us  act  so." 

In  August,  there  came  news  that  a  great  Egyptian 
army  was  mustering  at  Ascalon.  Tancred  and 
Eustace  were  called  back  in  haste,  while  Godfrey 
and  Robert  of  Flanders  marched  out  from  Jerusalem. 
Robert  of  Normandy  and  Count  Raymond  refused 
to  move  without  more  certain  information,  but  on  a 
message  from  Godfrey  that,  "  if  they  wished  to  share 
in  the  battle  they  must  come  quickly,"  they  also  set 
out,  leaving  Peter  the  Hermit  at  Jerusalem  to  organise 
processions  and  prayers  for  their  success.  On  the  i  ith 
of  August,  the  united  host  advanced  towards"  Ascalon. 
The  Egyptians  never  dreamt  of  danger  from  so 
weak  a  foe,  and  rested  idly  in  their  tents,  since  the 
soothsayers  forbade  them  to  give  battle  till  Saturday, 
the  13th  of  August.  The  Christians  advanced  in  nine 
battalions  :  on  the  left  fought  Duke  Godfrey ;  on  the 
sea  by  the  right,  Count  Raymond  ;  while  in  the  centre 
rode  the  two  Roberts  and  Tancred.  From  the 
moment  when  the  Crusaders  caught  sight  of  their 
adversaries  each  standing  with  his  skin  of  water  hung 
round  his  neck,  there  seems  to  have  been  no  doubt 
as  to  th3  result  of  the  battle.  It  was  rather  a 
massacre  than  a  conflict ;  some  threw  themselves 
into  the  sea,  others  buried  themselves  in  the  earth, 
"not  d.iring   to  rise  up  against    us,   and     our    men 


BATTLE   OF   ASCALON.  97 

cut  them  down  as  a  man  fells  animals  at  the 
shambles"  (Friday,  Aug.  12,  1099). 

The  honours  of  the  day  seem  to  have  belonged  to 
Robert  of  Normandy,  who  slew  the  standard-bearer 
with  his  own  hands.  The  standard  with  its  golden 
apple  and  silver  shaft,  he  purchased  for  twenty  marks 
of  silver,  and  gave  to  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  The 
booty  was  immense,  and  when  each  had  taken  what 
he  desired,  they  returned  with  joy  to  the  Holy  City, 
their  camels  and  asses  laden  with  biscuits,  flour, 
wheat,  and  all  things  needful.  "  Wherefore  there  was 
such  plenty  that  one  could  buy  an  ox  for  eight  or  ten 
coins,  a  measure  of  corn  for  twelve,  and  a  measure  of 
barley  for  eight." 

Not  even  the  unity  forced  upon  them  by  the  late 
danger  could  entirely  reconcile  Godfrey  and  Count 
Raymond.  The  count  had  accepted  from  the  citizens 
of  Ascalon  the  offer  of  their  allegiance ;  but  the 
chiefs  declared  that  the  possession  of  that  stronghold 
was  essential  to  the  royal  power.  Truly  or  falsely — 
for  the  story  is  told  in  too  many  ways  t^  be  entirely 
true  or  entirely  false — Raymond  is  alleged  to  have 
given  back  the  town  to  the  Egyptians  rather  than 
suffer  it  to  pass  into  Godfrey's  hands.  It  was  with 
difficulty  that  the  two  leaders  were  kept  from  open 
warfare  through  the  intervention  of  Robert  of 
Flanders. 

Many  of  the  leaders  now  started  homewards 
through  Northern  Syria.  So  great  was  tlie  terror 
produced  by  the  victory  of  Ascalon  that  the  Egyptian 
garrisons  at  Acre,  Tyre,  and  other  towns  received 
them  kindly.      Laodicea  which  Bohemond,  with  the 

8 


98  GODFREY  DE   BOUILLON. 

aid  of  the  Pisans  and  Genoese,  was  endeavouring  to 
secure  for  himself,  was  put  into  the  hands  of  Count 
Raymond,  who  thus  obtained  some  consolation  for 
his  previous  disappointments. 

Godfrey  meanwhile  led  his  whole  force  against 
Arsuf,  but  after  a  prolonged  and  futile  siege  he  was 
forced  to  go  into  winter  quarters,  and  withdrew  to 
Jerusalem.  His  return  to  the  capital  was  hastened 
probably  by  the  arrival  of  his  brother  Baldwin  and 
Bchemond  of  Antioch.  Fulcher  of  Chartres,  who  was 
present  in  attendance  on  Count  Baldwin,  has  left  a 
detailed  account  of  this  march,  which  furnishes  a 
typical  example  of  the  perils  besetting  an  eleventh- 
century  pilgrimage. 

The  two  chiefs  started  from  Balunyas,  a  little 
south  of  Jebleh,  taking  with  them  Bishop  Dagobert 
of  Pisa.  Their  united  companies  numbered  some 
twenty-five  thousand,  including  women  and  children. 
As  they  passed  along  the  Saracens  refused  them 
food,  and  since  there  was  no  fodder  for  the  horses, 
the  pilgrims  would  have  fared  ill,  but  that  in  the 
tilled  fields  there  were  crops  of  what  the  common 
folk  called  "  cannamelles."  "  These  cannamelles  are 
almost  like  reeds,  and  hence  their  name  from  canna 
(a  reed)  and  mel  {honey).  Whence  as  I  take  it  wild 
honey  draws  its  name,  for  that  it  is  cunningly  confccted 
from  these."  The  hungry  people  managed  to  stay 
their  pangs  by  sucking  these  reeds,  but  they  were 
of  little  use  as  food.  During  four  or  five  days  also 
a  ceaseless  torrent  of  cold  rain  was  added  to  their 
troubles.  Fulcher  says  that  on  one  day  he  saw 
several  men  and  women,  besides  very  many  beasts, 


THE   CHRISTMAS  FEAST.  99 

perish  through  the  cold.  Only  twice  in  the  long 
march  did  the  pilgrims  secure  a  market — at  Tripoli 
and  Caesarea.  At  last,  on  the  day  of  the  winter 
solstice,  they  reached  Jerusalem.  The  Holy  Sepul- 
chre was  visited,  and  Christmas  Eve  spent  in  vigil 
at  the  Church  of  the  Nativity  in  Bethlehem.  Even 
now,  though  it  was  nearly  six  months  after  the  taking 
of  Jerusalem,  Fulcher  was  only  too  conscious  of  the 
offensive  odours, from  the  dead  bodies  of  the  Saracens. 
On  January  ist  the  pilgrims  started  on  their  journey 
back  ;  by  the  Jordan  they  cut  their  palm  branches, 
and  so  returned  through  Tiberias,  Banias,  Tortosa, 
and  Laodicea. 

A  little  later  Gabriel,  the  ruler  of  Melitene,  applied 
to  Bohemond  for  help  against  Ibn  Danishmend.^ 
Bohemond,  eager  to  extend  his  sway,  accepted  the 
invitation.  On  the  road  he  fell  into  an  ambuscade 
through  the  careless  confidence  of  his  men  who, 
wearied  by  the  heat,  were  marching  without  their 
armour.  Most  of  the  Franks  were  cut  to  pieces,  and 
Bohemond  himself  with  his  cousin  Richard  were 
taken  prisoners. 

By  this  time  Godfrey  had  forced  Arsuf  to  sur- 
render, and  obtained  a  promise  of  tribute  from  the 
other  cities  along  the  coast,  including  Ascalon, 
Caesarea,  and  Acre,  for  "  the  fear  of  the  most  Chris- 
tian duke  fell  upon  all  the  lands  of  the  heathen  folk." 

^  Mohammed  Gumishtakin  ibn  Danishmend  (the  son  of  the  learned 
man)  founded,  towards  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century,  a  great  lord- 
ship in  a  district  that  roughly  corresponds  with  the  ancient  Cappadocia, 
This  district  lay  east  of  the  Seljukian  Sultanate  of  Rilm.  His  father 
had  been  a  Turcoman  schoolmaster,  whence  Mohammed  obtained  his 
surname. 


100  GODFREY  DE  BOUILLON. 

Even  the  sheiks  of  the  wild  Arabian  tribes  begged 
for  peace  in  order  that  they  might  have  a  market  for 
their  flocks.  But  neither  Christian  nor  Saracen  kept 
peace  by  sea ;  and  while  the  merchants  of  Ascalon 
and  Jerusalem  passed  to  and  fro  from  one  city  to  the 
other,  the  Saracen  warships  scoured  the  Mediter- 
ranean, and  the  Crusading  warriors  cut  off  all  vessels 
that  brought  up  provisions  from  Alexandria  and 
Damietta  for  the  Egyptian  cities  along  the  coast. 
L<  Godfrey's  next  task  was  to  fortify  Jaffa,  a  town 
that  was  of  extreme  importance  to  the  infant  king- 
dom and  for  a  double  reason  ;  it  was  practically  the 
only  harbour  at  which  the  Crusaders  could  disembark 
reinforcements  from  the  west ;  it  was  also  their  base 
of  supply  since  the  Franks  could  not  trust  entirely 
to  an  alien  race  for  their  provisions.  From  this  labour 
Godfrey  was  called  away  to  assist  Tancred,  who  was 
establishing  himself  near  the  lake'  of  Tiberias.  As 
he  returned  from  this  expedition  along  the  coast 
towards  Jaffa,  a  deadly  sickness  fell  upon  him,  due, 
so  it  was  declared,  to  poisoned  fruit  sent  him  by  the 
Emir  of  Caesarea.  At  Jaffa  he  met  the  Venetian 
bishop  and  doge,  who  had  lately  arrived,  but  was  too 
feeble  to  endure  the  excitement  of  a  prolonged  inter- 
view. The  same  night  he  grew  worse,  and  feeling 
unable  to  bear  the  bustle  of  a  maritime  city,  had 
himself  carried  up  to  Jerusalem.  He  breathed  his 
last  on  July  i8,  i  lOO,  and  was  buried  in  the  Church  of 
the  Holy  Sepulchre. 

Godfrey's  death  occurred  three  days  after  the  anni- 
versary of  the  capture  of  the  Holy  City.  Under  the 
later  kings  the  two  events  were  celebrated  together,  and 


A   HERO   OF  ROMANCE. 


lOI 


the  anniversary  of  the  great  duke's  death  was  marked 
by  the  distribution  of  gifts  in  accordance  with  his 
will.  Godfrey  himself  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
characters  to  be  met  with  in  history.  No  other  ruler, 
perhaps,  combines  so  perfectly  the  religious  and  active 
elements  in  life.  His  history  was  soon  surrounded 
with  tales  of  wonder,  so  that  he  seemed  to  have  been 
marked  out  from  his  earliest  days  for  his  sacred  mis- 


GODFREY   DE   BOUILLON'S   TOMB   IN    THE  CHURCH  OF 
THE   HOLY   SEPULCHRE. 

sion.  His  mother  told  how  long  before  the  First 
Crusade  he  had  desired  to  make  his  journey  to  Jeru- 
salem, not  as  a  pilgrim,  but  at  the  head  of  an  army. 
Yet  he  does  not  seem  to  have  held  the  first  place 
amongst  the  leaders,  and  the  reason  for  his  election 
must  be  sought  in  the  jealousy  between  the  men  of 
north  and  south  France.  The  fierceness  of  this  feel- 
ing had  everywhere  been  displayed  in  the  quarrels 
between  the  followers  of  the  Norman  and  Provencal 


/ 


lOis  GODFREY  DE   BOUILLON. 

leaders.  Some  compromise  wa-^  necessary,  and  seeing 
that  the  Germans,  as  Ralph  of  Caen  expressly  says, 
had  "  stood  outside  the  quarrel,"  it  is  little  wonder 
that  the  choice  fell  on  the  great  leader,  whose 
engines  had  made  the  first  breach  in  the  walls  of 
Jerusalem.  Moreover,  Godfrey,  as  a  native  of  the 
French  and  Teutonic  borderlands,  was  unlike  most 
of  the  chiefs,  familiar  with  both  the  French  and 
German  tongues. 

Piety  had  always  been  a  marlccd  feature  in  God- 
frey's character.  Either  this  or  his  natural  humility 
made  him  refuse  to  wear  a  golden  crown  of  state 
in  the  city  where  his  Saviour  had  worn  a  crown 
of  thorns.  He  was  fond  of  religious  services,  and 
even  in  the  turmoil  of  the  capture  had  ctolen  away  to 
pray  at  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  Yet  there  were  harder 
elements  in  his  character ;  he  had  sternly  punished 
any  lack  of  discipline  among  his  followers,  and  shown 
himself  merciless  to  his  foes.  Still  his  short  reign 
was  so  far  as  possible  one  of  peace,  and  all  the  varied 
dwellers  round  Jerusalem  mourned  for  his  death. 
^  It  must  have  been  within  a  very  few  years  that 
Godfrey  began  to  figure  in  contemporary  song. 
Later  he  became  the  centre  of  one  of  the  five  great 
cycles  of  romantic  literature.  In  the  twelfth  and 
thirteenth  centuries  the  fame  of  Godfrey  and  the  First 
Crusade  rivalled  the  older  legends  of  Arthur  and 
I  Charlemagne,  and  he  is  named  with  them  as  one  of 
the  three  Christian  heroes  who  made  up  the  number 
of  the  nine  noblest.  Slowly  the  floating  mists  of 
romance  gather  shape  and  substance  round  his  name, 
not  only  from  the  true  exploits  of  his  Crusading  life, 


THE   FATES   OF   THE    CHIEFS.  103 

but  from  others  in  which  he  had  talcen  no  part.  Like 
the  mother  of  Thomas  a  Becket,  his  mother  was 
fabled  to  have  been  an  Eastern  princess,  and  his 
grandmother's  name  was  associated  with  the  old- 
world  legend  of  the  Knight  of  the  Swan.  Whatever 
its  form  his  legend  became  one  of  the  chief  themes 
of  mediaeval  song.  Ballads  of  the  siege  of  Antioch 
cheered  the  camp  fires  of  the  warriors  of  the  Third 
Crusade,  and  men  almost  forgot  the  miserable  feuds 
which  wrecked  the  fair  prospects  of  1191-2  in  think- 
ing of  the  self-denial,  the  devotion  and  the  chivalrous 
valour  of  the  great  Crusaders  of  an  earlier  age. 

Thus  in  little  more  than  a  year  from  the  capture 
of  the  Holy  City  had  the  hero  of  the  First  Crusade  ./ 
passed  away.     Of  the  other  great  chiefs,  Raymond,  ^. 
Bohemond,  Tancred,  and  Baldwin  alone  remained  in  \ 
the  East.     The  remainder  had  hurried  home  to  meet 
with  more  or   less  tragical    fates.       Robert  of   Nor- 
mandy reached  his  duchy  just  too  late  to  secure  the 
succession  to  England   on  the  death  of  his  brother 
William.     Six   years  later  his  defeat  at  Tenchebrai 
consigned  him  to  lifelong  captivity,  but  even  so  his 
name  was  not  forgotten  in  the  Holy  Land,  where  an 
illegitimate  son  of  his,  William  by  name,  played  a 
prominent  part  under  Baldwin  L    Robert  of  Flanders, 
like  his  cousin  and  namesake,  reached  home  by  way 
of  Greek  territories;  eleven  years  later  he  was  thrown 
from  his  horse  and  killed.     Hugh  the  Great,  who  had 
been  sent  to  Constantinople  after  the  fall  of  Antioch, 
shared  in  the  disastrous  expedition  of  nor  and  died 
at  Tarsus.      The    recreant  Count  Stephen   of  Blois 
driven    back  to  the  East  by   his    wife's    reproaches, 


104  GODFREY  DE   BOUILLON. 

took  part  in  the  same  expedition,  and  was  slain 
in  the  great  battle  of  Ramleh  (1102).  This  expedi- 
tion, which  ended  so  disastrously  for  the  two  French 
counts,  must  detain  us  for  a  little. 

The  conquest  of  Jerusalem  kindled  a  warlike  en- 
thusiasm in  many  hearts  which  had  been  cold  to  the 
impassioned  pleading  of  Urban  and  Peterv  Amongst 
those  who  now  took  up  arms  was  the  powerful  Duke 
William  of  Aquitaine.  Religious  feeling  had  not 
restrained  him  from  the  endeavour  to  turn  Count 
Raymond's  absence  on  the  Crusade  to  his  own  profit. 
He  is  perhaps  the  first  of  all  the  Crusading  chiefs 
who  undertook  the  expedition  in  the  frivolous  spirit 
of  the  mere  adventurer  eager  for  some  new  thing. 
The  details  of  this  crusade,  or  series  of  crusades,  are 
difficult  to  follow ;  but  first  of  all  a  large  and  unruly 
horde  of  Lombards  reached  Constantinople,  and  after 
some  riotous  conduct,  in  the  course  of  which  they 
broke  into  the  palace  and  killed  one  of  the  Emperor's 
pet  lions,  crossed  the  Bosphorus.  At  Nicomedia 
they  were  joined  by  Conrad  the  Constable  of  the 
Emperor  Henry,  and  the  two  Stephens  of  Blois  and 
Burgundy. 

It  was  now  Whitsuntide,  iioi,  and  the  Crusaders, 
eager  to  depart,  begged  Alexius  for  a  guide.  He 
offered  them  Raymond  of  St.  Gilles,  who  was  present 
at  Constantinople.  But  when  the  time  for  departure 
arrived  a  feud  broke  out  between  the  two  divisions. 
Stephen  of  Blois  was  for  following  the  old  Crusading 
track  through  Iconium  to  Antioch.  The  Lombards, 
however,  were  seized  with  a  wild  desire  to  push 
across  the  highlands  of  Asia  Minor  to  the  realm  of 


THE  AQUITANIAN   CRUSADE,  105 

Chorazan,  by  which  they  probably  understood  Persia 
or  the  region  of  the  Lower  Tigris.  There  they 
hoped  to  rescue  Bohemond  from  captivity  or,  happier 
still,  to  seize  Bagdad  itself.  Others,  among  whom 
was  Ekkehard,  our  chief  authority  for  this  expedi- 
tion, took  alarm  at  a  reported  speech  of  the  Emperor 
Alexius,  to  the  effect  that  he  would  let  the  Franks 
and  the  Turks  devour  one  another  like  dogs  ;  these 
went  by  sea  from  one  or  other  of  the  Greek  ports, 
and,  as  Ekkehard  says,  "  Through  the  Divine  mercy, 
after  six  weeks  we  reached  the  haven  of  Jaffa." 

Raymond  threw  in  his  lot  with  Count  Stephen, 
Three  weeks'  march  through  a  region  of  plenty 
brought  them  to  Ancyra  on  June  23rd.  Here  they 
entered  on  a  waterless  and  desert  region,  and  from 
this  point  their  steps  were  dogged  by  the  Turks, 
who,  shooting  from  a  distance,  picked  out  with  their 
arrows  the  stragglers  and  weak.  At  last  the  whole 
rearguard,  consisting  of  seven  hundred  Lombards, 
was  cut  off.  Next  morning  there  was  a  deadly 
panic,  and  only  Raymond  and  the  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy volunteered  to  take  the  post  of  danger.  Some 
three  weeks  later,  when  the  Christians  were  already 
near  Maresch,  not  far  from  Sinope,  Raymond  was 
defeated  by  the  Turks,  and  on  the  next  day  rode 
off  with  his  followers,  leaving  his  fellow  Crusaders 
to  fare  by  themselves.  The  other  leaders,  infected 
by  his  example,  fled  in  panic,  leaving  their  goods 
and  their  very  wives  as  a  booty  to  the  Turks.  "  Ah  ! 
what  grief  was  it  to  see  delicate  and  noble  matrons 
carried  off  by  impious  and  horrid  men — men  whose 
heads  were  shorn  behind  and  before,  whose  beards 


I06  GODFREY  DE   BOUILLON, 

were  long  and  unkempt,  and  who  were  like  to  foul 
and  unclean  spirits  in  conduct." 

The  two  Stephens,  Conrad,  and  the  Bishop  of 
Milan  got  back  to  Constantinople,  where  Raymond 
also  presently  arrived  by  sea.  The  Count  of  St. 
Gilles  found  a  general  prejudice  against  him  by 
reason  of  his  alleged  desertion,  but  he  excused 
himself  successfully  to  Alexius  on  the  score  of 
necessity. 

Another  expedition,  under  William,  Count  of 
Nevers,  had  reached  Constantinople  from  Brindisi, 
and  marched  through  Asia  Minor  in  the  train  of 
Raymond  and  his  fellows.  Count  William,  with  a 
scanty  following,  at  length  reached  Antioch  on  foot, 
in  the  autumn  of  iioi. 

Duke  William  of  Aquitaine  reached  Constantinople 
a  little  later  than  the  rest ;  with  him  came  Welf  of 
Bavaria,  the  Countess  Ida  of  Austria,  and,  if  we  may 
credit  Albert  of  Aix,  160,000  pilgrims  of  either  sex. 
This  expedition  fared  w^orse  than  their  predecessors 
alike  in  Europe  and  in  Asia.  In  the  end  many  thou- 
sands were  slain  or  carried  off  captive  by  Kilij  Arslan. 
Welf  went  wandering  over  the  mountains,  and  hardly 
escaped  with  his  life  ;  as  for  the  Countess  Ida,  says 
Albert  of  Aix,  whether  she  was  carried  off  or  trod 
to  pieces  under  the  feet  of  horses  is  unknown  to  this 
day  ;  William  fled  with  a  single  knight,  and  found 
shelter  near  Tarsus  till  Tancred  came  and  escorted 
him  to  Antioch. 

The  remnants  of  all  these  expeditions  met  at 
Antioch  in  March,  1102.  "Of  so  innumerable  a 
host   of    God's   people,"    writes    a    survivor,   "  alas  ! 


A   DISASTROUS   EXPEDITION. 


107 


alas  !  we  do  not  believe  one  thousand  survived  ; 
and  these  we  saw  afterwards  at  Rhodes,  Paphos, 
and  other  ports,  hardly  more  than  bones,  but  only 
a  few  at  Jaffa." 


'as)te\ 


36/    W.of  Greenwich        37 


Typo.  Etching  Co.  Sc, 
THE  LATIN    PRINCIPALITIES   OF   SYRIA    IN   THE  TWELFTH  CENTURY. 


/ 


VII. 

THE   LAND  AND   ITS   ORGANISATION. 

"  A  land  of  settled  government, 
A  land  of  old  and  fair  renown." 

Tennyson. 

The  capture  of  Jerusalem  and  the  formal  con- 
stitution of  the  kingdom  which  took  its  name  from 
the  Holy  City  were  hardly  more  than  the  first  stage 
in  the  conquest  of  Palestine.  Even  at  the  time 
of  Godfrey's  death  the  Franks  held  little  besides 
Jerusalem  itself,  together  with  the  communications 
with  the  Byzantine  dominions,  which  they  had 
established  in  the  course  of  their  march  south. 
Though  Bohemond  at  Antioch  and  Baldwin  at 
Edessa  had  already  secured  somewhat  more  ex- 
tended sovereignties,  the  true  period  of  conquest 
covered  the  reigns  of  Godfrey's  first  two  successors. 
But  indeed  the  whole  history  of  the  Prankish  rule 
in  Syria  was  so  chequered,  that  its  curtailment  at 
the  hands  of  the  reviving  power  of  Mohammedanism 
had  already  commenced  in  one  quarter  before  it 
could  attain  its  full  extension  in  another.  The  death 
of  Baldwin  II.  may  be  said  to  mark  the  moment  of 

greatest   extension,   when   in    the    words   of    Abul- 
ia) 


no  THE  LAND  AND  ITS   ORGANISATION, 

faraj,  "  all  was  subject  to  the  Franks,  from  the 
neighbourhood  of  Mardin  to  El  Arish  on  the  borders 
of  Egypt."  The  present  is,  however,  the  most  con- 
venient place  for  a  description  of  the  territory  of 
the  Syrian  Franks,  always  remembering  that  at  no 
moment  did  its  actual  extent  coincide  with  that 
which  was  theoretically  theirs. 

In  its  entirety  the  Frankish  dominion  should  have 
included  all  the  lands  that  lay  between  the  sea  on 
the  west  and  the  desert  on  the  east.  This  region, 
taken  as  a  whole,  is  one  of  well-marked  character- 
istics, and,  despite  certain  weak  points,  not  ill-suited 
for  defensive  occupation.  But,  as  we  shall  see,  the 
Franks  never  did  occupy  it  fully,  and  the  neglect  or 
incapacity  to  do  so  may  without  doubt  be  classed 
among  the  causes  which  prevented  the  Frankish  prin- 
cipalities from  maintaining  a  more  permanent  exis- 
tence. 

The  extreme  length  of  the  Frankish  territory  from 
the  Euphrates  to  the  borders  of  Egypt  was  some- 
what over  five  hundred  miles.  Its  breadth,  except 
in  the  far  north,  seldom  exceeded  fifty  miles,  and 
was  for  the  most  part  much  less.  This  extreme 
attenuation  left  a  long  frontier  open  to  attack, 
and  whilst  the  Mohammedans  still  held  Damascus, 
Emesa,  Hamah,  and  Aleppo  the  danger  of  attack  was 
ever  present.  Otherwise,  so  long  as  the  Franks  re- 
tained their  hold  on  Edessa  and  had  Greeks  and 
Armenians  for  neighbours  in  the  north-west,  the  only 
serious  danger  would  have  proceeded  from  Egypt,  a 
source  of  trouble  to  which  the  later  Crusaders  at  least 
were  keenly  alive.  \  '    ^  "^ 


PHYSICAL    CHARACTERISTICS.  Ill 

Physically  speaking,  the  land  consists  of  four  longi- 
tudinal zones.  The  first  is  the  plain  country  on  the 
border  of  the  Mediterranean,  a  region  of  sandy  tracts 
alternating  with  wooded  lands.  This  district,  which 
extends  to  a  width  of  some  fifteen  miles  in  the  south, 
gradually  narrows  to  very  small  dimensions  in  the 
region  of  the  ancient  Phoenicia,  thus  to  continue  to 
the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  Iskanderoun.  In  the  king- 
dom proper  the  district  is  broken  by  the  height  of 
Carmel,  but  immediately  to  the  north,  in  its  turn, 
extends  eastward  over  the  fertile  plain  of  Esdraelon. 
Behind  the  plain  of  the  coast  lies  the  mountain 
country  which  in  Palestine  proper  consists  of  an 
undulating  district  of  moderate  elevation  (1,500- 
1,800  feet)  ;  though  with  some  more  striking  heights, 
as  those  on  which  the  cities  of  Hebron  and  Jeru- 
salem are  situate,  the  one  lying  3,000  feet,  the  other 
some  500  feet  less,  above  the  level  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean. Behind  the  Phoenician  coast  lies  the  far 
loftier  range  of  Lebanon,  which  is  continued  in  the 
mountains  of  Ansarieh  to  the  neighbourhood  of 
Antioch.  This  mountain  country  rises  for  the  most 
part  gradually  on  the  west,  but  on  the  east  fajls 
by  a  steep  and  rugged  descent  to  the  depression 
which  forms  the  third  zone.  The  valleys  of  the 
Orontes,  the  Litany,  and  the  Jordan,  with  the 
Wady-el-Arabah,  form  a  long  and  deep  trench  ex- 
tending in  an  almost  straight  line  from  Antioch  to 
the  Gulf  of  Elim,  and  broken  only  by  Hermon  and  the 
highlands  to  the  south  of  the  Dead  Sea.  This  trench 
formed  the  eastern  limit  of  Prankish  conquest 
except  in  the  extreme   north,  where  the  county  of 


112  THE  LAND  AND   ITS   ORGANISATION, 

Edcssa  spread  to  the  Euphrates  and  beyond,  and 
in  the  south,  where  it  comprised  the  highlands  to 
the  east  of  the  Dead  Sea  and  reached  to  the  Gulf 
of  Elim.  The  fourth  zone,  that  bordering  on  the 
desert,  included  the  highlands  of  Moab  and  the 
Djaulan,  together  with  the  range  of  Anti-Lebanon 
and  its  eastern  slopes.  For  the  most  part  a  high 
and  bleak  plateau,  it  comprises  many  well-watered 
and  fertile  spots,  especially  in  the  more  northern 
part,  where  lay  the  great  Mohammedan  cities  of 
Damascus,  Emesa,  Hamah,  and  Aleppo. 

The  Frankish  dominions  in  Syria  consisted  of  four 
main  divisions — the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  proper, 
the  county  of  Tripoli,  the  principality  of  Antioch, 
and  the  county  of  Edessa. 

Beginning  with  the  north,  we  find  in  Edessa  an 
extensive  but  ill-defined  territory  lying  on  both  sides 
of  the  Euphrates.  On  the  left  bank,  besides  the 
proper  district  of  Edessa,  it  extended  northwards  to 
the  neighbourhood  of  Mardin,  and  in  the  south  to 
the  fertile  region  of  Saruj.  On  the  right  bank  of  the 
Euphrates  its  chief  territory  consisted  of  the  lordship 
of  Joscelin  of  Courtenay,  whose  capital  was  Turbessel, 
now  Tell-basher.  The  principal  fiefs  of  Edessa  werei 
Hatab  or  Ain  tab,  and  Tulupe,  Coris,  Ravendal, 
Samosata,  Bir,  and  Saruj.  The  Frankish  settlers  were 
not  numerous,  and  confined  themselves,  as  it  would 
seem,  to  the  towns  and  fortresses  ;  even  in  Edessa 
itself  they  were  but  few  in  number.  The  mass  of 
the  population  consisted  of  Armenians  and  Syrians, 
and  the  system  of  government  appears  to  have  re- 
mained almost  purely  Byzantine.    Edessa,  the  capital 


EDESSA   AND    ANTlOCH,  II3 

is  identical  with  the  Rohas  of  antiquity  and  the  Orfa 
of  modern  times.  Built  on  the  banks  of  the  Kara 
Tchai,  at  the  foot  of  a  hill  called  the  Top  Dagh/  and 
dominated  by  a  strong  castle,  Edessa  was  at  once  a 
fortress  and  a  great  place  of  commercial  transit.  To 
the  Franks  it  was  of  supreme  importance  as  com- 
manding the  best  route  from  Mesopotamia  to  Syria. 

West  of  the  county  of  Edessa  lay  the  extensive 
principality  of  Antioch.  Under  the  rule  of  its  first 
princes  Antioch  was  rapidly  developed,  till  by  1130, 
the  moment  of  its  widest  extension,  it  reached  on  the 
north-west  far  into  Cilicia,  and  even  included  the 
towns  of  Tarsus,  Adana,  and  Mamistra  ;  but  the  con- 
quests of  John  Comnenus  in  11 37  confined  it  within 
the  river  Jihun  or  Pyramus,  and  later  on  it  was  fur- 
ther circumscribed  by  the  growth  of  the  kingdom  of 
Armenia.  North-east  it  marched  with  Edessa,  and 
south  east  included  beyond  the  Orontes  the  terri- 
tories of  Albara,  Apamea,  and  Marra,  and,  as  we 
shall  see,  pressed  hard  on  Aleppo  itself  On  the 
west  lay  the  sea,  and  south  the  mountain  district  of 
Tripoli.  Within  these  limits  were  included  a  great 
number  of  dependent  fiefs,  chief  of  which  were  Cerep, 
Harenc,  Hazart,  Zerdana,  and  Marra.  On  the  coast 
lay  the  important  ports  of  Laodicea,  and  Soudin,  or 
St.  Simeon,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Orontes,  which  was 
the  harbour  of  Antioch.  The  position  of  the  capital 
has  already  been  sutficiently  described,^  and  it  is^ 
enough   to   emphasise   here   the   importanafe   of  the 

»  In  Crusading  times  this  was  called  the  Holy  Mount^Pi  from  the 
numerous  monasteries  on  its  slopes. 
'  Chapter  iv.  p.  63-6. 

.9, 


THE   COUNTY  OF   TRIPOLI.  II5 

principality  as    the  earliest,   and    perhaps    the   most 
permanent,  of  all  the  Prankish  colonies^^ 

The  county  of  Tripoli  formed  a  strip  of  territory 
'dbout  a  hundred  miles  in  length,  and  extending  from 
the  sea  on  the  west  to  the  Orontes  on  the  east  Its 
southern  boundary  was  at  the  Nahr  Ibrahim,  a  little 
to  the  north  of  Beyrout,  and  at  the  other  extremity  it 
approached  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Markab.  On 
the  east  lay  the  territory  of  the  Assassins  and  the 
Mussulman  principalities  of  Hamah  and  Emesa. 
x\mong  its  fie^s  were  Arkah,  Botron,  Jebeil,  and  Tor- 
tosa,  and  it  also  included  the  strong  fortresses  of  Safed 
and  Kerak  or  Krak  des  Chevaliers.  The  town  of  Tripoli 
in  Crusading  times  consisted  of  the  actual  city  on 
Mount  Pilgrim  and  the  more  ancient  city  on  a  penin- 
sula below.  In  the  thirteenth  century  it  was  a  great 
centre  of  commerce,  famous  for  its  schools  and  for 
its  silk  factories,  that  gave  employment  to  four 
thousand  artisans. 

Edessa,  Antioch,  and  Tripoli  were  all  theoretically 
dependencies  of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  In 
Edessa  the  royal  authority  was  secured  from  the  day 
when  its  first  count  became  the  second  king  of  Jeru- 
salem. Antioch  was  to  have  been  held  by  Bohemond 
as  a  dependency  of  the  Byzantine  Empire  ;  but  the 
conduct  of  Alexius  gave  the  Franks  a  fair  excuse  for 
disowning  his  suzerainty.  During  the  disasters  which 
followed  on  the  death  of  Roger  in  11 19,  Baldwin  II. 
was  called  in  to  defend  the  unguarded  principality, 
and  for  some  years  the  king  was  in  fact  its  governor. 
In  1 1 26  the  second  Bohemond  married  Baldwin's 
daughter,  and  on  his  death  a  few  years  later  the  king, 


Il6  THE  LAND  AND    ITS   ORGANISATION. 

as  guardian  for  his  grandchild,  received  the  oaths  of 
all  the  vassals  high  and  low.  From  this  time  Antioch 
may  be  considered  both  legally  and  politically  as  a 
dependency  of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  Tripoli, 
as  we  shall  see,  passed  into  the  same  position,  when 
Raymond's  son  Bertram  appealed  to  Baldwin  I.  for 
aid  against  William  Jordan,  and  became  the  king's 
man.  Henceforward  its  allegiance  hardly  wavered, 
except  when  in  1122  Pons  for  a  while  refused  obedi- 
ence to  Baldwin  II. 

The  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  properly  so  called 
extended  along  the  coast  from  the  Nahr  Ibrahim" 
to  the  Wady-el-Arish.  The  eastern  boundary  was 
formed  by  the  valley  of  Baccar  and  the  Ghor,  or  basin 
of  the  Jordan  and  Dead  Sea.  But  in  the  north  the 
fortress  of  Banias  and  the  land  of  Soad  lay  east  of 
this  line,  and  in  the  south-east  the  Franks  occupied 
the  land  beyond  the  Dead  Sea,  and  as  far  south  as 
the  Gulf  of  Elim.  The  kingdom  was  divided  into 
four  great  baronies  and  twelve  lesser  lordships.  The 
first  were  : — (i)  the  county  of  Jaffa  and  Ascalon  ;  (2) 
the  lordship  of  Kerak  and  Montreal  ;  (3)  the  princi- 
pality of  Galilee  ;  (4)  the  lordship  of  Sidon.  The 
lesser  fiefs  were  Darum,  Hebron  or  St.  Abraham, 
Arsuf,  Caesarea,  Nablus,  Bessan  or  Bethshan,  Caimont, 
Haifa,  Toron  and  Banias,  Scandelion,  St.  George  or 
Lydda,  and  Beyrout. 

The  county  of  Jaffa  and  Ascalon  stretched  over  the 
.plain  of  Sharon  between  the  sea  and  the  mountains 
of  Judah,  and  from  the  river  Leddar  to  Darum  and 
the  desert  of  Sin.  It  included  the  fortresses  of 
Ibelin,  Blanchegarde,  and  Mirabel,  and  the  towns  of 


THE   LORDSHIPS  OF   THE   KINGDOM.  llf 

Gaza,  Lydda,  and  Ramleh.  Jaffa  was  erected 
into  a  county  by  Baldwin  I.  for  his  kinsman  Hugh 
de  Puiset.  After  the  untimely  fate  of  his  son 
Hugh  H.,  it  passed  into  the  royal  hands  to  be  revived 
by  Baldwin  HI.  for  his  brother  Amalric,  who  was 
already  Count  of  Ascalon.  From  this  time  the 
double  county  became  an  appanage  of  the  royal 
house,  and  so  was  held  by  Guy  de  Lusignan  and 
Walter  de  Brienne.  The  authority  of  the  counts  was, 
however,  much  circumscribed  by  the  power  of  the 
great  house  of  Ibelin.  Balian  the  Bearded,  founder 
of  that  house,  appears  in  1 1 20  as  Constable  of  Jaffa, 
and  eventually  became  lord  of  Ibelin,  Ramleh,  and 
Mirabel.  In  later  days  his  descendants  accumulated 
many  fiefs  both  in  Jerusalem  and  Cyprus. 

The  lordship  of  Kerak  and  Montreal  took  its  name 
from  the  two  great  fortresses  in  the  land  beyond  the 
Dead  Sea.  Its  peculiar  importance  lay  in  the  fact 
that  the  rich  caravans  from  Egypt  to  Damascus  had 
to  pass  through  its  territories,  and  pay  it  toll.  Its 
first  lord  was  Roman  de  Puy,  afterwards  Fulk  gave  it 
to  Payn,  uncle  of  Philip  of  Nablus.  Philip's  daugh- 
ter conveyed  it  to  Reginald  of  Chatillon,  its  last  and 
most  famous  lord.  This  lordship  included  the  mari- 
time fortress  of  Elim  or  Aila,  and  was  eventually  unf.ted 
with  the  lordship  of  Hebron. 

The  principality  of  Galilee  besides  the  district  pro- 
perly so  called  included  the  land  of  Soad  beyond 
Jordan,  and  had  Tiberias  or  Tabarie  for  its  capital. 
It  contained  many  important  fortresses,  such  as 
Safed,  La  Feve,  Forbelet,  and  Belvoir,  and  the 
towns  of  Nazareth  and  Sepphoris.   Tancred  was  for  a 


Il8  THE   LAND   AND   ITS   ORGANISATION. 

short  time  Prince  of  Galilee,  afterwards  it  was  held  by- 
Hugh  of  Falkenberg  or  St  Omer,  Joscelin  of  Cour- 
tenay  before  he  became  Count  of  Edessa,  and  William 
de  Bures.  Later  it  returned  to  the  Falkenberg  family, 
and  in  the  thirteenth  century  passed  by  marriage  to 
the  Ibelins.  On  its  northern  borders  lay  the  impor- 
tant lordship  of  Toron,  whose  rulers  for  four  genera- 
tions were  called  Henfrid,  and  were  long  constables 
of  the  kingdom. 

The  lordship  of  Sidon  was  bounded  on  the  north 
by  the  Damour,  on  the  west  by  the  sea,  on  the  east 
and  south  by  the  Litany.  It  included  the  strong- 
holds of  Beaufort  and  the  Cave  of  Tyron,  with  the 
towns  of  Sidon  and  Sarepta.  It  was  first  granted  to 
Eustace  Grener,  who  was  lord  of  Caesarea.  Eustace 
married  a  niece  of  the  Patriarch  Arnulf ;  of  his  two 
sons,  Walter  became  lord  of  Caesarea  and  Gerard  of 
Sidon. 

The  immediate  royal  domain  comprised,  besides 
Jerusalem  and  its  neighbourhood,  including  Nablus, 
the  two  great  cities  of  Tyre  and  Acre,  the  latter  of 
which  became  in  the  thirteenth  century  the  capital  of 
the  Latin  colonies  in  Syria. 

Of  the  city  of  Jerusalem  itself  detailed  accounts 
from  the  hands  of  one  pilgrim  or  another  during  the 
Crusading  period  are  not  wanting.  Chief  among 
these  are  the  narratives  of  John  of  Wurzburg,  who 
visited  Palestine  between  1160  and  1170,  and  one 
Theoderic,  who  came  a  few  years  later.  But  per- 
haps we  can  for  the  present  purpose  take  no  better 
guide  than  a  Norman- French  description  of  the  state 
of  the  Holy  Places  and  the  city  of  Jerusalem  as  they 


JERUSALEM 

IN  1187  A.O. 
TiradUional  Names  vvlatin 


^J^sfe* 


120  THE   LAND   AND   ITS  ORGANISATION, 

were  on  the  day  that  Salad  in  and  the  Saracens  con- 
quered them  from  the  Christians.  Mediaeval  Jeru- 
salem had  four  chief  gates — David's  gate  on  the  west, 
the  Golden  gate  on  the  east,  and  St.  Stephen's  and 
Sion  gates  on  the  north  and  south..  The  pilgrim  who 
had  arrived  from  Jaffa  would  enter  by  the  first  named, 
with  the  Tower  of  David  on  his  right,  and  would  soon 
reach  Patriarch  Street  on  the  left,  where  the  Patriarch 
had  his  palace,  and  which  also  led  to  the  Church  of 
the  Holy  Sepulchre  and  the  Hospital  of  the  Knights 
of  St.  John.  David  Street  itself  led  into"  Temple 
Street,  and  so  to  the  Temple  enclosure  or  Haram, 
wherein  was  the  Templum  Domini,  together  with  the 
royal  palace  or  Templum  Salomonis,  and  the  House 
of  the  Knights  Templars.  The  Temple  enclosure  lay 
upon  the  eastern  wall  and  the  Golden  gate  opened 
directly  into  it.  1  he  northern  gate,  or  St.  Stephen's, 
was  that  by  which  the  pilgrims  who  came  up  from 
Acre  entered  ;  from  this  gate  St.  Stephen's  Street 
ran  into  the  heart  of  the  city.  At  its  southern  end, 
on  the  left,  were  three  narrow  vaulted  ways,  the  Rue 
Couverte,  where  the  Latin  merchants  sold  cloth  goods ; 
the  Rue  des  Herbes,  which  was  the  market  for  all 
vegetables,  fruits,  and  spices  ;  and  the  Rue  Malcui- 
sinat,  where  the  hungry  pilgrim  could  obtain  his  food. 
From  this  point  two  streets  ran  south  to  the  gate 
of  Mount   Sion. 

There  were  in  the  city  of  Jerusalem  or  its  vicinity 
no  less  than  thirty-seven  churches,  many  of  which,  as 
those  of  St.  Anne,  St.  Maria  Majora,  and  St.  Mary 
Magdalen,  were  built  during  the  Christian  occupation. 
But  churches  are  far  from  being  the  only  buildings 


THE    CITY   OF  JERVSALE^f. 


12,1 


of  the  Crusading  period  which 
have  survived.  The  Tower  of 
David  is  the  Castle  of  the 
Pisans  erected  early  in  the  twelfth 
century,  Tancred's  Tower  sur- 
vives as  the  Kalat  Jalud  in  the 
north-west  angle  of  the  present 
city,  and  the  Malcuisinat  is  a 
Crusading  erection  which  still 
forms  the  meat  bazaar.  But  the 
zeal  of  the  Crusaders  devoted 
itself  above  all  else  to  the 
glorifying  of  the  Church  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre.  The  existing 
church  is  mainly  their  work,  and 
until  the  great  fire  in  1808 
stood  practically  uninjured.  They 
gathered  into  one  building  all 
the  sacred  sites  of  Golgotha  and 
the  Resurrection,  and  adorned 
the  new  buildings  with  rich 
mosaics  and  enamels  wrought  by 
Greek  artists.  Within  the  church, 
near  the  Adam  Chapel,  were  the 
tombs  of  the  Christian  kings 
from  Godfrey  to  Baldwin  V., 
which  were  much  injured  by  the 
Charismians  in  1244,  and  finally 
destroyed  by  Greek  jealousy 
after  the  fire.  Both  the  Tem- 
plum  Domini  and  the  Templum 
Saloinonis,  or  Aksa  Mosque, 
were  also  altered  and  beautified 


r^. 


Wi 


mm 


s^^ 


i^mMs. 


122  THE   LAND   AND   ITS   ORGANISATION. 

in  Crusading  times  ;  but  much  of  the  Christian  work 
was  defaced  or  destroyed  when  these  buildings  were 
restored  to  Mohammedan  worship.  But  in  both 
some  mediaeval  Christian  work  still  survives,  and 
among  other  remains  in  the  Haram  enclosure  are 
thos€-xi£_the  magnificent  refectory  of  the  Templars. 
The  organisation  of  the  kifigdom  of  Jerusalem  was 
feudalism  in  its  purest  form,  the  great  feudatories 
duly  receiving  and  observing  their  rights  and  obli- 
gations. The  collection  of  usages  devised  for  its 
governance  are  known  as  the  Assizes  of  Jerusalem, 
and  give  us  our  most  perfect  picture  of  an  ideal 
feudal  state.  Not  that  they  describe  the  kingdom  as 
it  ever  actually  existed,  for  indeed  the  Assizes  only 
began  to  take  their  present  shape  when  the  thirteenth 
century  was  well  advanced,  and  were  the  work  not  of 
the  kings  of  Jerusalem,  but  of  the  jurisconsults  of 
Cyprus.  Chief  among  these  lawyers  were  Philip  of 
Navarre  and  John  of  Ibelin,  nephew  and  namesake  of 
the  famous  head  of  that  house  in  the  time  of  Frederic 
II.  According  to  the  story  preserved  by  John  of 
Ibelin,  Godfrey  de  Bouillon,  by  the  counsel  of  the 
Patriarch  of  Jerusalem  and  of  the  princes  and  barons, 
appointed  wise  men  to  make  inquiry  of  the  Crusaders 
from  the  various  countries  of  Europe  as  to  what 
usages  prevailed  in  their  several  lands.  The  result 
of  this  inquiry  was  put  in  writing,  and  formed  the 
basis  of  the  "  Assizes  and  usages  which  Godfrey 
ordered  to  be  maintained  and  used  in  the  kingdom 
of  Jerusalem,  by  the  which  he  and  his  men,  and  his 
people,  and  all  other  manner  of  people  going,  coming, 
and  dwelling  in  his  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  were  to  be 


THE   ASSIZE   OF   JERUSALEM.  I23 

governed  and  guarded."  ^  Thus  there  were  composed 
two  codes,  one  for  the  nobles  and  the  other  for  the 
bourgeois,  which  were  deposited  in  a  coffer  in  the 
Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  at  Jerusalem,  and  from 
the  place  of  the  keeping  called  "  Lettres  du  Sepulcre." 
The  coffer  was  not  to  be  opened  except  for  the  pur- 
poses of  consulting  or  modifying  the  law,  and  that 
only  in  the  presence  of  nine  persons  who  were  care- 
fully specified,  and  of  whom  the  king  and  patriarch 
were  two.  The  laws  thus  carefully  made  were  after- 
wards from  time  to  time  modified  by  Godfrey  and  his 
successors,  and  especially  by  Baldwin  I.  and  Amalric  I. 
On  the  occasion  of  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  by  Sala- 
din  these  two  precious  volumes  were  destroyed,  and 
thus  all  written  record  of  the  legislation  perished. 
But  owing  to  the  circumstance  that  the  knowledge  of 
the  written  law  was  not  a  matter  of  common  property, 
there  had  grown  up  in  the  courts  of  the  kingdom 
a  body  of  usages  and  customs  based  upon  oral  tra- 
dition. These  usages  and  customs  were  carefully 
collected  by  the  great  jurisconsults  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  and  their  writings  formed  the  basis  of  the 
extant  Assizes. 

There  are,  however,  in  the  Assizes  certain  salient 
features  which  may  be  safely  ascribed  to  Godfrey  or 
his  immediate  successors.  Such  are  the  prescription 
of  constant  military  service — not  merely  for  a  fixed 
part  of  each  year — and  the  rules  intended  to  prevent 
the  concentration  of  fiefs  in  a  single  hand,  and  to 
secure  that  each  fief  should  be  able  to  render  its 
requisite  service.     These  ordinances  were  very  essen- 

^  Assizes  of  Jerusalem,  i.  22. 


124  THE  LAND   AND   ITS   ORGANISATION. 

tial  for  the  safeguarding  of  a  conquered  country,  and 
though  they  failed  in  their  purpose,  the  history  of 
the  kingdom  illustrates  well  their  necessity  ;  their 
failure,  inevitable  though  it  may  have  been,  was 
indeed  a  main  cause  of  the  downfall  of  the  kingdom. 
More  important,  however,  in  the  present  connection 
than  the  actual  laws,  is  the  system  of  government 
and  organisation  which  was  established.  At  the  head 
of  the  kingdom  stood  the  king,  whose. legal  title  was 
"  Rex  Latinorum  in  Hierusalem,"  King  of  the  Latins 
in  Jerusalem.  Next  to  him  in  dignity  came  the 
Seneschal,  whose  duty  was  primarily  to  hold  the 
king's  sceptre  on  the  coronation  day,  and  to  see  to 
the  due  ordering  of  the  coronation  feast.  He  also 
owed  services — somewhat  like  the  English  custom 
— at  the  four  great  annual  feasts.  As  a  great 
officer  of  justice  the  seneschal  was  supreme  over  all 
the  bailiffs  in  the  kingdom  ;  he  looked  after  the 
king's  rents,  and  visited  the  royal  castles,  with  power 
to  appoint  and  remove  the  castellans  ;  in  the  king's 
absence  he  presided  at  muster  and  foray.  Second  of 
the  great  officers  was  the  Constable,  who  held  the 
king's  horse  at  the  coronation,  and,  as  head  of  the 
ro}'al  army,  ordered  the  battle  in  the  king's  absence, 
and  was  responsible  for  the  maintenance  of  military 
discipline.  The  Marshal  assisted  the  constable  on 
the  coronation  day,  and  was  more  or  less  subordinate 
to  him  in  ordinary  times.  It  was  his  duty  to  engage 
knights  and  sergeants  for  the  royal  service.  The 
Chamberlain  robed  the  king  on  coronation  day,  and 
had  to  see  to  the  homage  of  the  king's  vassals. 
Other  officers  were  the  Butler,  the  Forester,  and  the 


OPPtCERS  AND   COURTS.  l2^ 

Chancellor.  The  last,  in  this  respect  differing  from 
the  early  English  custom,  often  retained  his  post 
after  he  had  been  rewarded  with  one  of  the  great 
bishoprics.^ 

Similar  functionaries  existed  in  the  great  depen- 
dencies ;  Antioch  had  its  own  constable,  marshal, 
and  a  special  officer  called  ''dux"  or  duke;  whilst 
in  a  charter  of  Joscelin  II.  of  Edessa,  Robert  the 
Constable,  and  Hubert  the  Marshal,  appear  among 
the  witnesses.  Even  the  smaller  baronies  within  the 
realm  of  Jerusalem  itself  had  each  its  own  officials, 
who,  as  in  the  case  of  Galilee,  attested  their  lord's 
charters.  Every  great  baron  would  have  his  leaden 
seal,  and  it  is  perhaps  with  a  touch  of  shame  that 
Hugh  of  Ibelin  borrows  the  seal  of  his  lord  Amalric 
because  he  "  had  no  seal "  of  his  own. 

For  the  administration  of  justice  there  was  at 
Jerusalem  a  High  Court,  over  which  the  king  himself 
presided,  or  in  his  absence  one  of  the  great  officers. 
This  court,  intended  in  the  first  place  to  have  juris- 
diction over  the  great  lords,  gradually  came  to  con- 
cern itself  with  all  that  related  to  the  political  and 
civil  administration  of  the  kingdom,  and  was,  in  fact, 
the  king's  Council  of  State.  In  the  country  generally 
the  administration  of  law  and  justice  was  in  the 
hands  of  certain  of  the  lords  who  had,  in  technical 
language,  the  right  to  hold  a  court,  coin  money,  and 
•afe  justice.  The  lords  themselves  presided  in  their 
seignorial  courts,  where  they  dealt  with  criminal 
.cases  in  accordance  with  the  customs  and  laws 
observed    in  the    High    Coa-rt,  to  which    they   were 

*  The  famous  Archbishop  William  of  Tyre  is  an  instance. 


126  THE  LAND  AND  ITS   ORGANISATION. 

subordinate.  In  addition  to  the  High  Court  there 
was  also  established  in  Jerusalem  and  all  other 
towns  where  the  Prankish  settlers  were  sufficiently 
numerous,  Courts  of  the  Burgesses.  These  courts 
were  presided  over  by  officers  called  Viscount*^,  and 
were  concerned  with  the  civil  jurisdiction.  The 
viscount  was  the  representative  of  the  lord ;  his 
office  was  often  hereditary,  and  in  some  cases,  as  at 
Nablus,  he  was  a  man  of  noble  family.  In  addition 
to  his  judicial  functions  the  viscount  had  charge  of 
the  revenue,  and  through  his  assistant,  who  was 
called  the  "  Mathessep,"  was  entrusted  with  the 
police.  Other  courts  were  those  of  the  Fonde  for 
commercial  jurisdiction,  under  a  bailiff;  of  the 
CItaine  for  maritime  business,  instituted  by  Amalric 
I.  ;  and  the  Syrian  Court,  or  Court  of  the  Reis.  No 
doubt  the  ccnirts  of  the  Fonde  and  the  Reis  were 
largely  governed  by  local  custom,  though  the  Assizes 
of  the  Court  of  th3  Burgesses  were  held  to  be  of 
force  in  them.  Wherever  the  Syrians  were  not 
sufficiently  numerous  to  form  a  community  under  a 
ReTs,  the  Fonde  constituted  their  special  court.  This 
elaborate  organisation  with  its  criminal,  civil,  and 
commercial  jurisdiction,  formed  in  its  entirety  a 
system  that  was  superior  to  anything  of  the  kind 
which  then  existed  in  the  West. 

The  judicial  institutions  of  the  subordinate  princi- 
palities closely  resembled  those  of  the  kingdom 
proper.  The  Prince  of  Antioch  had,  like  the  King 
of  Jerusalem,  both  his  High  Court  and  Court  of  the 
Burgesses.  The  Assizes  of  Antioch  were,  however, 
distinct ;  they  served    likewise   for   the   kingdom  of 


FINANCE.  1^7 

A  rmeriia,  and  no  doubt  also  for  the  county  of  Tripoli. 
Edessa  also  had,  we  may  assume,  a  similar  body  of 
law,  but  its  existence  as  a  Prankish  state  was  pro- 
bably too  short  for  the  growth  of  an  equally  elaborate 
organisation. 

As  for  the  commercial  colonies  in  the  cities  on  the 
coast,  they  had  special  privileges  and  their  own 
civil  courts  presided  over  by  bailiffs,  consuls  or 
viscounts.  But  of  these  it  will  be  more  convenient 
to  speak  in  a  later  place.^ 

The  pressure  of  warfare  made  finance  a  question 
of  great  importance  in  the  Latin  colonies  of  Syria. 
Baldwin  I.  was,  as  we  shall  see,  much  crippled  by 
lack  of  money,  and  again  in  the  last  days  of  the 
kingdom  its  rulers  had  to  seek  pecuniary  aid  from 
the  West.  There  was,  however,  a  regularly  organised 
financial  service,  called  "  La  Secrete,"  managed  by  a 
bailiff  and  a  staff  of  clerks  or  writers.  Chief  among 
the  sources  of  revenue  were  the  customs ;  the  Assizes 
of  Jerusalem  specify  1 1 1  articles  on  which  duty  was 
paid  at  Acre.  Ibn  Jubair  thus  describes  a  visit  to 
that  city  in  1 1 84  :  "  On  our  arrival  we  were  taken  to 
the  custom-house.  Opposite  the  door  there  sat  on 
a  covered  bench  the  clerks  of  the  custom,  who  are 
Christians  ;  they  had  ink-pots  of  ebony,  gilded  and 
handsomely  decorated,  and  wrote  in  the  Arabic  lan- 
guage, which  they  spoke  well.  Their  head,  who  farms 
the  customs,  is  called  simply  their  chief,  and  has  to 
pay  a  very  heavy  sum  to  the  'government.  The 
merchants  deposited  their  goods  in  a  store  above  the 
custom-house ;  private  travellers  were  allowed  to  pass 

*  See  below  in  chapter  xix.  pp.  294-6. 


128  THE  LAND  AND  ITS   ORGANISATION. 

after  an  examination  of  their  baggage.  The  officials 
did  their  work  courteously  and  without  violence  or 
exaction."  In  addition  to  the  customs  there  were 
market  dues,  and  tolls  on  caravans  levied  by  the 
various  lords.  Other  sources  of  revenue  were  the 
monopolies  on  various  industries,  such  as  dyeing, 
tanning,  brewing ;  the  tallage  paid  by  the  native 
Syrians ;  a  poll-tax  on  the  Mohammedans  and  Jews. 
On  special  occasions  also  the  royal  treasury  had 
resort  to  an  extraordinary  tallage  ;  such  was  the 
great  levy  for  the  defence  of  the  kingdom  in  1183,  of 
which  William  of  Tyre  has  left  a  minute  account. 
One  per  cent,  on  movables  was  to  be  paid  by  all 
who  had  property  worth  a  hundred  besants  ;  those 
who  had  less  were  to  pay  one  besant  for  hearth-tax  ; 
the  churches,  monasteries,  barons,  and  their  vassals 
were  to  pay  2  per  cent,  on  their  rents.  The  hearth- 
tax  fell  upon  the  country-folk,  who  dwelt  in  the 
casals  or  villages ;  the  lord  of  each  casal  was  to  so 
apportion  the  tax  that  the  rich  should  not  escape, 
nor  the  poor  be  oppressed.  Two  treasurers  were 
appointed  at  Jerusalem  and  Acre  to  see  that  the 
money  was  applied  only  to  defence  against  invasion, 
and  not  to  the  petty  business  of  the  realm.  The 
special  character  of  this  census  was  marked  by  a 
proviso  that  it  was  not  to  be  taken  as  a  precedent, 
and  during  its  operation  the  ordinary  tallages  on 
churches  and  towns  were  to  be  suspended.  We, 
however,  hear  of  other  extraordinary  levies,  as  for 
the  equipment  of  a  fleet,  and  the  building  of  walls 
and  towers. 

As  might  be  expected  from  the  circumstances  of 


THE   ECCLESIASTICAL   HIERARCHY.  l^g 

their  origin,  the  Latin  colonies  boasted  an  ecclesi- 
astical organisation  not  less  elaborate  than  the  civil. 
One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  Crusaders  was  to  establish 
Latin  bishops  in  the  conquered  cities,  following  for 
this  purpose  the  divisions  of  the  ancient  Oriental 
churches.  At  the  head  of  the  Latin  hierarchy  were 
the  two  patriarchs  of  Jerusalem  and  Antioch.  Under 
the  former  were  four  archbishoprics  of  which  Tyre  and 
CcTesarea  were  the  chief,  and  nine  bishoprics  ;  under 
the  latter  four  archbishoprics  and  seven  bishoprics. 
In  each  patriarchate  there  were  also  numerous  abbeys 
and  priories  of  the  Latin  rite.  In  addition  to  these 
the  hierarchies  of  the  Armenian,  Syrian,  and  Greek 
rites  still  subsisted.  Despite  their  external  divisions 
it  is  noticeable  that  the  Christians  were  all  animated 
by  a  very  conciliatory  spirit,  which  at  one  time  pro- 
mised to  lead  to  a  general  reunion.  For  the  rest  it  is 
enough  to  state  that  the  powers  and  pretensions  of 
the  clergy  were  not  less  remarkable  than  those  exer- 
cised or  assumed  by  their  Western  brethren,  and  that 
from  successive  donations  they  acquired  vast  estates, 
not  only  in  Syria,  but  also  in  every  country  of 
Western  Europe. 


VIII. 


THE  CONQUEST  OF   THE   LAND- 
(11OO-III8.) 


-BALDWIN   I. 


"  Baldwinus  qui  parum  ab  optimo,  qui  unquam  fuerit,  milite  distaret." 
— William  of  Malmesbury. 

The  succession  to  the  kingdom  was  not  allowed 
to  pass  undisputed  on  Godfrey's  death.  Dagobert  of 
Pisa,  who  had  supplanted  Arnulf  in  the  patriarchate, 
and  whose  ecclesiastical  pretensions  were  of  the 
loftiest  nature,  dreamt  that  in  Bohemond  he  might 
find  a  second  Guiscard  to  defend  a  second  Gregory. 
But  the  Crusaders  at  Jerusalem  refused  to  recognise 
any  lord  except  one  of  Godfrey's  race.  They  held 
the  Tower  of  David  against  the  patriarch,  and  sum- 
moned Baldwin  of  Edessa  to  come  and  take  posses- 
sion of  his  rights.  Baldwin  accepted  the  offer,  and 
leaving  Edessa  to  his  cousin  and  namesake,  Baldwin 
du  Bourg,  started  for  Antioch  on  the  26th  of  Sep- 
tember ;  thence,  despite  the  opposition  of  Dukak 
of  Damascus,  with  whom  he  had  to  fight  a  severe 
battle  in  the  tortuous  passes  of  Lebanon  above  Bey- 
rout,  he  made  his  way  to  Jerusalem.  The  magnifi- 
cence of  his  reception  in  his  new  capital  was  only 


132  THE  CONQUEST  OF  THE  LAND, 

marred  by  the  hostility  of  Dagobert ;  there  was,  how- 
ever, no  further  opposition  to  his  recognition  as  king. 

But  king  though  Baldwin  was  in  name,  he  had  yet 
to  conquer  his  kingdom.  From  the  first  he  had  to 
contend  with  two  great  obstacles,  lack  of  money  and 
lack  of  men.  The  internal  history  of  his  reign  is 
to  a  large  extent  the  story  of  how  he  overcame  these 
difficulties. 

On  leaving  Edessa  Baldwin  had  only  been  accom- 
panied by  two  hundred  knights  and  seven  hundred 
foot,  whilst  three  months  later  at  Jerusalem  he  could 
only  muster  another  hundred  knights.  The  Moham- 
medans themselves  do  not  seem  to  have  ever  collected 
large  armies,  though  they  greatly  outnumbered  the 
Christians.  Thus  at  JafTa  in  iioi  they  were  eleven 
thousand  horse  and  twenty-one  thousand  foot  to  two 
hundred  and  forty  knights  and  nine  hundred  foot, 
and  at  Ramleh  twenty  thousand  against  two  hun- 
dred. "  To  all,"  says  Fulcher,  "  it  appears  to  be  a 
palpable  and  truly  wondrous  miracle  that  we  could 
live  among  so  many  millions,  making  them  our 
subjects  and  tributaries."  Had  Baldwin  been  de- 
pendent solely  on  the  French  and  German  soldiers 
who  stayed  with  him  in  Palestine,  he  could  not 
long  have  held  his  own.  But  aggressive  operations 
on  a  large  scale  were  almost  uniformly  carried 
out  with  the  aid  of  Crusading  fleets  from  Italy,  Eng- 
land, or  Norway.  Thus  two  hundred  ships  under 
Harding  the  Englishman,^  Bernhard  of  Galatia,  and 

*  We  may  fairly  find  in  this  Harding,  or  Hardin,  the  great  Bristol 
merchant  ;  the  son,  may  be,  of  Eadnoth  *'  Staller,"  and  ancestor  of  the 
house  of  Berkeley. 


LACK   OF  MONEY  AND   MEN,  133 

Hadewerck  the  Westphalian,  saved  Baldwin  from 
the  consequences  of  his  rash  daring  at  Jaffa  in  1102. 
An  English  and  North  German  fleet  helped  him  at  the 
siege  of  Sidon  in  1 107,  and  the  fall  of  that  city  three 
years  later  was  due  to  the  assistance  of  Sigurd  tlie 
Norwegian.  More  important  still  were  the  services 
rendered  by  the  Italians.  The  Genoese  helped  in  the 
capture  of  Caesarea  (iioi),  Tortosa  (1102),  Acre 
(i  104),  Tripoli  (i  109),  and  other  places.  The  Pisans 
fought  for  Bohemond  at  Laodicea,  and  for  Raymond's 
successors  at  Tripoli.  The  Venetians,  who  under 
their  doge  had  met  the  dying  Godfrey  at  Jaffa, 
were  present  at  the  siege  of  Sidon,  and  were  the 
moving  force  at  the  conquest  of  Tyre  in  the  next 
reign.  All  these  allies  reaped  large  rewards ;  Bald- 
win granted  the  Genoese  streets  in  Jerusalem  and 
Jaffa,  together  with  their  part  of  Caesarea,  Arsuf,  and 
other  towns ;  the  same  king  promised  his  Italian 
confederates  one  street  in  the  towns  they  helped  to 
conquer,  and  a  third  share  of  the  booty;  in  11 24 
the  Venetians  bargained  for  still  higher  privileges, 
and  were  promised  a  street,  oven,  and  bath  in  every 
city  whether  belonging  to  king  or  noble. 

In  his  early  years  Baldwin  must  have  relied  very 
largely  on  the  members  of  his  own  and  Godfrey's 
household.  The  need  of  supplying  these  and  other 
mercenaries  with  money  forced  the  king,  on  many 
occasions,  to  injustice  and  robbery.  The  easiest  way 
of  procuring  funds  was  by  taking  tribute  of  the 
unconquered  towns.  Thus  Godfrey  had  received 
tribute  from  Ascalon,  Caesarea,  and  Arsuf;  Baldwin 
himself  raised  the  siege  of  Sidon  for  money  in  1107. 


134  ^^^   CONQUEST   OF   THE   LAND. 

However,  despite  these  and  other  payments,  the 
king's  impecuniosity  brought  him  into  serious  conflict 
with  the  patriarch.  Dagobert's  pretensions  had 
offended  even  the  pious  Godfrey,  and  his  hostility 
to  Baldwin  was  yet  more  bitter.  It  was  only  after 
long  bickerings  that  Dagobert  had  consented  to 
anoint  the  new  king,  and  when  a  little  later  Baldwin 
demanded  that  he  should  furnish  forty  knights  for 
the  war,  the  patriarch  treated  his  message  with 
contempt.  The  indignant  king  broke  into  the  pa- 
triarch's banqueting-room,  and  threatened  to  tear 
down  the  golden  ornaments  of  the  Sepulchre  if  his 
demands  were  not  complied  with.  Dagobert  un- 
willingly promised  thirty  knights,  but  soon  after  broke 
his  word  and  fled  to  Tancred.  Evremar,  who  then 
succeeded  to  the  patriarchate,  worked  well  with  the 
king  for  a  long  time,  but  eventually  lost  the  royal 
favour,  and  was  in  his  turn  supplanted  by  Gibelin. 

Through  his  want  of  money  Baldwin  was  frequently 
driven  to  have  recourse  to  promiscuous  plunder.  In 
1 1 08  he  made  a  night  attack  on  the  great  Egyptian 
caravan  beyond  the  Jordan,  and  carried  off  thirty-two 
camels  laden  with  sugar,  honey,  and  oil  to  Jerusalem. 
On  another  occasion  William,  bastard  son  of  Robert 
of  Normandy,  brought  a  like  benefit  to  the  royal 
treasury.  Worse  still,  after  promising  protection  to 
the  men  of  Tyre  as  they  were  carrying  their  treasures 
to  Damascus  for  safety,  the  king  adopted  the  base 
maxim  that  "truth  need  not  be  kept  with  un- 
believers," and  robbed  them  on  the  way.  In  11 13 
Baldwin  sought  to  improve  his  shattered  finances 
in    another   manner,  by  marrying  Adela,  widow   of 


DANGERS   OF   THE   KINGDOM,  I35 

Count  Roger  of  Sicily.  Albert  of  Aix  draws  a 
glowing  picture  of  the  state  in  which  she  reached 
Acre  Her  vessels  were  laden  with  gold  and  gems, 
while  her  own  ship  had  its  mast  covered  with  pure 
gold.  She  brought  a  thousand  skilled  warriors  to  aid 
in  the  royal  wars,  and  not  content  with  helping  her 
husband,  she  gave  a  thousand  marks  and  five  hundred 
besants  to  Roger  of  Antioch.  But  after  three  years, 
finding  herself  unable  to  live  with  the  king,  she 
returned  home. 

Baldwin's  reign  was  one  of  continued  activity ; 
every  year  saw  him  engaged  in  fresh  enterprises,  and 
exploring  fresh  fields  for  conquest.  His  chief  dangers 
lay  on  the  south  west  and  north  east  of  his  kingdom. 
In  the  former  region  he  had  to  keep  up  a  perpetual 
struggle  with  Ascalon,  whence  the  Egyptian  garrison 
sallied  out  by  land  or  sea  on  every  opportunity. 
Even  before  his  coronation  Baldwin  had  been  com- 
pelled to  lead  an  expedition  against  the  town.  In 
I  lOi  he  had  renewed  the  warfare  with  the  cities  of  the 
coast.  Chiefly  through  the  valour  of  the  Genoese 
seamen  C^esarea  was  captured  with  but  short  delay. 
Thence  a  reported  invasion  called  Baldwin  south;  it 
was  not,  however,  for  four  months  that  the  Egyptians 
took  the  field  near  Jaffa  with  eleven  thousand  horse 
and  twenty-one  thousand  foot.  To  meet  this  host 
the  king  could  only  muster  two  hundred  and  forty 
knights  and  nine  hundred  foot  soldiers  ;  but,  says 
Fulcher,  "  having  God  on  our  side,  we  did  not  fear 
to  attack  them."  Three  times  the  Christians  were 
driven  back,  but  when  the  king  led  out  his  fifth 
battalion  in  person,  the  Egyptians  lost  heart  and  fled 


136  THE   CONQUEST  OF   THE  LAND. 

before  him.  Abbot  Gerhard,  who  this  day  bore  the 
Holy  Cross,  told  Ekkehard  that  the  arrows  fell 
around  the  king  like  snow,  and  everywhere  the  enemy 
melted  from  his  face  like  wax  (September  7,  iioi). 
Undismayed  at  their  defeat,  the  Egyptians  renewed 
the  war  next  year.  Baldwin  was  then  at  Jaffa, 
whence  the  Aquitanian  Crusaders,  after  spending 
Easter  at  Jerusalem,  were  on  the  point  of  departing. 
William  of  Aquitaine  was  already  gone ;  the  two 
Stephens,  however,  were  still  there,  and  those  who 
but  now  were  eager  to  depart,  caught  gladly  at 
the  chance  of  striking  a  last  blow  against  the  Saracen. 
But,  though  there  were  many  knights  in  Jaffa,  there 
were  but  few  horses ;  and,  as  Baldwin  would  not 
wait  to  muster  his  footmen,  he  had  no  more  than 
two  hundred  knights  with  him  when  he  marched  out 
to  Ramleh.  Despite  the  numbers  of  the  enemy  the 
Christians  by  the  fury  of  their  first  onset  nearly 
carried  the  day,  but  all  to  no  purpose,  for  within 
one  short  hour  they  were  in  their  turn  routed  or 
slain.  Baldwin  himself,  accompanied  by  four  knights, 
forced  his  way  out  of  Ramleh,  and  after  wandering 
over  the  hills  came  on  the  second  night  to  ArsCif 
Of  his  companions  only  one  now  remained,  and  the 
watchmen  on  the  walls  refused  to  believe  that  it  was 
indeed  their  king  till  they  had  lit  a  torch,  and  thus 
recognised  Baldwin  as  he  stood  with  head  uncovered. 
The  two  Stephens  and  many  other  knights  were  slain 
during  the  battle  or  after. 

After  this  battle,  Ramleh  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  Saracens,  and  Jaffa  was  seriously  threatened. 
Baldwin  was  in  great  anxiety,  for  the  loss  of  that 


JAFFA   AND    RAMLEH. 


T-d^y 


town  would  have  involved  the  downfall  of  Jerusalem. 
By  land  he  could  not  journey,  but  there  was  less 
difficulty  by  sea.  At  Arsuf  he  embarked  on  May 
29th,  with  a  certain  English  pirate,  Godric  by  name, 
in  whom  we  may  fairly  recognise  our  own  English 
saint,  Godric  of  Finchale.     With  banner  displayed, 


THE   TOWER   OF   RAMLEH. 

he  boldly  sailed  into  Jaffa,  despite  the  opposition  of 
thirty  Egyptian  galleys  that  strove  to  bar  his  way. 
It  was  a  daring  exploit  that  only  the  urgent  necessity 
could  justify.  The  Saracens  almost  at  once  withdrew 
to  a  little  distance  from  the  walls.  Reinforcements 
gradually  arrived  from  Jerusalem  and  from  Arsilf; 


138      THE    CONQUESr   OF   THE   LAND. 

and  when  in  the  early  days  of  July  the  great  fleet 
under  Harding  the  Englishman  arrived,  Baldwin 
could  once  more  take  the  field,  and  retrieve  the 
disaster  of  Ramleh  by  a  complete  victory.  Later 
in  the  year,  when  Tancred  and  Baldwin  of  Edessa 
had  come  to  his  aid,  the  king  even  felt  strong  enough 
to  make  an  attack,  though  with  little  effect,  on 
Ascalon  itself  Eight  years  later,  Baldwin  nearly 
secured,  by  the  treachery  of  the  governor,  what  he 
could  not  obtain  by  force.  The  governor  was,  how- 
ever, slain  by  the  townsmen,  and  Ascalon  remained  a 
constant  source  of  anxiety  for  many  years  to  come. 

The  years  that  followed  the  battle  of  Ramleh  were 
chiefly  marked  by  the  capture  of  Acre  and  siege  of 
Sidon.  Further  north  the  warfare  with  Damascus 
was  waged  by  deputy  rather  than  in  person.  When 
Tancred  was  called  away  to  rule  Antioch  for 
Bohemond,  Baldwin  had  conferred  the  lordships  of 
Galilee  and  Tiberias  on  Hugh  of  Falkenberg,  a 
warrior  from  North-eastern  France.  This  Hugh  had 
fought  with  Baldwin  at  Ramleh  and  before  Jaffa  in 
1 102.  In  his  own  lordship  he  imitated  Tancred's 
example  by  a  desultory  warfare.  After  a  raid  in  the 
summer  of  1107,  he  had  drawn  off  his  booty  as  far 
as  Banias,  when  the  Turks  came  down  upon  him. 
Unarmourod  and  heedless  of  his  numerical  weakness, 
Hugh  turned  to  meet  them  ;  an  arrow  pierced  his 
breast,  and  he  breathed  his  last  in  the  midst  of  the 
foe.  This  disaster  called  Baldwin  north,  and  gave  the 
men  of  Ascalon  a  chance,  which  they  were  not  slow 
to  take  advantage  of  The  lordship  of  Tiberias  was 
now  bestowed  on   Gervase,  another  French  knight 


TIBERIAS   AND   MONTREAL.  139 

Gervase  next  year  fell  into  an  ambush  and  was 
carried  captive  to  Damascus  ;  Tughtakin,  the  atabek, 
demanded  as  the  price  of  his  release  Acre,  Haifa,  and 
Tiberias.  Baldwin,  in  reply,  offered  one  hundred 
thousand  besants,  but  he  would  give  up  no  Christian 
territory,  not  even  to  release  his  mother's  son.  Ger- 
vase was  shot  to  death  at  Damascus,  and  then  the 
king  restored  his  lordship  to  Tancred.  During  these 
years  Tughtakin,  though  formidable  in  the  north, 
had  concerned  himself  little  with  the  warfare  in 
Southern  Palestine;  however,  it  was. his  intervention 
which  saved  Sidon  in  1 107,  and  Tyre  three  years  later. 

Towards  the  close  of  his  reign,  Baldwin  was  much 
occupied  in  Arabia.  In  1 1 1 5  he  built  the  famous 
stronghold  of  Montreal,  or  Shobek,  beyond  the  Dead 
Sea.  In  the  following  year  he  led  two  hundred 
knights  yet  further  south,  being  anxious  to  gaze  on 
the  waters  of  the  Red  Sea,  which  he  had  not  yet  seen. 
They  marched  as  far  as  Elim,  whose  inhabitants  put 
out  to  sea  in  little  boats  on  their  approach.  Fulcher, 
with  the  curiosity  natural  to  him,  eagerly  cross- 
examined  the  travellers  on  their  return  home,  and 
gazed  in  astonishment  at  the  ''  sea-shells "  and  little 
stones  which  they  brought  back  with  them  :  "  I 
questioned  them  closely,  with  eager  heart,  as  to  the 
nature  of  the  Red  Sea ;  for  I  had  hitherto  doubted 
whether  its  waters  were  fresh  or  salt,  and  whether  it 
was  a  pool  or  a  lake — with  exit  and  entrance  like  that 
of  Galilee." 

Baldwin's  last  years  were  filled  with  disasters. 
The  years  11 14  and  11 15  were  marked  by  great 
earthquakes.     In  11 17  a  plague  of  locusts  devastated 


140       THE   CONQUEST  OF   THE   LAND. 

the  crops  and  vines.  The  following  June  saw  a 
blood-red  moon  change  to  black  ;  and  in  December 
there  was  an  aurora  borealis,  so  bright  that  Fulcher 
and  his  friends  saw  the  surrounding  country  as  clear 
as  in  the  day :  "  We  conjectured  it  to  portend  the 
shedding  of  much  blood  in  battle,  or  some  other 
speedily  approaching  disaster ;  but  what  is  uncertain 
we  commit  with  all  humility  to  the  Lord's  keeping." 
A  little  later,  Fulcher  knew  the  true  meaning  of  these 
portents ;  for  next  year  there  died  Pope  Paschal, 
King  Baldwin,  Adela  his  wife,  the  Patriarch  Arnulf, 
and  the  Emperor  Alexius. 

Early  in  1118,  Baldwin  determined  to  attack 
Egypt,  hoping  through  a  bold  stroke  at  the  heart  of 
this  wealthy  kingdom  to  force  Ascalon  to  submission. 
He  plundered  the  city  of  El  Farema,  but  could  pro- 
ceed no  further.  Some  fish  caught  in  the  Nile 
disagreed  with  his  digestion,  and  the  consequent 
illness  awoke  the  trouble  from  an  old  wound  in  his 
side.  Unable  to  ride  on  horseback,  his  followers 
placed  him  in  a  litter  ;  the  horns  blew  the  signal 
for  retreat,  and  the  little  army  turned  slowly  back 
towards  Jerusalem.  At  El  Arish  Baldwin  died  ;  his 
body  was  embalmed  and  carried  home  to  rest  in 
the  Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  by  his  brother 
Godfrey.  It  was  Palm  Sunday  when  the  cavalcade, 
as  it  drew  near  the  Holy  City,  met  the  solemn  pro- 
cession winding  down  in  ancient  fashion  from  the 
Mount  of  Olives  to  the  valley  of  Jehoshaphat.  The 
songs  of  joy  were  soon  turned  to  the  wail  of  woe,  and 
Franks,  Syrians,  and  even  Saracens,  wept  for  the  fate 
of  ':he  great  king. 


CHARACTER    OF  BALDWIN  I.  141 

Baldwin  I.  was,  like  Saul,  of  a  very  lofty  stature ; 
a  man,  brown  haired  and  brown  bearded,  but  with  a 
somewhat  white  complexion.  His  nose  was  aquiline, 
his  mouth  peculiar,  for  the  teeth  in  the  lower  jaw 
were  drawn  back.  He  was  neither  over-stout  nor 
over-broad.  His  bearing  betokened  a  man  of  dignity, 
and  the  "  chlamys  "  hanging  down  from  his  shoulders 
stamped  him  as  a  person  of  importance,  even  to 
strangers.  "  He  looked,"  says  William  of  Tyre, 
"  more  like  a  bishop  than  a  layman."  His  private 
life  was  licentious,  though  he  had  the  prudence  to 
keep  this  fact  from  the  outer  world.  But  he  was  a 
warrior  sans  peur,  if  not  sans  reproche,  and  was  lavish 
in  his  generosity.  He  was  indeed  the  very  type  of 
the  twelfth-century  knight-errant :  eager  after  adven- 
ture, reckless  of  his  own  life,  craving  for  excitement. 
His  rashness  more  than  once  threatened  not  only 
himself,  but  his  kingdom  with  ruin.  He  trusted  in 
himself  more  than  he  ought,  and  lacked  the 
"  modesty "  requisite  for  the  prudent  king  and  wise 
general.  But  from  the  pictorial  point  of  view,  no 
king  in  all  history  stands  out  in  more  glowing 
colours.  We  can  see  him  striking  down  the  Saracens 
at  Ramleh  ;  stripping  off  his  armour  to  find  it  soaked 
and  clotted  with  gore ;  mounted  on  his  fleet  Arab, 
"the  Gazelle,"  wandering  over  the  hills  by  midnight, 
and  with  the  dawn  standing  beneath  the  walls  of 
Arsuf ;  sailing  on  to  Jaffa  in  his  little  vessel,  with  the 
royal  banner  displayed  full  in  view  of  the  hostile 
fleet.  No  obstacles  could  daunt  his  valour.  Once, 
between  Caesarea  and  Jaffa,  he  met  sixty  Saracen 
horsemen   laden  with  spoil.     Amongst  their  burden 


142  THE   CONQUEST    OF   THE   LAND. 

he  espied  the  head  of  a  Christian  knight.  This  sight 
scattered  all  prudence  to  the  winds  ;  though  he  had 
but  two  horsemen  with  him,  Baldwin  attacked  the 
Saracens  and  drove  them  back  to  Ascalon.  His 
favourite  sport  was  hunting,  and  it  was  while  pursuing 
this  recre'ation,  in  July,  1103,  that  he  received  from 
some  Saracens,  who  lay  in  ambush,  the  wound  that 
troubled  him  to  his  death. 

Baldwin  had  been  brought  up  as  a  priest,  and  even 
held  preferment  in  the  diocese  of  Cambray.  But  his 
later  life  belied  the  mildness  of  his  youth,  and  showed 
litt'e  of  the  priestly  spirit.  He  can  hardly  have  been 
loved  by  the  people  of  Edessa,  and  it  is  a  speaking 
fact  that  his  biographer  and  friend,  Fulcher,  refuses 
to  say  a  word  as  to  the  means  by  which  he  became 
ruler  of  Edessa.  But  whatever  his  blemishes,  he  was 
a  great  warrior,  a  true  knight-errant,  with  all  the 
accomplishments  and  all  the  stains  inseparable  from 
his  calling. 


IX. 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    THE    LAND — THE    FRANKS    IN 
NORTHERN    SYRIA. 

"  Sciebant  milites  nostros  esse  probissimos  bellatores,  et  mirabiles  de 
lanceis  percussores." — FuLCHER  of  Chartres. 


When  Bohemond  was  taken  prisoner  by  Ibn 
Danishmend  Tancred  left  his  lordship  in  Galilee 
and  went  north  to  rule  Antioch  for  his  kinsman 
in  March,  iioi.  He  acted  with  a  vigour  sprung 
from  the  desire  to  conquer  on  his  own  behalf  against 
the  day  of  Bohcmond's  release.  Laodicea  was  cap- 
tured from  the  Greeks  after  a  siege  of  eighteen 
months,  whilst  Mamistra,  Adana,  and  Tarsus  were 
also  recovered  from  the  Emperor,  into  whose  hands 
they  had  once  more  lapsed. 

Alexius  can  hardly  have  regarded  these  proceedings 
with  equanimity  ;  and  there  is  therefore  less  ground 
for  distrusting  the  almost  contemporary  story  that  he 
endeavoured  to  get  Ibn  Danishmend's  prisoner  into 
his  own  hands.  Bohemond,  hearing  of  the  offer, 
secured  his  own  freedom  by  outbidding  his  would-be 


144  ^^^   CONQUEST   OF   THE  LAND. 

purchaser.  Thenceforward  he  was  the  sworn  foe  of 
the  Christian  Emperor,  and  perhaps  the  half-ally  and 
tributary  of  the  Turkish  lord  ;  thus  there  came 
about  a  curious  combination  in  which  Bohemond  and 
Ibn  Danishmend  were  united  against  Alexius  and 
Kilij  Arslan  of  Rum. 

It  was  early  in  1103  that  Bohemond  was  released. 
In  the  following  year  he  was  called  to  the  aid  of 
Baldwin  du  Bourg.  That  noble  had  received  the 
county  of  Edessa  when  his  cousin  and  namesake  was 
called  to  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem ;  Joscelin  de 
Courtenay,  another  cousin,  at  the  same  time  obtained 
the  second  Baldwin's  old  territory  to  the  west  of  the 
Euphrates.  Edessa  was  as  it  were  an  outpost  in  the 
enemy's  country,  and  its  fields  were  exposed  to  yearly 
ravages.  In  the  hope  of  preventing  this  constant  loss 
Baldwin  determined  to  garrison  Harran,  and  accord- 
ingly invited  Bohemond,  Tancred,  and  Joscelin  to  join 
in  an  expedition. 

The  feuds  of  the  Turkish  emirs  left  the  Franks  to 
pursue  their  conquests  near  the  Euphrates  with  com- 
parative immunity.  The  contest  for  the  sultanate 
had  continued  till  January,  1104,  when  Malek  Shah's 
two  sons,  Barkiyarok  and  Mohammed,  were  reconciled 
and  divided  their  ruined  inheritance.  In  this  time  of 
confusion  each  emir  had  enough  to  do  to  hold  his 
own,  and  had  little  time  for  concerting  plans  against 
the  common  foe.  At  Mosul,  Corbogha  had  given 
place  to  Jekermish,  while  further  north  Sokman  ibn 
Ortok  ^  held  sway  at  Hisn  Keifa.  Further  west  things 
were  in  much  the  same  state  of  disorder.     Ridhwan, 

*  Son  of  Ortok,  to  whom  Tutush  had  granted  Jerusalem  (see  p.  21). 


TURKISH  FEUDS.  I45 

son  of  Tutush  and  nephew  of  Malek  Shah,  was  prince 
of  Aleppo,  whilst  Tughtakin  ruled  Damascus  in  the 
name  of  Ridhwan's  nephew,  son  of  his  brother  Dukak; 
Hems  or  Emesa  was  under  an  emir  named  Janch 
ed-Dauleh.  On  the  coast  the  Egyptians  were 
recovering  much  of  their  lost  ground.  In  the 
absence  of  any  real  central  power  the  Franks  had 
full  chance  to  spread  and  prosper;  and,  holding  as 
it  were  the  balance  between  the  rival  parties,  were 
not  slow  to  realise  the  strength  of  their  position. 

However,  on  this  occasion  Sokman  and  Jekermish 
abandoned  their  feud  to  rescue  Harran.  In  a  des- 
perate battle  outside  that  city  Baldwin  and  Joscelin 
were  taken  prisoners,  whilst  Bohemond  and  his 
nephew  fled  to  Edessa,  where  the  Christians  then 
chose  Tancred  for  their  lord.  The  battle  of  Harran 
had  a  disastrous  effect  on  the  principality  of  Antioch  ; 
the  Greeks  once  more  recovered  Adana,  Mamistra, 
and  Tarsus,  whilst  Ridhwan  on  the  south  ravaged 
Artah  and  captured  Kafer  Tab.  Bohemond  declared 
his  intention  of  seeking  help  across  the  sea,  and 
accordingly,  towards  the  end  of  1104,  left  Syria  never 
to  return.  Going  to  France,  he  married  Constance, 
daughter  of  Philip  I.,  and  by  his  promises  of  rich  fiefs 
induced  many  nobles  to  join  him.  With  a  large  army 
he  laid  siege  to  Durazzo  in  October,  1107.  A  year 
later  he  was  forced  to  return  to  Italy,  and  died  in 
nil,  leaving  two  sons  by  his  wife  Constance.  Of 
these  John,  the  elder,  died  young ;  the  second,  Bohe- 
mond, survived  to  receive  his  father's  principality 
fifteen  years  later. 

Tancred   had   been  left  to  rule  Antioch  with  dis- 


146  THE   CONQUEST  OF   THE    LAND, 

heartened  subjects  and  an  exhausted  treasury ;  by 
skilful  management  he  contrived  to  replenish  his  own 
coffers  from  those  of  the  wealthy  citizens,  and  by  the 
example  of  his  self-denial  inspired  his  subjects  with 
fresh  confidence.  His  first  exploit  was  to  recover 
Artah  and  the  neighbouring  strongholds  from 
Ridhwan.  Thus  he  became  the  greatest  lord  of 
Northern  Syria  ;  he  was  master  of  Antioch,  Tell- 
basher,  and  Edessa,  whilst  Aleppo  itself  could  hardly 
have  held  out  much  longer  but  for  the  quarrels  of  the 
Franks  and  the  coming  of  Maudud  to  Mosul. 

Death  and  dissension  worked  also  for  Tancred  in 


COIN   OF  TANCRED. 


the  ranks  of  his  Mohammedan  rivals.  Ibn  Danish- 
mend  and  Sokman  ibn  Ortok  both  died  in  1 104-5; 
whilst,  by  the  decease  of  Barkiyarok,  Mohammed  had 
become  sole  Sultan.  Jekermish  at  Mosul  had  lost 
the  vigour  of  his  youth,  and  Ridhwan  took  advantage 
of  his  weakness  to  form  a  league  against  him  ;  but 
the  project  was  frustrated  by  the  craft  of  Jekermish. 
In  the  meantime  Mohammed  had  conferred  Mosul 
on  one  of  his  own  officers,  Javaly  Secava,  who 
defeated  Jekermish  beneath  the  walls  of  the  city. 
The  citizens,  steadfast  to  the  end,  appealed  for  aid  to 
Kilij  Arslan  of  Rum.     Kilij  Arslan  relieved  Mosul, 


SUCCESSES   OF    T  A  ACRED.  I47 

but  in  June  or  July,  1 107,  was,  through  the  treachery 
of  his  alh'es,  defeated  by  Javaly  near  the  river 
Khabur.  Javaly  then  became  lord  of  Mosul,  to  be 
supplanted  a  year  later  by  the  Sultan's  brother,  Mau- 
dud,  with  whom  was  soon  afterwards  associated  his 
nephew,  Masud. 

On  Maudud's  approach  Javaly  took  refuge  with 
Il-Ghazi,  lord  of  Mardin  and  brother  of  Sokman,  but 
finding  little  support  turned  towards  the  Franks.  He 
had  the  means  of  purchasing  their  support  ready 
to  hand  in  Baldwin  of  Edessa,  who  had  become  his 
captive  on  the  fall  of  Jekermish.  A  bargain  was 
struck,  and  Josceh'n  de  Courtenay,  who  had  already 
been  set  free,  came  back  as  hostage  for  his  overlord. 
Tancred  would  not  surrender  Edessa  to  its  old  lord, 
and  Javaly,  eager  to  score  every  point,  released 
Joscelin  also.  Thereon  Tancred  called  Ridhwan  of 
Aleppo  to  his  aid,  and  thus,  near  Tell-basher,  a 
battle  was  fought,  in  which  Mohammedan  strove  with 
Mohammedan,  Frank  with  Frank.  In  the  end  Tan- 
cred was  victorious.  Javaly,  driven  from  the  field, 
made  his  way  across  the  desert  to  Ispahan  ;  winding- 
sheet  in  hand  he  prayed  humbly  for  his  life  ;  Moham- 
med forgave  him,  as  he  could  well  afford  to  do,  for 
Maudud  had  by  now  captured  Mosul. 

After  the  battle  of  Tell-basher  Baldwin  went  back 
to  Edessa,  where  he  was  soon  threatened  by  a  new 
and  more  serious  danger.  Early  in  mo  Maudud 
appeared  before  his  walls  with  an  immense  host.  For 
a  hundred  days  he  pressed  the  city  hard.  King 
Baldwin  of  Jeru'^alem  was  appealed  to  for  aid,  but 
would  not  leave  Palestine  till  he  had  taken  Beyrout, 


14^  THE   CONQUEST  OF   THE  LAND. 

which  was  on  the  point  of  falling.  Directly  he  was 
master  of  the  city  the  king  gathered  his  army  and 
crossed  the  Euphrates  with  eleven  thousand  men. 
With  him  came  Bertram  of  Tripoli,  the  Armenian 
prince  Kogh  Vasil,  and  Tancred,  who  in  such  an 
emergency  crushed  down  his  feelings  of  hatred  and 
jealousy.  At  their  approach  Maudud  retired  to 
Harran,  "  knowing  that  our  knights  were  warriors 
of  prowess  and  wondrous  smiters  with  the  lance." 

A  few  days  sufficed  to  garrison  Edessa,  and  the 
royal  army  turned  its  steps  homewards,  followed 
however,  by  many  Armenians  who  feared  to  stay  in 
such  an  exposed  city.  At  the  Euphrates  only  two 
vessels  were  found  wherewith  to  cross  the  river. 
Whilst  some  five  thousand  unarmed  Armenians  still 
remained  on  the  left  bank,  the  Turks  suddenly  ap- 
peared ;  what  followed  was  a  massacre  rather  than 
a  battle.  The  river  ran  red  with  blood,  and  all  the 
time  the  king's  troops  stood  looking  on  from  the 
opposite  bank,  grieving,  but  unable  to  lend  any  aid 
to  their  perishing  comrades. 

Meantime  in  Tancred's  absence  Ridhwan  had  broken 
the  truce.  Tancred  on  his  return  speedily  compelled 
the  emir  to  purchase  peace  at  the  price  of  twenty 
thousand  dinars,  and  in  a  fresh  invasion  next  year 
reduced  Aleppo  to  a  state  of  terror.  The  clamour  of 
the  unhappy  Mohammedans  reached  the  ears  of  the 
Caliph  at  Bagdad.  Fugitives  from  Aleppo  burst  into 
the  Great  Mosque  at  Bagdad,  and  tore  down  the  iron- 
work from  the  screen  of  the  Caliph  himself  About  the 
same  time,  so  an  Arabic  writer  says,  there  came  an 
envoy   from    Constantinople   to   Bagdad  urging  the 


MAUDUD   OF  MOSUL,  I49 

Caliph  to  make  war  against  the  Franks.  The 
populace  in  their  fury  crowded  round  the  Sultan, 
reproaching  him  for  his  slackness  in  the  service  of 
God  "  The  very  infidels,"  they  said,  "  showed  more 
zeal  for  the  Holy  War  than  did  he." 

This  disturbance  led  in  1 1 1 1  .to  a  great  expedition, 
which  besieged  Tell-basher  under  the  command  of 
Maudud.  But  dissension  and  death  paralysed  his 
efforts,  whilst  Ridhwan,  after  appealing  to  him  for  aid, 
shut  the  gates  of  Aleppo  in  his  face. 

Tancred  continued  his  career  of  conquest  at  the 
expense  of  Aleppo.  Early  in  11 12  he  captured  a 
fortress  near  that  city  itself,  but  died  at  the  close  of 
the  year,  on  December  12th,  whilst  warring  with  the 
Armenian  Kogh  Vasil.  Antioch  should  by  right 
have  gone  to  the  young  Bohemond  ;  but  the  times 
were  too  troublous  for  a  child  of  four  or  five  to 
hold  his  own,  and  Roger  FitzRichard,  Tancred's 
sister's  son,  succeeded  with  little  opposition. 

Maudud,  after  ravaging  the  neighbourhood  of 
Edessa,  gathered  a  great  host,  and  in  June,  11 13,  laid 
siege  to  Tiberias  in  Galilee.  Baldwin  summoned 
Roger  to  his  aid,  and  himself  started  from  Acre. 
The  Turks  drew  the  king  into  an  ambush,  and,  ac- 
cording to  the  Arabic  account,  Baldwin  was  actually 
taken  prisoner,  but  his  ignorant  captor,  in  greed  for 
spoil,  suffered  his  greatest  prize  to  escape.  The  royal 
banner  and  tent  were  taken,  whilst  Baldwin,  with 
the  remnants  of  his  host,  took  refuge  on  a  neigh- 
bouring hill.  There  he  was  presently  joined  by  the 
reinforcements  from  Antioch,  but  for  six-and-twenty 
days   he   dared   not    move.      Meanwhile    the    light 


150  THE   CONQUEST   OF   THE  LAND. 

Turkish  horsemen  were  flying  over  all  the  land  from 
Jerusalem  to  Acre.  At  last,  when  provisions  began 
to  fail,  Maudud  retired  to  Damascus  (September 
19th),  intending  to  remain  there  till  the  spring. 
Soon  afterwards,  as  he  entered  the  mosque  accom- 
panied by  Tughtakin,  an  assassin  sprang  out  and 
dealt  him  several  blows.  The  wounded  prince  was 
carried  to  the  atabek's  palace  ;  recognising  that  his 
end  was  near,  he  refused  all  food,  declaring  that  he 
desired  to  appear  before  God  fasting.  "  Maudud," 
says  a  contemporary  Christian  historian,  "  was  a  man 
of  great  wealth  and  power.  He  was  most  famous 
among  the  TurlvS  and  subtle  in  his  actions.  But  he 
could  not  resist  the  will  of  God,  who,  though  He 
suffered  him  to  scourge  us  for  our  sins,  decreed  that 
he  should  die  a  mean  death,  and  perish  by  a  feeble 
hand." 

Rumour  ascribed  the  crime  to  Tughtakin.  Nor 
was  the  charge  against  the  atabek  confined  to 
Mohammedan  lands,  for  Ibn  EI-Athir  had  heard  from 
his  father  that  Baldwin  in  his  indignation  wrote  to 
Tughtakin  :  "  A  people  that  is  capable  of  destroying 
its  mainstay,  and  of  slaying  him  in  the  house  of  God, 
deserves  to  be  cut  off  from  the  earth." 

Ridhwan  of  Aleppo  died  soon  after,  on  December 
lOth.  The  eunuch  Lulu  administered  the  govern- 
ment for  ten  months  in  the  name  of  Ridhwan's  young 
son.  Alp  Arslan.  Then  he  slew  his  master,  and  set 
up  his  brother,  Sultan  Shah,  a  child  of  six,  in  his 
place.  Aleppo  was  during  this  tim^e  in  great  distress, 
artd  Tughtakin  would  vouchsafe  no  aid.  "  Strange 
it  was,"  writes  the  Arabic  historian,  "that  among  so 


BORSOKI  AND  BORSAC.  15I 

many  princes,  none  could  be  found  to  accept  so  rich 
a  possession,  and  defend  it  against  the  Franks.  But 
the  princes  wished  to  prolong  the  French  occupation, 
so  as  to  keep  themselves  in  power."  At  last  the 
Sultan  despatched  a  vast  army  under  El-Borsoki,  the 
new  governor  of  Mosul,  with  whom  was  associated 
Zangi,  the  future  conqueror  of  Edessa. 

Meantime  there  had  been  a  general  reformation 
at  Antioch.  The  conscience  of  its  citizens  was 
awakened  not  less  by  the  terrible  earthquakes,  which 
towards  the  close  of  1 1 14  shook  the  whole  Levant, 
than  by  the  approach  of  Borsac,  lord  of  Hamadan, 
whom  Mohammed  sent  in  May,  11 15,  at  the  head  of 
a  fresh  army  to  support  El-Borsoki.  At  the  patriarch's 
call,  with  bare  feet  and  streaming  eyes,  they  passed 
from  church  to  church  in  long  processions.  Roger 
further  made  alliance  with  the  discontented  Moham- 
medan princes,  Tughtakin,  who  feared  to  be  punished 
for  Maudud's  death,  and  Il-Ghazi  of  Mardin,  who  in 
the  previous  year  had  failed  in  his  duty  to  the  new  ruler 
of  Mosul.  Roger  took  up  his  position  near  Apamea, 
and  sent  for  aid  to  King  Baldwin  and  the  Count  of 
Tripoli.  Borsac  supinely  let  his  opportunity  slide, 
and  with  the  arrival  of  the  king  and  count  retired 
without  fighting. 

But  when  Baldwin  had  gone  home  Borsac  at  once 
returned.  Roger  with  his  personal  followers  hurried 
out  to  Rugia.i  Next  morning,  as  the  ranks  were 
being  arrayed,  Theodore  de  Barneville,  one  of  Roger's 

'  This  place  was  between  Marra  and  the  Orontes,  but  its  exact  situa- 
tion is  uncertain  j  probably  it  is  Riha,  thirty-seven  miles  south-east  of 
Antioch. 


152  THE    CONQUEST   OF   THE  LAND. 

scouts,  rode  up  with  a  joyful  countenance :  the  enemy 
were  even  then  unfolding  their  tents  in  the  valley  of 
Sarmit,  where  the  Franks  had  meant  to  camp.  Roger 
bade  his  warriors  quit  them  like  men,  and  the  Bishop 
of  Jebleh,  holding  the  cross  in  his  hands,  assured  them 
of  success.  As  he  spoke  the  host  fell  on  their  knees 
and  burst  out  with  an  unanimous  cry,  "  Holy  God, 
holy,  mighty,  and  immortal,  have  mercy  upon  us  !  " 

The  Turks,  in  accordance  with  their  usual  custom, 
had  sent  on  their  baggage  ahead.  Behind  came  the 
troops  marching  hand  in  hand,  and  expecting  no  ill. 
Suddenly  there  appeared  the  flash  of  the  white 
banners  on  the  horizon,  and  before  there  was  time  to 
form  their  ranks  the  Christians  had  burst  into  the 
empty  and  defenceless  camp.  Each  detachment  of 
the  Turkish  army  was  cut  off  as  it  came  up,  and 
Borsac  fled  from  the  field  to  meet  a  peaceful  death 
at  home. 

Roger  returned  with  a  vast  spoil  to  Antioch.  The 
streets  were  hung  with  silk  and  gold  and  flowers,  as 
he  passed  in  triumph  to  render  thanks  to  God  in  the 
Church  of  St  Peter.  "  Hail,  Champion  of  the  Truth  !  " 
was  the  general  cry,  "  May  the  enemies  of  God  fear 
thee,  and  mayst  thou  have  perpetual  peace.  Salvation 
and  victory  to  thee  throughout  all  ages  !     Amen  ! " 

This  victory  gave  the  Franks,  the  predominance  in 
the  northern  parts  of  Syria.  "  They  spread  their 
arms  to  the  east  of  Aleppo,"  says  an  Arabic  historian  ; 
"  they  laid  waste  the  province,  and  attacked  Aleppo 
itself  That  city  would  have  been  deserted  had  its 
inhabitants  known  where  to  find  safety." 

During  the   troubles   that   ensued   on  this  defeat 


ROGER'S    VICTORY  AT  RUG  I  A.  153 

Lulu  lost  heart,  and  whilst  fleeing  from  Aleppo  was 
treacherously  slain.  The  allegiance  of  Aleppo  was 
then  offered  to  Il-Ghazi,  of  Mardin,  who,  however, 
hardly  found  it  worth  acceptance.  It  is  strange  that 
in  a  time  of  such  confusion  and  distrust  the  Franks 
did  not  make  themselves  masters  of  the  city.  Pro- 
bably, however,  they  found  more  profit  in  promoting 
dissensions  among  their  foes,  than  in  burdening  them- 
selves with  so  vast  a  conquest. 

In  1 1 19  Il-Ghazi  once  more  took  the  field,  and 
fortress  after  fortress  fell  before  him  with  startling 
rapidity.  Roger  of  Antioch  scorned  the  sound 
advice  of  the  patriarch,  to  wait  for  King  Baldwin, 
and  marched  out  to  an  ill-omened  spot  called  the 
Field  of  Blood.  It  was  a  place  deficient  both  in 
food  and  drink.  Worse  than  this,  the  camp  followers 
carried  news  of  his  distress  to  the  enemy.  Em- 
boldened by  these  tidings  the  Mohammedans  routed 
a  small  force  of  Christians  near  the  fortress  of  Cerep.^ 
Thereupon  Roger  sent  forward  Mauger  of  Hauteville 
with  forty  knights,  and  posted  others  to  keep  watch 
at  a  distant  hill-tower. 

Next  morning  the  prince  and  all  his  army  con- 
fessed their  sins  to  the  archbishop.  This  solemn 
work  completed,  Roger  divided  his  gold  among  the 
poor,  and  then,  with  something  of  the  true  indifference 
of  a  Norman  baron,  went  forth  for  his  usual  morning 
ride.  His  falcons  and  his  hounds  accompanied  him  ; 
his  followers  took  their  hunting  spears,  and  the  lads 
were  sent  ahead  to  rouse  the  game.  So  Roger,  "  as 
became  a  prince,"  rode  over  hill  and  vale  to  hawk 

*  Some  authorities  identify  this  place  with  Athareb. 


154 


THE   CONQUEST   OF   THE   LAND. 


and  hunt.  But  some  prescience  of  disaster  prevented 
him  from  taking  pleasure  in  the  sport.  He  left  his 
gay  companions  and  turned  his  steps  towards  the 
watchmen  on  the  tower.  Even  as  he  rode  there 
galloped  up  a  messenger  in  headlong  haste.  "  What 
news  ? "  asked  the  prince.  "  With  mine  own  eyes 
have  I  seen  the  enemy  swarming  over  rough  places 
and  plain."  *' Christ,"  said  the  prince — "Christ  hath 
granted  us  to  suffer  for  Him." 

Roger  hastened  back  to  his  tent,  but  as  he  donned 
his  armour,  and  knelt  with  his  host  to  receive  once 
more   the   archbishop's    blessing,   other    messengers 


COIN    OF    ROGER. 

arrived.  Many  of  the  knights  had  fallen  at  their 
post ;  Mauger  was  close  behind  hard  pressed  by  an 
intolerable  host  of  the  enemy.  Hardly  had  the 
Christians  formed  their  ranks  when  the  standards  of 
the  unbelievers  began  to  glimmer  between  the  olive 
thickets  on  the  hills.  Roger  bade  his  little  army  not 
to  fear  the  enemy  because  of  their  multitude  ;  before- 
times  they  had  fought  valiantly  enough  for  earthly 
gain  or  glory,  let  them  now  fight  a§  well  for  God. 
The  Franks  were  victorious  in  more  than  one  part  of 
the  field  ;  but  they  were  quite  outnumbered,  and  when 
the  Turcoples  were  seized  with  a  sudden  panic,  the 
terror   spread   to   Roger's  own    band,  who   likewise 


DEATH  OF  ROGER.  I55 

dispersed  in  fear.  Then,  to  crown  all,  a  sudden 
north  wind  blew  down  from  the  hills  and,  scudding 
close  to  the  ground,  raised  a  cloud  of  heated  dust  to 
blind  the  eyes  of  the  Christians.  Roger  himself  with 
a  few  followers  fought  desperately  till,  pierced  through 
the  brain,  he  fell  dead  before  the  Holy  Cross — "  his 
body  to  the  earth,  and  his  soul  to  heaven  "  (June  27, 
1 1 19). 

Had  Il-Ghazi  marched  on  Antioch  in  the  first  flush 
of  victory  the  city  must  have  fallen.  But  his  delays 
enabled  the  patriarch  to  restore  some  measure  of 
confidence,  and  to  keep  the  city  safe  till  the  coming 
of  the  king.  Baldwin  shortly  marched  out  through 
Rugia  to  Danit,  where  he  pitched  his  camp.  His 
heedful  wariness  foiled  an  intended  night  surprise. 
The  battle  which  ensued  was  long  and  doubtful  ;  the 
Count  of  Tripoli,  who  commanded  on  the  right,  was 
driven  back  on  the  king's  ranks.  Evremar,  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Caesarea,  was  struck  by  an  arrow,  but  to 
the  surprise  of  all  only  one  drop  of  blood  fell  from 
the  wound.  This  they  attributed  to  the  efficacy  of 
the  Holy  Cross,  which  Evremar  carried  in  his  hands. 
The  archbishop  turned  the  sacred  relic  towards  the 
foe,  and  cursed  them  in  its  name.  The  Christians 
thereon  took  fresh  courage  and,  renewing  the  fight, 
were  rewarded  with  victory  (August  14,  1 1 19). 

The  death  of  Roger  marks  a  period  in  the  history 
of  the  principality  of  Antioch.  Its  fortunes  in  the 
succeeding  years  are  closely  bound  up  with  those  of 
the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem,  and  will  be  properly 
narrated  in  the  following  chapter. 

A  few  words  will  suffice  to  describe  the  course  of 


156      THE   CONQUEST   OF   THE   LAND. 

events  in  Tripoli  during  these  early  years.  We  find 
there  a  not  dissimilar  aspect  of  Prankish  progress  in 
the  midst  of  Mussulman  disunion.  But  the  new- 
comers had  a  rival  in  the  Egyptian  Caliph,  whose 
subordinates  contrived  during  the  years  of  confusion 
to  recover  their  hold  on  the  Syrian  coast.  Tyre, 
Sidon,  Tripoli,  and  Beyrout  all  passed  into  their 
hands,  and  it  was  from  them  that  Raymond  of  St. 
Giiles  and  his  successors  had  to  win  the  chief  towns 
of  their  future  county. 

Count  Raymond,  when  he  found  it  impossible  to 
protect  Laodicea  from  the  greed  of  Bohemond,  had 
gone  to  Constantinople  to  seek  the  aid  of  Alexius, 
and  thus  shared  in  the  Aquitanian  crusade  of  iioi, 
though  he  escaped  the  worst  of  the  evils  that  befell 
his  comrades.  Afterwards,  however,  he  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Tancred,  from  whom  he  had  to  purchase  his 
release  by  an  undertaking  to  make  no  conquests 
north  of  Acre.  But  on  Bohemond's  restoration  Ray- 
mond thought  himself  free  to  besiege  Tripoli.  Its 
emir,  Fakr-el-Molk,  called  in  aid  from  Damascus  and 
Emesa.  Raymond  .had  only  three  hundred  warriors 
in  all,  yet  he  contrived  to  drive  back  both  of  the 
hostile  forces  in  panic,  and  to  shut  up  the  men  of 
Tripoli  more  closely  than  before.  But  as  he  could 
not  take  the  city  by  storm,  he  established  himself  on 
the  neighbouring  height  of  Mount  Pilgrim,  and  was 
still  engaged  with  the  siege  at  his  death  on  Peb- 
ruary  28,  1105.  Raymond  appears  to  have  been  the 
noblest  of  all  the  early  Crusaders ;  he  alone  was 
absolutely  faithful  in  his  vow  to  Alexius,  and  his 
conduct  is  in  striking  contrast  to  that  of  his  great 


TRIPOLI.  157 

colleagues.  "  Having  once  begun  the  fight  for 
Christ,"  says  William  of  Tyre,  "he  disdained  not  to 
continue  his  pilgrimage  patiently  till  death.  Al- 
though with  his  illustrious  patrimony  and  power  he 
might  have  lived  in  abundance  in  his  own  land,  he 
chose  rather  to  be  an  abject  in  the  Lord's  service 
than  to  abide  in  the  tents  of  sinners." 

On  Raymond's  death  the  siege  was  continued  by 
William  Jordan,  his  nephew.  Raymond  had,  how- 
ever, left  in  Mount  Pilgrim  an  infant  son,  Alfonso. 
This  child  was  soon  sent  to  France,  where  a  little 
later  his  elder  brother  Bertram  resigned  to  him  his 
father's  possessions  and  started  for  the  East.  On  his 
arrival  in  Palestine  Bertram  demanded  his  father's 
possessions  from  his  cousin  William.  William 
denied  the  claim  and  appealed  to  Tancred  for  aid, 
while  Bertram  sailed  south  to  renew  the  siege  of 
Tripoli  on  his  own  account.  To  secure  the  aid  of  the 
king  Bertram  offered  to  do  him  service.  Baldwin 
feared  that  the  feuds  among  the  Christians  would 
ruin  their  prospects  in  the  north,  and  hurrying  to 
Tripoli  succeeded  in  arranging  a  compromise. 
W^illiam  was  to  hold  Arkah  and  his  present  posses- 
sions ;  Bertram  was  to  have  the  remainder  of  his 
father's  fiefs — if  he  could  obtain  them.  Tancred,  who 
had  a  quarrel  of  his  own  with  Bertram,  was  pacified 
by  receiving  Haifa,  Tiberias,  Nazareth,  and  the  Tcm- 
plum  Domini. 

The  united  forces  now  laid  siege  to  Tripoli  with 
renewed  vigour  in  March,  1 109.  Famine  was  at  work 
within  the  walls,  and  the  promised  succour  from  Egypt 
was  delayed  till  contrary  winds  prevented  its  coming 


158  THE    CONQUEST   OF   THE   LAND. 

altogether.  The  Saracens,  in  despair,  accepted 
Baldwin's  proffer  of  their  lives,  but  the  Genoese 
supporters  of  Bertram,  eager  for  plunder,  forced  their 
way  into  the  city,  slaying  all  they  met. 

Before  Tripoli  had  fallen  Bertram  was  left  without  a 
rival,  for  William  Jordan  had  been  mysteriously  shot 
with  an  arrow  while  riding  at  night.  Bertram  now 
became  the  king's  man,  and  thus  Tripoli  was  made  a 
fief  of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem. 

Bertram  died  about  11 12,  and  was  succeeded  by 
his  son  Pons,  who  played  a  not  inconsiderable  part 
till  his  death  in  11 37;  the  successor  of  Pons  was 
Raymond  I.,  whose  son  Raymond  II.  was  the 
foremost  figure  among  the  Syrian  nobles  in  the 
events  which  preceded  the  Third  Crusade. 


X. 


THE   CONQUEST   OF   THE   LAND — BALDWIN   II 
(III8-II31.) 


**  O  tempora  recordationis  dignissima." 

FULCHER  OF  CHARTRES. 


On  the  death  of  Baldwin  I.  many  of  the  nobles 
were  in  favour  of  offering  the  crown  to  Eustace, 
the  late  king's  brother.  But  Joscelin  de  Courtenay, 
then  lord  of  Tiberias,  gave  his  support  to  Baldwin  du 
Bourg,  declaring  that  it  was  better  to  accept  a  good 
king  who  was  to  be  had  for  the  asking,  than  to  wait 
the  pleasure  of  a  distant  ruler,  who  might  prefer  the 
settled  order  of  his  European  county  to  the  strain 
and  anxiety  of  a  perilous  kingdom.  These  words 
carried  the  greater  weight  because  of  the  speaker's 
known  enmity  for  Baldwin,  and  when  the  patriarch 
adopted  the  same  view  the  nobles  elected  Baldwin  to 
the  vacant  throne.  Some  dissentients,  however,  sent 
an  invitation  to  Count  Eustace,  who  received  them 
but  coldly.  "  Not  by  me,"  was  his  noble  answer, 
"shall  a  stumbling  block  enter  into  the  Lord's 
kingdom." 

The  new  king,  Baldwin  II..  was  the  son  of  Hugh, 
159 


t6o 


THE    CONQUEST   OF   THE   LAND. 


Count  of  Rethel,  near  Rheims.  He  liad  accompanied 
Godfrey  on  the  First  Crusade,  but  afterwards  joined  his 
namesake  in  his  adventurous  conquest  of  Edessa.  He, 
however,  rejoined  the  main  army,  to  share  in  the 
sieges  of  Antioch  and  Jerusalem.  When  his  cousin 
became  king  he  obtained  the  county  of  Edessa,  and 
the  story  of  his  Hfe  in  the  next  eighteen  years  has 
already  been  told.  He  was  a  man  of  lofty  stature  and 
comely  features.  His  scanty  yellow  hair  was  already 
tinged  with  white  ;  his  beard  was  thin,  though  long, 
and  his  complexion  ruddy  for  his  age.  A  skilful 
horseman   and   an    experienced    military   leader,   he 


COIN  OF  BALDWIN   II. 


never  made  his  advanced  years  an  excuse  for  inaction. 
Unlike  his  predecessor,  he  was  a  wary  general,  care- 
ful in  organising  an  expedition,  and  happy  in  its 
results.  Above  all  else  he  was  truly  devout  in  word 
and  deed,  a  godfearing  man,  whose  hands  and  knees 
were  hardened  with  frequent  prayer. 

The  first  years  of  the  new  reign  were  devoted  to 
the  defence  of  Antioch  and  Edessa.  Baldwin's  victory 
at  Danit  has  already  been  described.  In  the  follow- 
ing year  (June,  1 120),  Il-Ghazi  returned  with  a  host  of 
Turcomans.  These  warriors  were  the  moss-troopers 
of  Oriental  warfare,  to  which  they  came  forth,  each 


BALDWIN  IT.   AND  IL-GHAZt,  l6l 

with  his  skin  of  water,  sack  of  meal,  and  strips  of 
dried  meat  carried  on  his  steed.  They  fought  for  the 
sake  of  plunder  only,  and  when  Il-Ghazi  punished 
such  conduct,  they  gradually  deserted  him.  II-Ghazi, 
abandoned  by  his  army,  had  to  purchase  a  truce, 
which  was,  however,  soon  broken  through  the  indiscre- 
tion of  Joscelin  de  Courtenay,  now  Count  of  Edessa. 

Matters  were  further  complicated  by  the  revolt  of 
Soliman,  son  of  Il-Ghazi,  and  ruler  of  Aleppo,  against 
his  father.  Soliman  appealed  for  aid  to  Baldwin, 
who  demanded,  as  the  price  of  his  assistance,  the 
restoration  of  Athareb.  To  this  Soliman  refused  his 
consent,  and  it  was  in  vain  that  the  king  urged  how 
indefensible  Athareb  was,  ringed  round  with  Chris- 
tian fortresses  like  a  horse  with  weak  legs,  who  eats 
a  whole  granary  without  gaining  strength.  These 
troubles  recalled  Il-Ghazi,  who  found  himself  obliged 
to  purchase  a  truce  by  the  cession  of  Zerdana  ^  and 
Athareb  (about  August,  1121).  However,  in  June, 
1 122,  despite  the  truce,  he  crossed  the  Euphrates, 
with  his  nephew  Balak  the  Victorious,  and  laid  siege 
to  Zerdana.  Baldwin  refused  to  believe  in  such 
treachery.  "I  have  been  faithful,"  said  the  chival- 
rous king,  "  to  the  treaty,  and  have  defended  II- 
Ghazi's  possessions  during  his  absence,  and  do  not 
doubt  but  he  will  be  as  loyal  on  his  part"  On 
discovering  his  mistake,  Baldwin  called  in  Joscelin, 
and  advanced  to  the  relief  of  the  beleaguered  town. 
Illness  soon  forced  Il-Ghazi  to  raise  the  siege,  and 
on  November  3rd  he  died,  while  on  his  way  back  to 
Mardin. 

*  This  place  was  close  to  Athareb. 


1 62       THE   CONQUEST   OF   THE   LAND. 

Meanwhile  a  great  disaster  had  befallen  the  Chris- 
tians. Balak  having  laid  siege  to  Edessa,  Joscelin 
came  to  its  relief.  Balak's  troops  were  so  scattered 
that  he  could  barely  muster  four  hundred  horsemen 
to  meet  the  count ;  he  must  have  been  defeated  had 
it  not  been  for  a  recent  fall  of  rain,  thanks  to  which 
the  heavy  Frank  knights  and  their  horses  stuck  in  the 
miry  soil,  and  were  shot  down  by  the  Turkish  bow- 
men. Joscelin  and  his  nephew  Waleran  were  taken 
prisoners,  and  when  they  refused  to  purchase  their 
freedom  by  the  surrender  of  Edessa  were  thrown 
into  prison  at  Khartpert  (September  13,  1122). 

Balak's  successes  called  Baldwin  to  the  Euphrates. 
There,  on  April  18,  11 23,  the  Christians  fell  into  an 
ambuscade  whilst  engaged  on  a  night  march  for 
the  relief  of  Kerker.  The  Franks  were  massacred 
piteously,  and  Baldwin  was  in  his  turn  also 
carried  off  prisoner  to  Khartpert.  Balak  then 
forced  his  way  into  Aleppo,  and  had  proceeded  to 
besiege  Kafer  Tab,^  when  news  reached  him  that 
Joscelin  had  escaped  from  Khartpert. 

Joscelin  had  endeared  himself  to  his  Armenian 
subjects,  who  determined  to  make  a  desperate  effort 
to  secure  their  lord's  freedom.  Fifty  men  disguised 
as  merchants,  presented  themselves  one  day  in 
August  before  the  gates  of  Khartpert.  One  by  one 
with  their  wares  they  smuggled  their  way  within  the 
town  to  the  walls  of  the  citadel.  There  they  found 
the  warder  of  the  gates  carelessly  playing  at  chess, 
and  kept  from  all  suspicion  by  his  antagonist  who 

*  Or  Capharda,  east  of  the  Orontes,  near  Marra  ;  its  exact  situation 
is  uncertain,  but  Abulfeda  says  half-way  from  Marra  to  Csesarea. 


CAPTIVITY  AT  KHARTPERT,  163 

was  a  friend  of  the  conspirators.  Throwing  off  their 
disguise  the  Armenians  drew  their  knives  and  slew 
the  warder  ;  then  seizing  'whatever  lances  lay  at 
hand  they  quickly  overpowered  the  Turkish  guards. 
So  soon  as  the  king  and  his  comrades  were  released, 
they  hoisted  a  Christian  flag  on  the  highest  battle- 
ment But  not  daring  to  risk  the  journey  home,  they 
resolved  to  hold  out  in  Khartpert  till  aid  should  come 
from  Antioch  or  Jerusalem.  Joscelin  volunteered  to 
carry  the  news  ;  with  three  of  his  servants,  he  passed 
by  night  through  the  surrounding  enemy,  and  sent 
back  his  ring  to  Baldwin  as  a  token  of  his  success. 
After  twenty-four  hours*  wandering  they  found  them- 
selves at  the  Euphrates  ;  the  count  could  not  swim, 
so  his  servants  extemporised  a  raft  of  bladders,  and 
thus  they  gained  the  other  side.  Hungry  and  thirsty, 
Joscelin  lay  down  beneath  a  tree  to  rest,  covering 
himself  under  the  bushes.  His  servants  meanwhile 
went  to  look  for  food,  and  shortly  came  back  with 
an  Armenian  peasant,  of  whose  simple  fare  of  figs 
and  raisins  the  count  ate  gladly.  The  peasant  knew 
his  lord  at  once  and  greeted  him  by  name  ;  Joscelin's 
alarmed  denial  could  not  deceive  the  faithful  peasant, 
and  at  last,  assured  of  the  man's  loyalty,  the  count 
promised  him  a  piece  of  gold  if  he  would  guide  them 
to  a  place  of  safety.  "  I  seek  no  reward,"  was  the 
generous  answer  :  "  before  times  you  gave  me  bread 
to  eat,  and  I  am  glad  to  repay  you."  Then  taking 
Joscelin  to  his  cottage  the  peasant  explained  his  plan 
for  the  count's  escape  ;  but  first  of  all  wished  to  kill  his 
pig  for  breakfast.  "  Nay,"  said  Joscelin,  "  thou  art  not 
wont  to  eat  a  pig  at  a  meal,  and  that  would  make  thy 


164      THE   CONQUEST  OF  THE  LAND, 

neighbours  suspicious."  Then  the  count  was  disguised 
in  the  dress  of  the  peasant's  wife,  and  set  upon  the 
man's  ass  with  his  baby  in  his  arms.  Thus  the 
strange  company  set  out  for  Tell-basher  ;  but 
presently  the  child  began  to  cry,  and  so  embarrassed 
the  count  that  he  would  have  left  his  comrades  had 
he  not  feared  to  wound  his  protector's  feelings.  At 
last  the}^  reached  Tell-basher  in  safety,  and  after 
rewarding  the  faithful  peasant  Joscelin  set  out  for 
Jerusalem  and  Antioch. 

Meanwhile  Balak  had  turned  back  to  Khartpert, 
and  by  undermining  the  rock  on  which  the  citadel 
was  built,  forced  his  way  inside.  The  poorer  Franks 
and  the  Armenians  were  massacred  without  pity, 
whilst  Baldwin  and  Waleran  were  carried  off  to 
Harran.  Joscelin  was  on  his  way  north  once  more 
when  he  heard  the  news  ;  unable  to  help  his  kinsmen 
he  turned  his  arms  against  Aleppo.  The  count's 
successes  in  this  quarter  brought  Balak  back  to  the 
Orontes.  Balak  reached  Aleppo  in  May,  11 24,  and 
soon  after  marched  out  against  the  town  of  Manbij 
or  Hierapolis.  Joscelin,  though  he  could  muster  but 
a  small  army,  went  out  to  meet  him.  The  battle  at 
first  went  favourably  for  the  Christians,  but  Joscelin 
was  at  length  compelled  to  retreat.  Balak  was, 
however,  soon  afterwards  mortally  wounded  whilst 
prosecuting  the  siege  of  Manbij.  Aleppo  then  passed 
to  Hussan-ed-din,  son  of  Il-Ghazi,  from  whom 
Baldwin  purchased  his  release  at  the  price  of 
Athareb,  Zerdana,  Kafer  Tab,  some  other  towns, 
and  twenty-four  thousand  dinars  (August  30,  11 24). 

Baldwin,  however,  kept  no  faith  with  the  infidels, 


BALDWIN  II.  AND   ANT  IOC  H.  1 65 

and  attacked  Aleppo.  The  inhabitants  appealed  for 
help  to  El-Borsoki,  Emir  of  Mosul,  who  in  February 
1 125,  drove  back  the  Christians  nd  so  became  Lord 
of  Aleppo  ;  but  in  June  Baldwi  in  his  turn  defeated 
El-Borsoki.  The  king,  however,  caiised  that  1-  was 
impossible  for  one  ruler  to  govern  both  Antioch  and 
Jerusalem  ;  and  accordingly  he  sent  for  the  youthful 
Bohemond,  who  came  from  Italy  to  Antioch  in  the 
autumn  of  11 26.  There  the  nobles  swore  fealty  to 
him  in  Baldwin's  presence,  and  the  king  gave  him  his 
second  daughter  Alice  to  wife.  Bohemond's  rule  was 
short  and  troubled  ;  he  soon  found  himself  at  war  with 
Joscelin,  and  Baldwin  had  to  be  called  in  to  appease 
the  quarrel.  Some  years  later  Bohemond  was  sur- 
prised and  slain  at  the  Meadow  of  Mantles  in  Cilicia. 
He  was  a  youth  of  great  promise,  and  bade  fair  to 
be  a  valiant  warrior.  At  his  death  the  principality 
passed  to  his  infant  daughter  Constance. 

Over  and  above  all  this  warfare  in  the  north,  the 
reign  of  Baldwin  II.  was  distinguished  by  many  other 
expeditions.  The  Egyptians  harassed  him  more  than 
once  from  Ascalon,  and  Tughtakin  of  Damascus  was 
ever  ready  to  further  their  efforts  by  inroads  from 
the  east.  Baldwin  retaliated  by  more  than  one  expe- 
dition across  the  Jordan,  as  in  January,  1 126,  when 
he  defeated  the  atabek  with  great  loss  near  Marj-as- 
Suffar.  But  the  great  event  of  the  reign  was  the 
conquest  of  Tyre  during  the  king's  captivity.  That 
city  was  ruled  by  an  emir  in  the  name  of  El-A^dal, 
the  Egyptian  vizir.  Being  hard  pressed  by  the 
Franks,  and  unaided  by  their  own  Caliph,  the  men 
of  Tyre  appealed  to  Tughtakin,  and  offered  to  take 


l66      THE   CONQUEST  OF  THE  LAND. 

him  for  lord  if  they  might  dwell  under  his  protection 
Tughtakin  sent  them  aid  under  an  emir  Masud,  but 
refused  to  supplant  the  Egyptian  Caliph.  He  informed 
El-Afdal  that  he  was  ready  to  withdraw  his  garrison 
directly  Tyre  was  strong  enough  to  do  without  it 
But  when  a  little  later  El-Afdal  was  murdered,  the 
Egyptian  admiral  seized  Masud  by  treachery  and 
carried  him  off  to  Egypt.  This  conduct  alienated 
Tughtakin,  and  the  Franks  seized  the  opportunity  for 
attacking  the  city. 

When  Baldwin  was  taken  prisoner  by  Balak,  the 
Franks  had  elected,  as  guardian  for  the  orphan  realm, 
Eustace  Grener,  lord  of  Caesarea  and  Sidon.  It 
happened  that  in  1123  there  came  to  Jaffa  a  strong 
Venetian  fleet  under  the  doge  Domenicho  Michaeli. 
The  doge  went  up  to  spend  Christmas  at  Jerusalem, 
and  there  agreed  with  the  lords  of  the  land  to  lend 
his  aid  for  an  attack  on  one  of  the  cities  of  the  coast. 
Opinion  was  divided  between  Ascalon  and  Tyre,  and 
it  was  decided  to  commit  the  question  to  the  lot. 
The  names  of  the  two  towns  were  written  on  two 
strips  of  parchment,  and  these  were  placed  on  the 
altar.  Then  an  "  innocent  orphan  boy  "  was  bidden 
to  take  up  one  of  them  at  random  ;  the  lot  fell  upon 
Tyre,  which  city  was  at  once  besieged  by  the  com- 
bined forces  of  the  Franks  and  Venetians,  under 
Eustace  and  the  doge.  It  was  to  no  purpose  that 
Tughtakin  came  up  from  Damascus,  that  a  fresh  fleet 
was  sent  from  Egypt,  or  that  the  men  of  Ascalon 
strove  to  call  off  the  besieging  host  by  a  foray  to  the 
very  walls  of  Jerusalem.  The  last  were  driven  back 
from  the  Tower  of  David  ;   the   Venetians  defeated 


THE   TAKING    OF   TYRE.  1 67 

the  Egyptian  fleet  ;  while  William  de  Bures  and 
Pons  of  Tripoli  found  the  atabek  unwilling  to  abide 
their  onset.  All  the  available  forces  of  the  realm 
seem  to  have  been  mustered  for  the  siege,  and  when 
it  began  to  flag  through  lack  of  military  engines,  a 
skilful  Armenian  engineer  was  called  up  from  Antioch. 
At  last,  broken  down  by  hunger  and  long  privation, 
the  city  surrendered  ;  men  told  in  later  days  that 
only  five  measures  of  wheat  were  found  within  the 
walls.  The  fall  of  this  city  (July  7,  1124)  was  a  great 
blow  to  Islam  ;  "  let  us  hope  that  God  will  one  day 
restore  it,"  writes  the  Arabic  historian  a  century  later. 

Baldwin  II.  was  an  old  man,  and  had  no  son  to 
succeed  him  on  the  throne.  Unwilling  to  marry  his 
eldest  daughter  Melisend  to  one  of  his  own  nobles, 
he  sought  her  a  bridegroom  in  Europe.  His  final 
choice  was  Fulk  V.,  Count  of  Anjou,  who  reached 
Acre  in  the  spring  of  1129.  The  marriage  was  cele- 
brated before  Whitsuntide,  and  the  king's  son  in-law 
received  Tyre  and  Acre  as  his  wife's  dowry.  Two 
years  later  Baldwin  fell  into  a  fatal  sickness  ;  anxious 
for  his  soul's  health,  he  quitted  the  luxury  of  the 
royal  palace  for  the  patriarch's  house  hard  by  the 
sepulchre  of  the  Lord.  There  he  put  on  the  garb 
of  a  monk,  and  so  died  August  13,  1131.  He  was 
buried  with  his  predecessors  before  Golgotha,  under 
Mount  Calvary. 

With  Baldwin  II.  disappeared  the  last  of  the  great 
heroes  of  the  First  Crusade  who  had  remained  in 
Palestine.  His  death,  too,  marks  the  conclusion  of 
the  first  stage  in  the  history  of  the  Syrian  Franks. 
Despite  the  disaster  of  his  eighteen  months'  captivity 


1 68       THE   CONQUEST  OF   THE  LAND, 

Baldwin's  reign  had  been  one  of  prosperity  for  his 
kingdom.  The  ruler  of  Jerusalem  had  acquired  ex- 
tended influence  in  the  principality  of  Antioch,  while 
the  great  conquest  of  Tyre  had  consolidated  his  own 
dominion  in  the  south.  The  period  of  conquest  was 
now  at  an  end,  and  after  a  short  period  of  equili- 
brium the  Christian  kingdom  entered  on  a  chequered 
career  of  loss  and  gain,  which  eventually  culminated 
in  the  conquest  of  the  Holy  City  by  Saladin. 


XL 

THE  MILITARY  ORDERS. 

**  Triplex  funiculus  non  facile  rumpitur." 

James  de  Vitry. 

To  the  men  of  the  twelfth  century  there  must  have 
been  a  marvellous  attraction  in  the  tales  which  every 
returning  palmer  or  crusader  brought  back  from 
Syria.  Adventure  was  as  the  very  life-breath  of 
the  mediaeval  warrior,  and  in  the  East  if  anywhere 
he  could  find  it  to  the  full,  with  the  added  prospect 
of  a  sure  reward,  both  spiritual  and  temporal.  Did 
he  perish  in  the  combat,  heaven,  as  St.  Bernard  told 
him,  would  throw  open  her  halls  to  receive  him ;  was 
he  victor,  then  the  spoils  of  the  vanquished  were  his. 
The  humblest  man-at-arms  might  acquire  wealth 
through  the  sack  of  a  Saracen  stronghold,  or  the  rout 
of  a  Saracen  host ;  the  wandering  knight  might  enter 
the  bodyguard  of  Godfrey  or  Baldwin,  and  be  recom- 
pensed with  money  or  a  fief;  the  greater  lord  could 
always  hope  for  conquests  on  his  own  account.  To 
the  prospect  of  gain  were  added  two  other  incentives  ; 
the  always  unsatisfied  longing  for  travel,  which  then, 

as  now,  prompted   the  noblest  spirits  of  the  age  to 

269, 


170  THE  MILITARY  ORDERS. 

seek  ideals  far  away  from  home,  and  the  feeling  of 
devotion  which  urged  mediaeval  Christians  on  to 
pilgrimages,  whether  near  or  distant.  These  im- 
pulses together  sufficed  to  keep  up  a  constant  stream 
of  visitors  to  Palestine  during  many  years.  Some 
came,  saw,  and  departed;  others  however,  stayed, 
and,  whether  for  good  or  ill,  made  their  home  in  the 
East. 

Thus  in  the  course  of  thirty  years  there  had  been 
built  up  a-  new  kingdom,  and,  as  it  were,  a  new 
nation.  So  Fulcher  of  Chartres  could  write :  "  God 
transforms  things  according  to  His  will.  He  has 
poured  the  West  into  the  East ;  we  who  were 
westerns  are  now  easterns.  We  have  all  forgotten 
our  native  soil,  it  has  grown  strange  unto  us."  But 
the  most  promising  feature  in  this  new  creation  was 
the  rise  of  military  organisations,  which  might  com- 
bine and  turn  to  good  purpose  all  those  whom  restless- 
ness of  spirit  or  devotion  of  soul  drew  towards  the  East. 

The  credit  of  the  conception  of  an  order  of  knights 
sworn  to  the  service  of  the  Cross  belongs  to  Hugh 
de  Payen,  the  founder  of  the  Templars.  But  the 
priority  of  rank  must  be  yielded  to  the  Hospitallers, 
who  trace  their  origin  to  a  more  ancient  institution, 
established  for  a  different  purpose.  According  to  the 
story  preserved  by  William  of  Tyre,  and  in  part  con- 
firmed from  other  sources,  the  merchants  of  Amalfi 
having  won  the  favour  of  the  Egyptian  Caliph,  ob- 
tained permission,  as  it  is  said,  about  the  year  1023,  to 
found  a  hospital  at  Jerusalem  for  poor  and  sick  Latin 
pilgrims.  The  original  dedication  was  to  St.  John 
the  Almoner,  a  humble  patron  who  had  afterwards  to 


GERARD    THE  HOSPITALLER.  171 

give  way  to  St.  John  the  Baptist.  At  the  time  of  the 
First  Crusade  the  master  of  the  hospital  was  one 
Gerard,  "  during  many  years  the  devoted  sen^ant  of 
the  poor."  Gerard,  who  is  often  regarded  as  the 
founder  of  the  hospital,  obtained  frorri  Pope  Paschal 
IL,  in  1 1 13,  a  Bull,  which,  besides  granting  him  the 
special  protection  of  the  papal  see,  confirmed  to  the 
hospital  all  the  possessions  which  it  then  held  as  well 
in  Syria  as  in  Western  Europe.  Gerard  died  in  11 18, 
and  was  succeeded  by  Raymond  du  Puy,  a  noble 
from  Dauphine,  who  held  his  office  over  forty  years, 
and  taking  an  example  from  the  recently  established 
order  of  the  Temple,  gave  his  own  order  a  military 
organisation. 

The  Templars,  although  they  were  from  the  first 
an  order  of  knights,  owed  their  institution,  as  did  the 
Hospitallers,  to  a  charitable  purpose.  In  the  early 
days  of  the  kingdom  a  Burgundian  knight,  Hugh  de 
Payen  by  name,  made  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem. 
Moved  to  pity  by  the  sufferings  of  the  Christians 
through  the  perpetual  attacks  of  the  Saracens,  he 
joined  with  eight  other  knights  in  devoting  them- 
selves to  the  service  of  protecting  the  poor  pilgrims 
on  the  road  to  Jerusalem.  They  took  the  triple  vows 
of  chastity,  obedience,  and  poverty,  after  the  manner 
of  regular  canons,  and  obtained  from  Baldwin  II.,  in 
the  same  year  that  Gerard  the  Hospitaller  died,  the 
gift  of  a  residence  near  the  Temple  of  Solomon  at 
Jerusalem  ;  originally  designated  the  poor  fellow 
soldiers  of  Christ,  they  from  this  circumstance  came 
to  be  known  as  the  Knights  of  the  Temple.  After 
nine  years  at  the  Council  of  Troyes,  in  January,  1 12S, 


lyZ  THE   MILITARY   ORDERS. 

Hugh  obtained  from  Pope  Honorius  II.,  through  the 
influence  of  Bernard  of  Clairvaux,  a  formal  Rule, 
which  the  famous  abbot  himself  drew  up,  or  at  least 
inspired. I 

From  a  religious  point  of  view  the  Rule  of  the 
Templars  not  unnaturally  followed  that  of  the  Cis- 
tercians, but  here  it  is  not  necessary  to  concern 
ourselves,  except  with  the  military  organisation 
of  the  order.  At  its  head  stood  the  Master,  who, 
though  he  had  great  power,  was  far  from  absolute, 
and  was  obliged  even  in  the  field  to  act  by  the  advice 
of  his  council.  Second  came  the  Seneschal,  and  third 
the  Marshal,  whose  special  charge  was  all  that  con- 
cerned the  equipment  of  the  order  with  arms  and 
steeds.  After  these  came  the  commanders  or  pre- 
ceptors of  the  provinces,  premier  of  whom  was  the 
"  Commander  of  the  land  and  kingdom  of  Jerusalem," 
who  was  also  Grand  Treasurer,  and  had  charge  of  the 
port  of  Acre,  where  the  knights  had  their  chief  mari- 
time establishment.  The  commander  of  the  city  of 
Jerusalem  was  Hospitaller  of  the  order,  and  had  to 
provide  for  the  safe  conduct  and  care  of  pilgrims. 
The  other  provinces  were  Tripoli  and  Antioch  in  the 
East,  and  France,  England,  Poitou,  Aragon,  Portugal, 
Apulia,  and  Hungary  in  Europe.  Last  of  the  great 
officers  was  the  Drapier,  charged  with  all  that  con- 
cerned the  dress  of  the  members.  Subordinate 
officials  were  the  commanders  of  the  houses  or  com- 

'  The  extant  *'  Regie  du  Temple  "  is  of  later  date.  It  has  been 
edited  more  than  once,  most  recently  for  the  Societe  de  I'Histoire  de 
France  by  M.  de  Curzon.  The  shorter  Lai/n  Rule  may  more  closely 
represent  S.  Bernard's  original  statutes. 


THE   RULE   OF   THE    TEMPLE.  1 73 

manderies,  and  the  commanders  of  the  knights.  The 
greater  officers  had  all  a  more  or  less  extensive  house- 
hold, and  were  allowed  four  horses  each  ;  the  ordihary 
knights  had,  as  a  rule,  three  horses  and  one  squire. 
Other  knights  there  were  ad  terminum^  who  had 
not  taken  the  regular  vows,  but  associated  themselves 
with  the  order  for  a  time,  as  Fulk  of  Anjou  is  said  to 
have  done  in  the  early  days  before  he  was  king  or 
the  order  fully  constituted.  After  the  knights  came 
the  sergeants,  or  serving-brothers,  amongst  whom 
were  included  some  inferior  officials,  as  the  under- 
seneschal  and  the  gonfanonier,  whose  duty  it  was  to 
bear  the  banner  Beauseant.  Besides  the  knights  and 
sergeants  there  was  a  numerous  body  of  light-armed 
horsemen  called  Turcoples,  under  an  officer  called  the 
Turcopolier.  These  formed  the  fighting  force  ;  but 
there  were  also  chaplains  of  the  order— priests  attached 
to  it  for  religious  duties.  The  "  Rule  "  contains  care- 
ful regulations  as  to  the  admission  of  new  members, 
which  could  only  be  done  in  a  chapter ;  the  aspirant 
must  not  be  baseborn,  a  member  of  any  other  re- 
ligious order,  or  hampered  by  any  worldly  ties.  In 
the  case  of  knights  he  must  be  of  knightly  birth,  for 
a  sergeant  it  was  enough  that  he  was  free-born.  The 
original  knights  had  no  regular  dress,  but  wore  such 
motley  garb  as  charity  afforded  them.  Honorius 
assigned  them  a  white  habit,  while  later  on,  in  the 
time  of  Eugenius  III.,  they  were  granted,  as  a  mark 
of  distinction,  a  red  cross,  to  be  worn  on  the  mantle. 
The  mantles  of  the  knights  alone  were  white,  those  of 
the  sergeants  and  squires  black  or  brown,  but  all  alike 
wore  the  great  red  cross. 


174  ^^^   MILITARY  ORDERS. 

St.  Bernard,  shortly  after  the  foundation  of  the 
order,  draws  a  somewhat  fanciful  picture  of  the 
knights  of  Christ.  "  They  live  together  without 
separate  property,  in  one  house,  under  one  rule, 
careful  to  preserve  the  unity  of  the  spirit  in  the  bond 
of  peace.  Never  is  an  idle  word,  or  useless  deed,  or 
immoderate  laughter,  or  a  murmur,  if  it  be  but  whis- 
pered, allowed  to  go  unpunished.  Draughts  and  dice 
they  detest.  Hunting  they  hold  in  abomination  ;  and 
take  no  pleasure  in  the  frivolous  pastime  of  hawking. 
Soothsayers,  jesters,  and  story-tellers,  ribald  songs 
and  stage  plays  they  eschew  as  insane  follies.  They 
cut  close  their  hair,  knowing,  as  the  apostle  says,  that 
*  it  is  a  shame  for  a  man  to  have  long  hair.'  They 
never  dress  gaily,  and  wash  but  seldom.  Shaggy  by 
reason  of  their  uncombed  hair,  they  are  also  begrimed 
with  dust,  and  swarthy  from  the  weight  of  their 
armour  and  the  heat  of  the  sun.  They  strive 
earnestly  to  possess  strong  and  swift  horses,  but  not 
garnished  with  ornaments  or  decked  with  trappings, 
thinking  of  battle  and  victory,  not  of  pomp  and  show. 
Such  hath  God  chosen  for  His  own,  who  vigilantly 
and  faithfully  guard  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  all  armed 
with  the  sword,  and  most  learned  in  the  art  of  war." 

A  century  later  James  de  Vitry,  writing  in  the 
light  of  personal  knowledge,  says :  "  When  the 
Templars  are  summoned  to  arms,  they  inquire  not 
of  the  numbers,  but  of  the  position  of  the  foe.  They 
are  lions  in  war,  lambs  in  the  house  ;  to  the  enemies 
of  Christ  fierce  and  implacable,  but  to  Christians 
kind  and  gracious.  They  bear  before  them  to  battle 
a  banner  half  white,  half  black  ;  this  they  call  Beau- 


THE   HOSPITALLERS.  175 

scant,  because   they  are  fair   and  favourable  to  the 
friends  of  Christ,  to  his  foes  drear  and  black." 

The  organisation  of  the  Hospitallers,  or  the  Knights 
of  the  Hospital  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem,  was  in  its 
general  features  similar  to  that  of  the  Templars,  and 
comprised  knights,  chaplains,  and  serving  brothers, 
together  with  a  body  of  Turcoples.  The  officers 
other  than  the  grand  master  were  styled  conventual, 
capitular,  or  honorary  bailiffs.    The  conventual  bailiffs 


SEAL  OF   HOSPITALLERS. 

were  the  heads  of  the  langues^  or  provinces,  of  which 
in  133 1  there  were  seven,  Provence,  Auvergne,  France, 
Italy,  Germany,  Aragon,  and  England.^  The  capitu- 
lar bailiffs  or  grand  priors  were  the  heads  of  the 
langue  in  Europe  ;  in  the  English  langue  there  were 

^  These  conventual  bailiffs  remained  usually  at  the  headquarters  of 
the  order.     They  were  respectively  grand  commander  (or  treasurer), 
grand  marshal,  grand  hospitaller,  grand  admiral,  grand  conservator  (in 
charge  of  the  commissariat),  grand  bailiff  (chief  engineer),  grand  chan- , 
cellor,  Turcopolier. 


176 


THE  MILITARY  ORDERS. 


two  grand  priors,  one  for  England  and  one  for  Ireland 
The  heads  of  the  houses  were  called  comrir.ndcrs  or 
preceptors.  In  their  religious  life  the  Hospitallers 
followed  the  rule  of  St.  Augustine ;  their  mantles 
were  black  with  an  eii^Hit-pointed  cross  of  white. 

Hugh  de  Payen  and  his  original  eight  companions 
had  remained  alone  for  nine  years  in  their  primitive 
poverty,  so  that,  according  to  a  thirteenth-century 
tradition,  two  knights  rode  upon  one  horse.  But 
after  their  regular  constitution  on  a  military  basis 
both  orders  grew  rapidly  in  importance,  wealth,  and 


SEAL  OF  TEMPLARS. 

numbers.  Mention  is  made  of  both  in  different 
campaigns  during  the  reign  of  Fulk.^  Both  played 
a  prominent  part  in  the  futile  siege  of  Damascus 
during  the  Second  Crusade,  and  in  the  succeeding 
years  the  two  orders  were  the  mainstay  of  the 
kingdom.  To  their  care  were  entrusted  some  of  the 
most  important  of  the  frontier  fortresses  ;  thus  the 
Hospitallers  received  Gibelin  or  Beersheba  in  11 36, 
and   the   Templars    Gaza   in    1 149.     Templars    and 

*  The  first  authentic  reference  to  the  Hospitallers  as  a  fighting  body 
is  in  a  Bull  of  Innocent  II.,  dated  1130. 


THE  KNIGHTS  IN  THE  EAST.  177 

Hospitallers  fought  side  by  side  under  their  masters 
Bernard  de  Tremelay  and  the  aged  Raymond  du 
Puy  at  Ascalon  in  11 53;  the  Hospitallers  were 
Amalric's  chief  support  in  his  Egyptian  campaign 
in  1 168,  and  a  few  years  earlier,  in  1163,  we  find 
the  Templars  of  Tripoli,  under  their  English  pre- 
ceptor, Gilbert  de  Lacy,  playing  a  leading  part  in 
the  contest  with  Nur-ed-din.  In  the  troublous  days 
that  preceded  the  Third  Crusade  the  masters  of  the 
two  orders  appear  as  the  leaders  of  the  party  that 
favoured  active  warfare  with  Saladin.  During  that 
Crusade  the  Templars  were  foremost  among  the 
supporters  of  Richard,  who,  according  to  a  thir- 
teenth-century legend,  left  the  Holy  Land  in 
the  disguise  of  a  knight  and  on  board  a  vessel 
belonging  to  their  order.  The  loss  of  Jerusalem 
deprived  both  Hospitallers  and  Templars  of  their 
original  headquarters.  After  a  short  interval  both 
were  established  at  Acre,  where  they  remained  till 
the  fall  of  that  city  a  century  later  marked  the  end 
of  Prankish  rule  in  Palestine.  During  this,  the  last 
century  of  Crusading  history,  the  defence  of  such 
possessions  as  yet  remained  to  the  Franks  in  Syria 
devolved  more  and  more  on  the  military  orders. 
Many  nobles,  finding  themselves  unable  to  defend 
their  fiefs  any  longer  against  the  foe,  sold  their  estates 
to  the  Templars  or  Hospitallers,  and  departed  v/est- 
ward. 

Great  as  was  the  power  of  the  knights,  their 
numbers  and  wealth  were  not  incommensurate. 
William  of  Tyre  says  that  in  his  day  the  original 
nine  of  the  Templars  had  increased  to  three  hundred, 


17^  THE   MILITARY  ORDERS. 

which  would  seem  to  be  a  moderate  estimate.  At 
the  battle  of  Hattin,  in  1187,  this  order  lost  two  hun- 
dred and  thirty  knights,  though  only  a  few  weeks 
previously  the  marshal  and  eighty  knights  had 
been  slain  in  the  fight  with  El-Afdal.  More  than 
three  hundred  Templars  fell  before  Acre  in  1191, 
and  a  like  number  in  the  battle  with  the  Charismians 
some  fifty  years  afterwards.  As  for  the  Hospitallers, 
in  1 168  they  furnished  Amalric  with  five  hundred 
knights  and  as  many  Turcoples  for  his  Egyptian 
campaign.  The  Templars  held  eighteen  fortresses 
in  Syria,  chief  of  which  were  Safed,  Tortosa,  and 
Athlit,  or  Castle  Pilgrim.  The  last  was  a  mag- 
nificent structure  on  the  coast  near  Acre,  which  was 
commenced  in  12 18.  It  comprised  a  palace  for  the 
master  and  knights,  quarters  for  their  subordinates, 
and  a  splendid  church — the  whole  adorned  with  such 
a  wealth  of  luxury  as  filled  James  de  Vitry  with 
amazement ;  even  in  ruins  it  forms  a  majestic 
memorial  of  its  builders.  Of  the  property  of  the 
Temple  in  Syria  we  have,  owing  to  the  destruction 
of  their  records,  no  exact  knowledge,  but  they  had 
fourteen  commanderies  besides  others  in  Armenia 
and  Cyprus.  The  Hospitallers  owned  135  casals  or 
villages,  beside  other  property.  They  had  twelve 
commanderies  in  Syria,  and  their  fortresses  com- 
prised the  important  castles  of  Markab,  Kerak  des 
Chevaliers,  Chastel  Rouge,  Gibelin,  and  Belvoir. 

Wealth  brought  in  its  train  the  usual  abuses. 
Even  in  the  days  of  their  first  master  the  Hos- 
pitallers were  engaged  in  a  serious  quarrel  with  the 
Latin  ecclesiastics  of  the  East,  due  to  the  grasping 


WEALTH  AND  ITS  ABUSES, 


179 


pretensions  of  the  knights.  The  Templars,  on  their 
part,  earned  an  early  reputation  for  avarice  and 
arrogance.     One  story  lays  the  failure  of   the  siege 


it>^\:*v^vfN^ 


RUINS   OF   THE   CASTLE   AT   TORTOSA. 


of  Damascus  at  their  door,  asserting  that  they  took 
money  to  raise  the  siege :  an  act  of  cupidity  which 
was  miraculously  punished  by  the  conversion  of  the 


l8o  THE   MILITARY  ORDERS. 

gold  into  copper  in  their  chests.  Their  rash  assault 
at  Ascalon  five  years  later  was  put  down  to  a  wish 
to  secure  the  best  of  the  spoil  for  themselves.^  So 
notorious  was  their  arrogance  that,  when  Fulk  of 
Neuilly  bade  Richard  provide  for  his  three  daughters, 
it  was  an  easy  jest  for  the  king  to  bestow  "  Pride  "  on 
the  Templars.2 

Great  as  was  the  wealth  of  the  two  orders  in  the 
East,  it  was  not  their  main  resource.  Both  had  from 
an  early  date  received  large  benefactions  in  Western 
Europe.  Hugh  de  Payen  had  visited  Henry  I.  in 
Normandy  in  1128,  when  "the  king  received  him 
with  much  worship,  and  gave  him  treasure  of  gold  and 
silver,  and  afterwards  he  sent  him  to  England,  where 
he  was  well  treated  by  all  good  men,  and  all  gave 
him  treasures."  Alfonso  I.  of  Aragon,  Raymond 
Berengar  I.  of  Provence,  and  Louis  VI.  of  France 
were  not  less  forward.  In  England  the  Templars 
settled  early  in  the  reign  of  Stephen  at  the  old  Temple 
outside  Holborn  bars,  whence,  in  1185,  they  removed 
to  the  new  and  more  famous  Temple  on  the  Thames. 
The  church,  which  was  in  this  year  consecrated  by 
the  Patriarch  Heraclius,  and  was  completed  by  1240, 
still  survives  as  the  finest  monument  of  the  order  in 
England.  The  great  William  Marshal  chose  it  for  his 
burial-place,  and  his  e^gy,  with  those  of  two  of  his 
sons,  still  lies  in  the  Round  Church.  Stephen  gave  the 
knights  Temple  Cressing,  in  Essex,  about  11 50,  and 
his  queen  Matilda  Temple  Cowley,  near  Oxford. 
Many  other  benefactions  followed  during  the  twelfth 

*  For  another  example  of  combined  treachery  and  cupidity,  see  p.  232. 
"  See  below,  p.  370. 


THE  KNIGHTS   IN   THE    WEST.  l8l 

century,  and  all  our  English  kings  were  among  their 
patrons.  Henry  II.  gave  them  Waterford  and  Wex- 
ford, and  John  Lundy  Island  ;  whilst  Henry  III. 
regarded  them  with  such  favour  that  he  and  his 
queen  at  one  time  chose  the  Temple  Church  as  their 
place  of  burial.  Matthew  Paris  asserts  that  the 
Templars  possessed  no  less  than  seven  thousand 
manors  in  Christendom. 

The  Hospitallers,  though  not  nearly  so  wealthy, 
had  also  great  possessions.  Even  in  1 113  it  is  clear 
that  they  had  considerable  property  in  Western 
Europe.  Indeed,  their  chief  English  house  at 
Clerkenwell  is  said  to  have  been  founded  by  Jordan 
Briset,  who  died  in.  mo.  After  they  became  a 
military  order  they  acquired,  in  the  reign  of  Stephen, 
lands  at  Little  Maplestead  in  Essex,  Shandon  in 
Hertfordshire,  and  Shengay  in  Cambridgeshire,  as 
also  at  many  other  places  both  then  and  later. 

Wherever  their  estates  were  of  sufficient  importance 
both  orders  established  houses,  or  commanderies, 
which  served  the  double  purpose  of  homes  for  the 
aged  knights  and  recruiting  stations  for  young  aspi- 
rants. Great  privileges  were  bestowed  on  both  orders, 
and  many  individual  knights  rose  to  positions  of 
importance.  One  Templar  was  almoner  to  Philip  IV- 
of  France,  and  another  to  Henry  III.  of  England. 
In  Aragon  the  Templars  occupied  a  position  of 
unique  importance,  and  more  than  one  of  its  kings 
was  entrusted  to  their  care  for  training.  One  result 
of  the  peculiar  position  of  the  orders  in  East  and 
West,  combined  with  their  great  wealth,  was  to  give 
them  exceptional  opportunities  for  the  commercial 


\ 


l82  THE   MILITARY  ORDERS. 

transactions  of  exchange — a  means  of  increasing 
their  wealth  and  power  of  which  they  were  not  slow 
to  avail  themselves  in  times  of  peace. 

In  addition  to  the  two  great  orders  there  grew  up 
about  the  time  of  the  Third  Crusade  another  order, 
which,  from  the  nationality  of  its  founders,  was  known 
as  the  Teutonic.     In   1128  some  German  merchants 
had  founded  at  Jerusalem  a  hospital,  which  subsisted 
till  the  fall  of  the  city  sixty  years  later.     During  the 
siege  of    Acre  in   11 90  the  charitable  work   of   this 
hospital  (the  tending  of  the  sick  and  wounded)  was 
revived  and  the  active  sympathy  of  many  Germans, 
who  had  accompanied  Frederick  Barbarossa,  enlisted 
in  its  favour.     About  eight  years  later  the  order  re- 
ceived a  military  constitution  as  a  body  of  knights,  to 
whom  were  afterwards  added,  in  imitation  of  its  more 
ancient  models,  chaplains  and  serving  brothers.     In 
their  military  organisation  the  Teutonic  knights  fol- 
lowed the  rule  of  the  Temple,  but  in  their  religious  life 
they  adopted,  like  the  Hospitallers,  the    rule   of  St. 
Augustine.      Their   mantle  was  white  with   a  black 
cross.      Under  Herman  von   Salza,  who  was  Grand 
Master  from   12 10  to  1239,  the  order  rose  rapidly  in 
wealth  and  power,  and  first  commenced  that  work  in 
East   Prussia  which  afterwards   made   it   great   and 
famous.     The  original  seat  of  the  order  was  at  Acre, 
whence  in  1291  they  removed  to  Venice,  till  a  few 
years  later  they  became  entirely  Germaji  and  devoted 
themselves  to  the  work  of  maintaining  the   eastern 
frontier  against  the   Lithuanians.      There  they  rose 
to  be  a  famous  and  important  power,  which  attracted 
to  its  ranks  many  seekers  after  adventure,  amongst 


THE   LESSER   ORDERS,  1 83 

whom  was  reckoned  for  a  time  Henry,  thd  first  of  our 
Lancastrian  kings.  The  order  maintained  its  inde- 
pendence till  Albert  of  Brandenburg,  its  last  Grand 
Master,  in  1525  converted  its  lands  into  a  duchy  for 
himself,  and  so  took  an  important  step  towards  the 
creation  of  the  modern  Prussia. 

Another  little  known  and  obscure  order  deserves 
a  passing  mention  in  this  place.  The  Germans  were 
not  alone  in  their  charitable  work  at  Acre,  and  an 
English  priest,  William,  chaplain  to  Ralph  de  Diceto, 
devoted  himself  to  the  work  of  burying  the  Christian 
dead.  Afterwards  he  built  himself  a  chapel  and 
bought  ground  for  a  cemetery,  which  he  dedicated  to 
St.  Thomas  the  Martyr.  Through  the  patronage  of  the 
sister  of  Becket  a  hospital  of  St.  Thomas  the  Martyr 
of  Canterbury  at  Acre  was  built  in  London  on  the 
site  of  the  archbishop's  house;  and  in  1231,  when 
Peter  des  Roches  was  in  Palestine,  he  established 
these  knights  under  the  rule  of  the  Templars.  These 
knights  of  St.  Thomas  of  Acre  wore  their  own  mantle 
with  a  cross  of  red  and  white,  and  have  the  distinc- 
tion of  being  one  of  the  few  peculiarly  English  orders. 
They  survived  in  the  kingdom  of  Cyprus  till  near  the 
close  of  the  fourteenth  century.^ 

On  the  later  fortunes  of  the  two  greater  orders  it  is 
impossible  to  more  than  briefly  touch.  That  of  the 
Templars  was  no  less  disastrous  and  shameful  than 
that  of  the  Hospitallers  was  glorious  and  honourable. 
After  the  fall  of  Acre  the  Templars  transferred  their 
head -quarters  to  Cyprus,  whence  they  made  some  futile 
attempts  to  gain  a  footing  at  Alexandria  and  Tortosa. 

*  Stubbs,  "Lectures  on  Mediaeval  History,"  pp.  182-5. 


184  THE  MILITARY  ORDERS. 

But  their  power  excited  the  fear,  and  their  wealth  the 
cupidity  of  a  dangerous  foe.  Internal  dissensions  gave 
Philip  IV.  of  France  an  opportunity  to  bring  accu- 
sations of  the  most  shameful  character  against  the 
whole  order.  After  nearly  sixty  knights  had  been 
burnt  in  May,  13 10,  the  royal  influence  or  tyranny 
prevailed  upon  Clement  V.  to  decree  the  suppression 
of  the  order  in  March,  1312  ;  and  two  years  later 
Jacques  du  Molay,  the  Grand  Master,  after  a  cruel 
imprisonment,  shared  the  fate  of  his  subordinates. 
The  proceedings  which  thus  terminated  the  existence 
of  the  Temple  in  France  were  a  precedent  for  measures 
of  less  severity  but  like  effect  in  other  countries.  The 
falsehood  of  the  graver  charges,  immorality  of  the 
grossest  kind,  is  now  generally  admitted,  yet  there 
seems  no  doubt  that  practices  of  an  unseemly  nature 
prevailed  at  least  in  the  French  provinces.  Friendly 
intercourse  with  the  Mohammedans  had  probably 
influenced  the  knights  in  matters  both  of  belief  and 
conduct,  whilst  it  is  more  than  probable  that  some 
taint  of  heresy  had  penetrated  the  order  through 
the  admission  of  Albigensian  knights,  compelled  to 
choose  between  the  service  of  the  cross  and  the 
penalty  of  death. 

Like  the  Templars  the  Hospitallers  had  retired  to 
Cyprus  on  the  fall  of  Acre ;  more  fortunate  they, 
twenty  years  later,  achieved  the  conquest  of  Rhodes, 
and  at  the  same  time,  through  the  downfall  of  the 
rival  order,  acquired  a  great  accession  of  wealth.  At 
Rhodes  the  knights  of  St.  John  were,  during  over  two 
centuries,  the  bulwark  of  Christendom  against  the 
Turks.     When  at  length  that  island  fell  before  the 


LATER   FORTUNES.  185 

power  of  SoUrpan  the  Magnificent  in  1522,  the  bounty 
of  Charles  the  Fifth  gave  them  a  new  home  and  a  fresh 
career  of  glory  as  the  knights  of  Malta.  As  a  military 
body  the  order  was  long  since  obsolete,  when  Ferdi- 
nand von  Hompesch  somewhat  tamely  surrendered 
the  island  to  the  French  in  1798.  Recent  years  have, 
however,  witnessed  its  honourable  revival  as  a  charit- 
able institution,  with  a  special  care  for  the  tending  of 
the  sick  and  woUnded  in  war,  and  after  a  chequered 
career  the  gate  of  the  priory  at  Clerkenwoll  has  once 
more  become  the  home  of  the  English  langue. 

Na  attempt  has  been  made  in  this  chapter  to  even 
sketch  the  full  career  of  the  two  great  orders.  But 
indeed  the  history  of  the  Latin  colonies  is  the  history 
of  the  knights  of  the  Hospital  and  Temple.  The 
orders  constituted  the  most  stable  element  in  the 
Angevin  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  ;  and  the  later  king- 
dom, subsequent  to  the  Third  Crusade,  was  dependent 
on  them  for  its  very  existence.  The  organisation  that 
was  happily  devised  by  Hugh  de  Payen  and 
Raymond  du  Puy  was  the  one  best  suited  for  the 
circumstances  in  which  the  Syrian  Franks  found 
themselves.  The  climate  forbade  any  hope  of  success 
to  a  regular  system  of  colonisation  ;  the  races  of 
Western  Europe  could  not  perpetuate  their  existence 
in  face  of  the  twofold  strain  of  warfare  under  an 
Eastern  sun.  The  lessened  vigour  of  the  race  inten- 
sified the  evils  inherent  in  the  feudal  system — the 
weakness  of  widows  and  minors,  and  the  strength  of 
family  feud  and  faction.  From  these  defects  the 
knightly  orders  were  exempt;  they  could  provide  more 
surely  that  warlike  organisation,  which  the  ever-present 


1 86  THE    MILITARY  ORDERS. 

Saracen  and  Turk  made  a  necessity  ;  as  corporations, 
whose  life-blood  came  in  a  fresh  and  constant  .stream 
from  the  West,  they  possessed  a  cohesion  and  vigour 
which  were  no  less  essential.  With  them  there  was 
no  question,  as  with  the  Frank  nobles  of  Syria,  of 
private  interest  or  family  advantage ;  they  had  no 
interest  but  to  justify  their  existence  by  preserving 
the  Holy  Land  from  the  Moslem  ;  unhampered  by 
personal  or  worldly  ties  they  were  free  and  eager  to 
prosecute  to  the  end  the  sacred  enterprise  which  they 
had  undertaken. 

If  it  be  asked  how  we  are  to  explain  the  only 
moderate  measure  of  success  which  they  achieved,  the 
answer  is  ready  to  hand.  The  field  was  already 
occupied  by  another  organisation.  The  co-existence 
of  the  feudal  and  hereditary  barons  of  Syria  with  these 
incorporated  bodies  of  new-come  adventurers  gave 
rise  to  perpetual  jealousies.  Yet,  further,  there  was 
th2  weakness  natural  to  the  twofold  organisation  of 
the  orders  them.selves.  In  theory  there  might  be  no 
antagonism  between  them,  and  the  Templar  might  be 
ordered  in  all  good  faith  to  rally  to  the  banner  of  the 
Hospital,  if  in  the  hour  of  defeat  his  own  failed  him. 
But  in  practice  there  could  not  but  be  a  rivalry 
between  the  two,  which  was  fatal  to  all  solidarity  of 
action.  Traces  of  this  rivalry  are  not  wanting  in  the 
earlier  period,  as  when  the  Templars  refused  to  sup- 
port Amalric's  Egyptian  policy  from  jealousy  at  the 
prime  part  which  the  master  of  the  Hospital  had 
taken  in  inspiring  it.  In  the  thirteenth  century  this 
feeling  of  rivalry  became  more  acute,  and  through  the 
absence  of  any  controlling  power  more  mischievous. 


ELEMENTS   OF  STRENGTH  AND    WEAKNESS.    iSj 

The  jealousies  of  the  two  orders  crippled  the  hands 
of  Richard  of  Cornwall  in  1240-41,  and  it  was  with 
difficulty  that  the  earl  could  keep  the  peace  between 
them.  In  1243  the  Templars  broke  the  truce  which 
Richard,  by  the  advice  of  the  Hospitallers,  had  made 
with  the  Sultan,  and  openly  attacking  their  rivals,  laid 
siege  to  them  in  Acre.  Yet,  again,  after  the  first 
Crusade  of  St.  Louis  the  ill-feeling  became  so  bitter 
that  in  1259  another  open  war  led  to  a  pitched  battle, 
in  which  the  Templars  were  disastrously  defeated. 
Mutual  rivalry  of  this  sort  was  not  less  mischievous 
than  the  ambition  and  treachery  with  which  both 
orders  were  freely  charged  by  their  opponents  ;  such 
accusations  are,  however,  most  noteworthy  as  evidence 
of  the  jealousy  with  which  the  knights  were  regarded 
by  the  native  nobles.  The  success  of  the  knights  of 
St.  John  at  Rhodes  is  sufficient  proof  of  what  the  two 
orders  might  have  achieved  under  happier  auspices. 
Even  as  things  were  it  was  chiefly  due  to  the  military 
orders  that  the  Latin  kingdom  did  in  any  sense  so 
long  survive  the  conquests  of  Saladin.  Their  partial 
ill-success  notwithstanding,  the  history  of  the  Knights 
of  the  Temple,  and  of  the  Hospital  of  St.  John  at 
Jerusalem,  must  always  afford  some  of  the  most  pic- 
turesque pages  in  mediaeval  history. 


XII. 


THE  KINGDOM    AT    ITS    ZENITH — FULK   OF    ANJOU. 

(1131-II43.) 

"  Princeps  potens  et  apud  suos  felicissimus." 

William  of  Tyre. 


FuLK  of  Anjou,  the  new  king  of  Jerusalem,  belonged 
to  one  of  the  most  powerful  families  in  Western  Europe. 
His  ancestors  during  two  centuries  had  been  capable 
warriors  and  statesmen,  the  most  prominent  of  all  being 
that  Fulk  the  Black  whose  numerous  pilgrimages 
have  been  alluded  to  in  a  previous  chapter.^  Fulk, 
the  King  of  Jerusalem,  was  great  grandson  of  Fulk 
the  Black,  and  son  of  Fulk  IV.  by  the  infamous 
Bertrada  de  Montfort,  who  forsook  her  lawful  husband 
for  Philip  I.  The  young  Fulk  became  Count  of  Anjou 
1109,  and  had  to  steer  a  difficult  path  through  the 
thick  of  the  Anglo-French  complications.  But 
actively  engaged,  though  he  was  in  temporal  politics, 
there  was  in  Fulk  a  strain  of  piety,  which  about  1 120 
led  him  to  make  a  pilgrimage  to   the    Holy  Land. 

^  See  chapter  i.  pp.  15-16. 
<S8 


CHARACTER   OF  FULR.  189 

There  he  must  have  been  among  the  very  first  of 
the  associates  ad  terminum  of  the  Templar  knights, 
to  whom  on  his  departure  he  granted  an  annual  sum 
of  thirty  pounds.  But  even  at  home  his  thoughts 
still  turned  towards  the  East,  and  his  secret  longings 
became  known  to  others,  so  that  Louis  VI.  was  led  to 
advocate  his  marriage  with  King  Baldwin's  daughter. 

Baldwin's  envoys  could  hardly  have  made  a  better 
choice.  Fulk  wg-s  a  warrior,  a  politician,  and  some- 
thin;^  of  a  saint ;  more  than  this  he  was  akin  to  many 
of  the  greatest  princes  of  Western  Europe.  His  two 
daughters  had  been  married,  one  to  the  ill-starred 
Atheling  William  who  perished  in  the  White  Ship, 
the  other,  Sibyl,  to  Theodoric  Count  of  Flanders  ; 
whilst  his  eldest  son  Geoffrey  became,  through  his 
marriage  to  the  ex-empress  Matilda,  the  father  of 
our  own  Henry  H. 

In  personal  appearance  Fulk  was,  like  David,  of 
a  ruddy  countenance,  but,  adds  William  of  Tyre, 
unlike  most  people  of  this  complexion,  affable,  kindly, 
and  compassionate.  His  chief  defect  was  a  weakness 
of  memory  so  marked  that  he  could  not  recollect  the 
names  of  his  own  servants,  and  would  ofien  offend 
his  familiar  friends  by  asking  who  they  were. 

The  early  years  of  Fulk's  reign  were  occupied 
with  the  affairs  of  Antioch,  where  even  in  her 
father's  lifetime  Baldwin's  daughter  Alice  had  after 
her  husband's  death  been  intriguing  to  secure  the 
principality  for  herself  Baldwin  had  forced  her  to 
content  herself  with  Laodicea,  but  she  now  resumed 
her  pretensions  with  the  support  of  Pons  of  Tripoli 
and  Joscelin  II.  of  Edessa.     The  nobles  of  Antioch 


190 


THE  KINGDOM  AT  ITS  ZENITH, 


appealed  to  Fulk  for  help  ;  whereupon  Pons  soon  came 
to  terms,  and  Antioch  was  placed  in  charge  of  Rainald 
Mansuer.  In  P'ebruary,  1133,  Fulk  was  again  called 
north  to  the  assistance  of  Pons,  who  was  besieged  by 
the  Turcomans  at  Mons  Ferrandus.  He  raised  the 
siege  and  defeated  the  marauders  near  H arena  The 
spoils  of  this  victory  sufficed  to  win  over  those  nobles, 
who  still  favoured  the  pretensions  of  Alice. 

It  was,  however,  necessary  to  find  a  settled  ruler 


SEAL   OF   PONS,    COUNT  OF   TRIPOLI, 


for  Antioch,  and  a  husband  for  its  princess,  a  girl  of 
six  or  seven.  After  due  consideration  Raymond  of 
Poiton,  younger  son  of  the  Crusading  Duke  William 
of  Aquitaine,  was  asked  to  wed  the  little  heiress, 
and  undertake  the  defence  of  her  lands.  Raymond 
accepted  without  hesitation,  and  set  out  for  Syria 
forthwith.  But  he  did  not  dare  to  travel  in  his  own 
name,  for  fear  of  Roger  King  of  Sicily,  who  fancied 
that  he  himself  had  claims  on  Antioch  ;  so  he  made 
his    way   through    Italy    disguised    as    a    common 


ANTIOCB  AND   TRIPOLI.  IQl 

traveller  walking  on  foot,  or  riding  on  pack-horses. 
He  reached  Syria  about  March,  1136,  but  not  even 
then  would  his  difficulties  have  been  at  an  end, 
but  for  the  craft  of  the  Patriarch  Ralph,  who 
persuaded  Alice  that  Raymond  was  destined  to  be 
her  own  husband,  and  thus  secured  him  a  free  entry 
into  Antioch. 

In  the  following  year  (1137)  Pons  of  Tripoli  was 
defeated  and  slain  by  the  Vizir  of  Damascus.  Zangi 
seized  the  opportunity,  burst  across  the  Orontes,  and 
laid  siege  to  Mons  Ferrandus.  The  young  Count 
Raymond  I.  appealed  for  aid  to  his  uncle  Fulk. 
Antioch  was  at  the  same  time  threatened  with  an 
attack  by  the  Emperor,  John  Comnenus.  Fulk 
determined  to  meet  the  nearer  danger ;  but  his  guides 
misled  him,  and  in  a  narrow  and  pathless  district 
of  the  mountains  he  was  utterly  defeated  by 
Zangi  (July,  1137).  The  young  Count  was  taken 
prisoner,  whilst  Fulk  with  a  few  companions  was 
shut  up  in  Mons  Ferrandus.  Generously  regardless 
of  his  own  danger  the  prince  of  Antioch  hurried 
up  at  the  news ;  the  Count  of  Edessa  followed, 
and  before  long  the  patriarch  appeared  with  the 
Holy  Cross.  Zangi  therefore  offered  the  king  a 
free  exit,  if  he  would  surrender  the  castle,  promising 
on  his  part  to  release  the  count.  Fulk  accepted  these 
terms,  and  the  allies  went  back  to  their  own  lands. 

Meantime   John  Comnenus  ^   had    invaded  Cilicia 

*  John  came,  of  course,  to  assert  his  suzerainty  over  Antioch,  and  it 
may  be  the  rest  of  Syria.  It  was  on  his  return  from  this  expedition 
that  Nicephorus  Briennius — Anna  Comnena's  husband,  who  figures  so 
larj^ely  in  Sir  Walter  Scott's  "  Count  Robert  of  Paris,"  as  the  lover  of 
the  Countess — died.     He  was  a  man  of  letters  as  well  as  a  military 


192  THE   KIN(^D0M  AT  ITS  ZENITH. 

with  a  large  army  ;  Tarsus,  Adana,  Mamistra,  and 
Anazarba  had  fallen  before  him,  and  now  he  would 
have  captured  Antioch  also,  had  not  Raymond  come 
to  terms  and  promised  to  do  him  fealty.  Next  spring 
the  Emperor,  the  Prince  of  Antioch,  and  the  Count 
of  Edessa  took  the  field  together.  The  united  armies 
laid  siege  to  Caesarea  on  the  Orontes;  but  as  the  Latin 
princes  spent  their  time  in  playing  at  dice  instead 
of  in  fighting,  John  abandoned  the  war  in  disgust  and 
withdrew  to  Antioch.  Entering  the  city  in  state  he 
demanded  that  the  citadel  should  be  placed  in  his 
hands.  Joscelin  begged  leave  to  consult  the  people, 
and  spread  the  news  throughout  the  city.  The  angry 
citizens  flew  to  arms,  and  in  alarm  at  the  uproar  the 
Emperor  withdrew  his  demand,  and  retired  to  Cilicia. 
Four  years  later  in  1 142  John  was  recaljed  to  Syria  by 
the  news  of  Zangi's  success  :  he  pitched  his  camp  high 
among  the  hills  of  Amanus,  whence  he  could  look  down 
on  Antioch,  and  sent  to  demand  the  surrender  of  the 
city.  Raymond  by  the  advice  of  his  council  refused  ; 
if  the  city  fell  back  into  Greek  hands,  it  would  soon  be 
lost  to  Christendom  as  had  so  often  happened  before. 
The  approach  of  winter  compelled  the  Emperor  to 
retire  to  Cilicia,  whence  he  sent  messengers  to  Fulk 
announcing  his  intention  to  visit  the  Holy  City  on 
a  pilgrimage.  What  might  have  happened  next  year 
is  uncertain  ;  but  fortunately  for  the  Latins  a  hunt- 
ing accident  caused  John's  death  in  April,  1143,  and 

leader  of  repute,  and  left  a  history  of  his  own  times  unfinished.  Anna 
took  up  her  pen  to  complete  the  work  thus  broken  short.  The  novel 
is,  of  course,  wrong  in  representinji;  her  as  reading  her  history  aloud  to 
Alexius  and  her  husband  in  1096-7.  She  was  then  probably  a  child  of 
ten;  certainly  she  was  not  over  seventeen  years  of  age. 


yOHN  COMNENUS  AND  RAYMOND   OF  ANTIOCtt.  I93 

Manuel  his  son  and  successor  for  the  time  abandoned 
his  father's  projects  in  Syria. 

A  few  words  will  suffice  to  sketch  the  later  fortunes 
of  Raymond.  Manuel  did  not  lonj  leave  him  un- 
molested, and  compelled  him  somewhat  reluctantly 
to  visit  Constantinople  and  renew  his  oath  of 
allegiance.  Afterwards  Raymond  played  a  promi- 
nent part  in  the  Second  Crusade,  to  the  failure  of 
which  his  folly  or  vices  in  some  degree  contributed. 
In  June,  1 149,  whilst  on  an  expedition  for  the  relief 
of  Enncb  near  Hazart,  he  was  induced  against  his 
better  judgment  to  pitch  his  camp  in  a  marshy  spot 
shut  in  by  hills.  His  fears  were  justified,  for  the 
Turks  surrounded  the  Prankish  camp  that  night 
and  Raymond  himself  was  slain.  Of  all  the  princes 
in  the  East  none  left  a  more  illustrious  name  than 
he.  A  Greek  legend  tells  how,  when  he  visited  the 
Temple  at  Jerusalem  in  diguise,  his  mighty  stature 
and  warlike  bearing  revealed  him  to  the  priests. 
Long  years  after  his  death  an  English  monk,  who 
had  once  served  in  his  army  told  William  of  New- 
burgh  that  the  Turks  dreaded  Raymond  as  equal 
to  two  hundred  of  their  own  soldiers.  By  his  death 
Antioch  was  left  to  the  rule  of  his  widow  Constance 
and  her  little  sop  Bohemond  III. 

Within  the  strict  limits  of  his  own  kingdom,  the 
chief  trouble  of  Fulk's  reign  was  a  domestic  one. 
Hugh  II.,  Count  of  Jaffa,  had  married  Emelota,  the 
niece  of  the  Patriarch  Arnulf,  and  widow  of  Eustace 
Grener.  He  thus  became  one  of  the  greatest  nobles 
of  the  kingdom,  whilst  his  comely  person,  high  birth, 
and  military  vigour  left  him  without  a  peer  in  the 

14 


194  ^^^  KINGDOM  AT  ITS  ZENITH, 

realm.  People  whispered  that  he  was  paying  too 
much  attention  to  the  queen ;  others  in  jealousy- 
accused  him  of  harbouring  rebellious  projects  against 
the  king.  At  length  his  own  step-son,  Walter,  Lord 
of  Caisarea,  accused  him  of  high  treason  in  the  royal 
court.  Hugh  challenged  his  accuser  to  single  combat, 
but  before  the  day  came  fled  for  refuge  to  Jaffa. 
This  conduct  was  taken  as  a  proof  of  guilt,  and  the 
court  condemned  him  in  his  absence.  Hugh  in 
indignation   took   ship   for   Ascalon,  and  demanded 


SEAL  OF   HUGH,    COUNT  OF  JAFFA. 

help  from  the  Egyptians  against  his  lord.  Heartened 
by  such  an  alliance  the  men  of  Ascalon  renewed 
their  predatory  raids,  whilst  Fulk  prepared  to  besiege 
Jaffa,  and  many  of  Hugh's  vassals,  Balian  of  Ibelin 
among  them,  threw  off  their  allegiance  to  the  count. 
However  the  Patriarch  William  soon  made  peace ; 
Hugh  was  to  submit  to  three  years'  exile,  but  before 
he  could  leave  the  kingdom  he  was  stabbed  whilst 
playing  dice  outside  an  inn  in  Jerusalem  (1132  A.D.). 
Rumour  at  once  declared  that  his  assailant  had  been 


HUGH   II.   OF  yAFFA.  I95 

suborned  by  the  king.  Fulk  to  clear  himself  had  the 
unhappy  wretch  ruthlessly  tortured  but  to  no  pur- 
pose. Hugh  recovered,  and  going  over-sea  died  in 
Apulia.  This  was  not  the  only  scandal  in  which 
the  queen  was  concerned  ;  but  Fulk  was  at  length 
reconciled  to  her,  and  lived  on  such  friendly  terms 
with  her  as  to  be  accused  of  uxoriousness. 

The  course  of  events  on  his  eastern  border  in- 
creased Fulk's  power  by  making  him  a  patron  instead 
of  an  enemy  of  Damascus.  The  famous  Ismailian 
Bahram  had  so  won  the  favour  of  Tughtakin,  that 
the  atabek  entrusted  him  with  the  strong  fortress  of 
Banias  or  Caesarea  Philippi.  There  he  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  adherent  Ismail,  whilst  on  Tughtakin's 
death  an  Ismailian  vizir  became  all-powerful  at 
Damascus  under  his  (Tughtakin's)  son  Buri.  The 
heretical  vizir,  hating  his  fellow  countrymen,  offered 
to  betray  Damascus  to  the  Franks  ;  but  the  plot  was 
discovered,  the  traitor  beheaded,  and  six  thousand 
of  his  supporters  massacred  in  Damascus  alone 
(September,  11 29).  Ismail  in  wrath  or  terror  sur- 
rendered Banias  to  the  Franks  and  took  refuge  in 
Jerusalem.  Three  years  later,  wheni.  Fulk  was 
in  the  thick  of  his  contest  with  Hugh  of  Jaffa, 
Shams-el-Muluk,  son  of  Buri,  and  atabek  of  Damas- 
cus, recovered 'the  fortress.  But  the  atabek  was  a 
weak  and  effeminate  ruler,  who  offended  his  sub- 
jects by  offering  to  surrender  the  city  to  Zangi. 
The  prince's  mother  then  had  her  son  murdered, 
and  when  Zangi  appeared  before  Damascus  he  was 
repulsed  by  one  of  Tughtakin's  Mamluks  called 
Anar.     Anar  became  vizir  for  another  of  Buri's  sons, 


196  THE  KINGDOM  AT  ITS  ZENITH, 

and  when  in  11 39  Zangi  again  pressed  Damascus 
hard,  he  turned  in  despair  to  the  Franks,  promising 
in  ^  return  for  their  aid  to  he^p  them  to  recover 
Banias.  The  bribe  took,  and  Zangi,  fearing  to 
meet  the  double  attack,  withdrew.  Anar  then 
joined  the  Franks  in  besieging  Banias  in  Ma}-, 
1 140.  Timber  was  brought  from  Damascus,  and 
before  long  a  huge  siege  castle  was  erected,  so  lofty 
that  in  the  chronicler's  quaint  words  "  the  folk  of 
Banias  seemed  to  fight  with  angels  rather  than  with 
men."  The  siege  was  not,  however,  ended  till  Anar's 
envoys  found  their  way  within  the  walls,  and  induced 
the  emir  to  surrender  by  the  promise  of  a  pension 
at  Damascus.  Banias  was  restored  to  its  old  lord, 
Renier  Brus,  and  was  made  the  see  of  a  Latin 
bishop. 

Fulk  died  on  November  13,  1143.  He  had  spent 
the  autumn  at  Acre,  where  one  day  as  he  rode  in  the 
country  his  followers  started  a  hare.  The  king  joined 
in  the  sport,  seized  a  lance,  and  rushed  in  pursuit. 
His  horse  stumbled,  and  as  Fulk  lay  on  the  ground 
the  heavy  saddle  struck  him  on  the  head.  He  was 
carried  back  to  Acre,  where  he  lingered  for  three  da\'s 
and  then  died.  Fulk  was  buried  in  the  Church  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre  at  Jerusalem,  on  the  right  hand  near 
the  entrance.  His  death  caused  great  mourning — 
the  more  so  perhaps  since  his  two  sons  were  but 
children — Baldwin,  aged  thirteen,  and  Amalric,  aged 
seven. 


XIII. 

ZANGI    AND    THE    FALL  OF   EDESSA. 
(1 1 30-1 149.) 

"  A  cry  that  shivered  to  the  tingling  stars." 

Tennyson. 


FULK  had  been  a  successful  ruler  of  his  little 
kingdom,  and  had  well  maintained  if  he  had  not 
indeed  extended  its  power.  Yet  his  reign  had 
witnessed  a  slow  though  momentous  change  that 
was  pregnant  with  disaster  for  the  Franks.  One  by 
one  the  Mohammedan  lords  on  the  Orontes  and 
Euphrates  had  acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  the 
Viceroy  at  Mosul,  and  abandoned  their  mutual 
discords.  This  unification  of  the  power  of  the 
Mussulmans,  which  was  the  first  step  towards 
stemming  the  tide  of  Latin  conquest,  was  mainly 
the  work  of  one  man,  Zangi,  the  atabek  of  Mosul. 

Imad-ed-din  Zangi  was  the  son  of  a  favourite 
counsellor  of  Malek  Shah,  who  became  lord  of 
Aleppo,  and  fell  fighting  for  his  master's  son. 
Zangi   was  but  ten  years  old  at  his  father's  death, 


ig8  ZANGI  AND    THE   FALL   OF  ED  ESS  A. 

and  fought  his  first  campaigns  against  the  Franks 
in  the  service  of  Maudud,  with  whom  he  was 
present  at  the  great  battle  near  Tiberias,  when  he 
rode  up  to  the  very  gate  of  the  city  and  struck  it 
with  his  lance.  Afterwards  he  entered  the  service  of 
Mahmud,  who  made  him  his  agent  at  Bagdad  and 
Irak,  and  on  the  death  of  El-Borsoki  promoted  him 
to  be  governor  of  Mosul  (i  127  A.D.). 

At  this  time  the  Mohammedans  were  in  the  very 
depths  of  despair.  "The  Franks,"  says  an  Arabic 
writer,  "  were  spread  far  and  wide  ;  their  troops  were 
numerous  and  their  hands  extended  as  if  to  seize  all 
Islam.  Day  after  day  their  raids  followed  one 
another ;  through  these  they  did  the  Mussulmans 
much  mischief,  smiting  them  with  desolation  and 
ruin.  Thus  was  the  happy  star  of  the  Mussulmans 
darkened,  the  sky  of  their  puissance  cloven  in  twain, 
and  the  sun  of  their  prosperity  dimmed."  ..."  The 
Frankish  possessions  stretched  from  Mardin  and 
Chabakhtan  to  El-Arish  on  the  Egyptian  frontier, 
with  hardly  a  break,  except  for  a  (ew  strong  cities, 
such  as  Aleppo,  Emesa,  Hamah,  and  Damascus. 
Their  incursions  were  pushed  as  far  as  Diar-bekr, 
and  the  district  round  Amida  ;  they  spared  neither 
those  who  believed  in  the  unity  of  God  nor  those 
who  denied  it.  From  Upper  Mesopotamia  to  Nisibis 
and  Ras  Ain  they  robbed  the  folk  of  money  and 
of  goods ;  at  Harran  they  weighed  down  the  in- 
habitants with  scorn  and  oppression.  In  their 
misery  men  longed  for  death.  Commerce  was 
interrupted,  and  the  roads  to  Damascus  save  that 
which     passed     by    Rakka     and     the     desert     left 


DESPAIR   OF   THE   MOHAMMEDANS.  IQQ 

deserted.  Even  those  towns  not  actually  conquered 
had  to  pay  tribute  in  return  for  their  freedom. 
Prankish  agents  visited  Damascus  itself,  passed  the 
slave  markets  in  review,  and  set  free  all  Christian 
captives  from  Asia  Minor,  Armenia,  and  elsewhere." 
It  was  Zangi's  destiny  to  change  all  this  ;  to  inspire 
his  people  with  courage;  to  lead  then>'to  their  first 
successes,  and  thus  to  pave  the  way  for  his  son's 
conquest  of  Egypt,  and  for  his  third  successor's 
conquest  of  Jerusalem.  To  Mohammedans  of  a 
later  generation  it  seemed  as  though  Zangi  were 
God's  special  servant  chosen  by  Him  to  accomplish 
the  protection  of  His  people. 

Zangi's  first  conquests  were  against  his  Mo- 
hammedan rivals ;  for  he  could  not  attack  the 
Franks  till  he  had  vindicated  the  authority  of 
Mosul  over  the  lands  east  of  the  Euphrates.  After 
establishing  himself  firmly  in  Mosul  he  captured 
first  Jezirat  -  ibn  -  Omar,  and  then  Nisibis  and 
Sinjar.  After  this*  he  determined  to  secure  his 
position  on  the  Orontes,  and  turned  his  attention 
towards  Aleppo. 

At  this  time  Aleppo  was  so  weak  that  its  inhabi- 
tants paid  half  their  revenue  to  the  Franks  down  to 
a  mill  hardly  twenty  paces  from  the  town.  Zangi 
entered  on  possession  of  Aleppo  in  June,  1128,  next 
year  he  took  Hamah,  and  in  11 30  began  his  warfare 
with  the  Franks  by  the  conquest  of  Athareb,  a 
frontier  fortress  which,  says  Ibn  El-Athir,  "  held  the 
Moliammcdans  as  it  were  by  the  throat."  According 
to  the  later  legend  when  Kin^  Bal  Iwi  1  heard  of  the 
siege  he  called  his  council  together.     Some  thought- 


200 


ZANGI  AND   THE   FALL   OF  EDESSA. 


less  warriors  made  light  of  the  new  danger.  One, 
however,  took  a  different  view.  "  Was  not  this  the 
young  warrior  who  had  ridden  up  to  the  gate  of 
Tiberias  ?  Had  we  not  better  scatter  his  forces  before 
they  grow  great  ?  "  These  words  decided  Baldwin 
to  relieve  Athareb.  Zangi  advanced  to  meet  his 
enemy.      The    issue    was    never    doubtful.      **  The 


FIGHT  OF  CRUSADERS   WITH   SARACENS. 


swords  of  God,"  in  Ibn  El-Athir's  expressive  words, 
'*  found  their  scabbards  in  the  necks  of  His  foes." 
Zangi  waded  through  a  sea  of  blood,  trampling  down 
the  Franks  ;  this  victory  was  followed  by  the  capture 
of  Athareb. 

Zangi's    successes    were    not,    however,    achieved 
except  in  the  face  of  great  disadvantages.     In  1129 


RISE   OF  ZANGI.  201 

he  had  to  contend  against  a  riv^al  Dubais,  who 
sought  to  become  Emir  of  Mosul.  Two  years  later 
the  disputed  succession  to  the  sultanate  involved 
him  in  a  series  of  conflicts  which  occupied  most  of 
his  time  for  twelve  years  to  come.  In  1133  he  was 
besieged  for  three  months  in  Mosul,  and  it  was  not 
till  1 143  that  he  finally  made  his  peace  with  Mah- 
mud's  brother  Masud. 

By  that  time  Zangi  was  the  most  powerful  chief  in 
Islam.  After  many  failures  he  had  made  himself 
supreme  on  the  Tigris,  whilst  as  lord  of  the  Orontes, 
he  was  ready  to  take  the  field  against  the  Franks. 
The  course  of  events  soon  gave  him  a  favourable 
opportunity  for  the  great  work  which  he  had  so  long 
contemplated — the  recovery  of  Edessa. 

Zangi's  greatest  opponent  had  been  Joscelin  de 
Courtenay,  Count  of  Edessa,  a  kinsman  of  Baldwin 
du  Bourg,  who  had  endowed  him  with  the  rich  fief 
of  Tell -basher.  Afterwards,  for  some  offence,  he  was 
deprived  of  his  loidship,  but  in  11 18  Baldwin  gave 
him  back  his  old  fief,  and  made  him  Count  of  Edessa 
also.  From  this  moment  his  life  was  one  of  restless 
activity,  his  ravages  extended  southwards  to  Aleppo 
and  Manbij  ;  and  eastwards  as  far  as  Nisibis, 
Amida,  and  Rakka.  His  name  became  a  terror  in 
Mohammedan  lands,  so  that  an  Arabic  writer  calls 
him,  "A  Satan  among  the  infidels."  After  a  life  of 
war  and  turmoil  he  lost  his  life  as  a  warrior  should 
in  warfare.  As  he  lay  on  his  sick-bed  he  learnt  that 
the  Sultan  of  Iconium  was  besieging  Cresson.^     His 

*  Now  Ke9oun  in  the  Taurus,  to  the  east  of  M^rash,  and  near  the 
niodern  Bchcsnj. 


202  Z  AN  G I  AND    THE   FALL   OF  ED  ESS  A. 

son  was  too  cowardly  or  too  sluggish  to  venture  out 
against  so  vast  a  host,  and  Joscelin,  angered  at  such 
pusillanimity,  had  himself  carried  to  the  war  on  a 
litter.  The  Sultan  retreated  at  the  rumour  of  his 
coming ;  the  dying  count  returned  thanks  to  heaven 
for  having  made  him  a  terror  to  the  infidel  even  in 
the  gates  of  death.  This  was  about  1 1 3 1  ;  the  count 
was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Joscelin  II.,  a  warrior  of 
whom  even  Christian  writers  have  but  little  good  to 
say.  Joscelin  II.  had  something  of  his  father's  valour, 
but  was  given  to  wantonness  and  luxury,  and  though 
capable  of  vigorous  action  at  times,  preferred  a  life  of 
ease  to  one  of  war.  So  he  abandoned  the  hardships 
of  Edessa  for  the  comfort  and  pleasure  of  Tell-basher. 
The  other  Latin  warriors  followed  his  example,  and 
Edessa  was  left  to  the  unwarlike  Armenians,  and 
a  few  Latin  merchants.  The  town  was  strongly 
fortified,  but  for  security  its  peaceful  inhabitants 
trusted  to  ill-paid  mercenaries.  "  Thus,"  says  William 
of  Tyre,  "Joscelin  lost  the  whole  region  his  father 
had  ruled  so  well." 

The  defenceless  state  of  Edessa  gave  Zangi  his 
opportunity.  After  a  siege  of  twenty-eight  days,  the 
town  was  captured  on  December  14,  1144.  A  pro- 
miscuous slaughter  ensued,  which  raged  till  Zangi 
gave  orders  to  sheath  the  sword.  But  even  then  he 
spared  the  Armenians  only  ;  all  the  Frank  prisoners 
were  butchered  before  Zangi's  eyes,  and  their  wives 
and  children  carried  into  captivity.  The  citadel 
held  out  for  a  few  days,  till  want  of  water  forced 
it  to  surrender.  A  garrison  was  placed  in  the 
conquered  town,  and    Zangi    passed    on    to   capture 


MOHAMMEDAN  CONQUESTS.  203 

the  other  Prankish  towns  of  Upper  Mesopo- 
tamia. 

Zangi  did  not  h've  to  reap  the  fruits  of  his  great 
conquest  For  two  years  later,  in  September,  1 146, 
as  he  was  besieging  Jaber,  some  of  his  own  Mam- 
luks  stabbed  him  while  he  lay  asleep  in  his  tent. 
One  who  was  there  told  the  father  of  Ibn  El-Athir 
how  he  entered  the  tent  and  found  his  lord  still  alive. 
"  On  catching  sight  of  me  he  fancied  I  was  come  to 
give  the  last  blow,  and  lifted  his  forefinger  as  if  to 
beg  for  mercy.  As  for  me  I  stopped  short,  crying 
out,  *  Oh,  my  master,  who  has  done  this  ? '  He  had 
no  strength  to  answer,  and  at  that  very  moment  he 
breathed  his  last."  Of  Zangi's  three  sons,  Nur-ed- 
din  succeeded  him  at  Aleppo,  and  Sayf-ed-din  at 
Mosul. 

Zangi's  conquests  paved  the  way  for  the  future 
successes  of  Nur-ed-din  and  Saladin.  He  was  the 
first  Mussulman  chief  to  win  any  permanent  success 
against  the  Franks ;  and  under  his  rule  the  Orontes 
valley  became  united  against  the  invader.  The  con- 
trast between  the  country  as  he  found  it,  and  as  he 
left  it,  cannot  be  better  stated  than  in  the  words  of 
one  who  himself  remembered  the  misery  of  the  days 
before  his  coming.  Ibn  El-Athir's  father  had  seen 
Mosul  in  ruins  so  that  a  traveller  might  stand  in  the 
centre  of  the  town  without  seeing  a  single  occupied 
house ;  under  Zangi  it  became  one  of  the  most 
prosperous  of  Mohammedan  towns.  Zangi  had 
reduced  the  Ortokid  ^  princes  to  his  rule,  established 

*  The  descendants  of  Ortok  {seep.  21),  who  had  established  them- 
selves at  Hisn  Keifa,  Mardin,  and  other  places  in  Upper  Mesopotamia. 


204  ZANGI  AND   THE   FALL   OF  EDESSA. 

order  at  Aleppo,  and  made  his  authority  paramount 
at  Hamah,  Emesa,  and  even  at  Damascus.  He  had 
taken  many  Prankish  strongholds  ;  last  of  all  he  had 
made  the  conquest  of  conquests  when  he  wrested 
Edessa,  "the  eye  of  Upper  Mesopotamia,"  from  the 
invader.  The  Franks,  who,  at  his  accession,  took 
tribute  from  Aleppo,  and  ravaged  as  far  as  Mardin 
and  Nisibis,  were  driven  back,  and  forced  to  act  on 
the  defensive,  while  prosperity  once  more  began  to 
smile  upon  the  Mohammedans. 

There  were  many  noble  features  in  Zangi's  cha- 
racter; he  was  a  valiant  soldier,  an  able  general, 
and  a  wise  statesman  ;  his  worst  fault  was  a 
tendency  to  trickery  and  falsehood.  As  a  ruler  his 
subjects  marvelled  at  his  care  for  all  matters,  great 
or  small,  and  the  untiring  activity,  which  seemed  to 
make  him  know  things  almost  before  they  happened. 
To  his  subordinates  he  was  a  severe  disciplinarian : 
"  There  must  be  but  one  tyrant  in  my  lands,"  he  used 
to  say.  He  was  indeed  feared  with  a  mortal  terror : 
once  he  found  a  boatman  sleeping  at  his  post,  the 
man  awoke  from  his  slumbers  to  meet  the  gaze  of 
the  atabek,  and  the  sight  so  overcame  him  that  he 
fell  down  dead. 

The  immediate  result  of  Zangi's  great  conquest 
was  to  rouse  the  princes  of  the  West  to  undertake 
the  Second  Crusade.  The  story  of  that  enterprise  will 
be  told  in  another  place,  but  the  later  fortunes  of 
Count  Joscelin  and  of  Edessa  form  the  fitting  sequel 
to  the  events  just  described. 

In  November,  1146,  at  the  invitation  of  the 
Armenians  of  Edessa,  Count  Joscelin  made  a  night 


FATE   OF  yoSCELIN  II,  205 

attack  whilst  the.  Turkish  garrison  slept.  The  city 
was  taken  with  little  difficulty,  but  the  citadel 
held  out  till  Nur-ed-din  came  to  their  assistance. 
Joscelin  then  determined  on  retreat,  and  the  citizens, 
rather  than  face  the  vengeance  of  Nured-din, 
resolved  to  share  his  fortunes.  As  they  filed  through 
the  gates  the  Turks  from  the  citadel  fell  upon  them 
in  the  rear,  whilst  Nur-ed-din's  army  barred  all 
progress  in  front.  The  slaughter  was  terrible  ; 
only  those  Armenians  escaped  whose  bodily  vigour 
or  swift  steeds  enabled  them  to  keep  up  with  the 
Prankish  host.  Among  the  slain  was  Baldwin  of 
Marash,  one  of  the  few  Prankish  chiefs,  who  had  won 
the  love  of  their  Armenian  subjects  ;  Joscelin  him- 
self escaped  to  Samosata. 

Somewhat  later,  probably  towards  the  end  of  1149, 
during  a  fresh  attempt  on  Edessa,  Joscelin  fell  into 
the  hands  of  Nur-ed-din's  viceroy  at  Aleppo.  Nur- 
ed-din had  a  deadly  grudge  against  the  count,  who 
had  sent  the  armour  of  Nur-ed-din's  squire  to 
Masud  of  Iconium,  hinting  that  this  gift  should 
soon  be  followed  by  that  of  the  atabek  himself. 
By  Nur-ed-din's  orders  Joscelin  was  blinded,  and 
left  to  languish  in  a  dungeon  at  Aleppo,  till  his 
death  nine  years  later. 

Joscelin's  captivity  was  speedily  followed  by  the 
loss  of  all  that  remained  of  his  once  prosperous 
county.  In  the  expressive  words  of  William  of 
Tyre,  Edessa  was  ground  between  the  upper  and 
nether  millstone.  Masud  of  Iconium  had  taken 
Marash  in  September,  1149,  and  made  further 
conquests  during  the  next  few  years.     By  a  bargain 


206  ZANGI  AND   THE  FALL   OF  EDESSA. 

more  nominal  than  real,  the  Franks  l^.anded  over 
their  last  possessions  in  Edessa  to  the  Greeks, 
Joscelin's  wife  and  children  taking  refuge  at 
Antioch.  It  was  not  long  before  the  Greeks  lost 
these  acquisitions  to  Nur-ed-din,  and  in  1154  that 
prince  put  the  crown  to  his  father's  work  by  the 
capture  of  Damascus.  Henceforth  Aleppo  and 
Damascus  were  subject  to  one  lord,  and  the  first 
effectual  step  towards  the  conquest  of  the  Latin 
kingdom  was  accomplished. 


XIV. 


THE  SECOND  CRUSADE. 
(II46-II49.) 

**  Poi  seguitai  lo  'mperador  Currado, 
Ed  ei  mi  cinse  della  sua  milizia 
Tanto  per  bene  oprar  gli  vienni  a  grado." 

Dante,  Paradiso^  xv. 

(**Then  I  followed  the  Emperor  Conrad,  and  he  belted  me  of 
his  soldiery,  so  high  in  his  favour  did  I  come  by  good  works.") 


The  fall  of  Edessa  was  a  keen  reproach  to  the 
princes  of  the  West,  who,  as  Otto  of  Freisingen  com- 
plains,, were  wasting  their  strength  in  internecine 
slaughter  whilst  the  very  existence  of  the  Holy  Land 
was  threatened  by  the  pagans.  The  evil  tidings 
were  brought  by  some  Armenian  bishops  to  Pope 
Eugenius  at  Viterbo ;  but  though,  his  letters  to 
Louis  VII.  and  the  nobles  of  France,  and  his  renewal 
of  the  old  privileges  granted  to  Crusaders  by  Urban 
II.  had  their  due  effect,  the  eloquence  of  the  great 
St.  Bernard  of  Clairvaux  was  by  far  the  most  potent 

agent  in  bringing  about  the  Second  Crusade. 

207 


208  THE   SECOND  CRUSADE, 

Bernard  was  now  in  the  very  height  of  his  fame, 
being  about  fifty-four  years  old.  He  liad  long  taken 
a  special  interest  in  the  Latin  kingdom  of  Jerusalem, 
and  had  corresponded  with  Queen  Melisend.  His 
uncle  was  a  Knight  Templar,  and  eventually  Grand 
Master  of  that  order,  for  which  Bernard  himself  drew 
up  a  code  of  rules.  The  third  son  of  a  Burgundian 
noble,  he  had  devoted  himself  from  boyhood  to  holy 
living  and  study,  stedfastly  resisting  all  the  efforts 
of  his  elder  brothers  to  divert  his  mind  to  secular 
pursuits.  More  than  this,  he  induced  his  haughty 
brothers  one  after  another  to  forsake  the  world,  so 
that  at  last  the  youngest,  Nivard,  was  left  alone  in 
his  father's  house.  His  eldest  brother,  Guido,  saw 
the  lad  playing  with  his  comrades,  and  thinking  sadly 
of  an  almost  extinct  house,  bade  him  remember  that 
he  was  now  sole  heir  of  their  father's  lands.  "  Heaven 
for  you,  and  earth  for  me,"  cried  Nivard,  "  that  is 
not  a  fair  division  ; "  and  a  little  later  he  too  followed 
his  brothers'  example.  At  twenty-three  Bernard 
became  a  monk  at  Citeaux  under  Stephen  Harding, 
who  presently  made  him  abbot  of  the  newly  founded 
monastery  of  Clairvaux.  His  fame  for  sanctity  and 
learning  so  increased  that  when  Innocent  and 
Anacletus  were  contending  for  the  Papacy  it  was 
Bernard's  influence  that  decided  the  French  pre- 
lates in  favour  of  the  former  claimant.  Nor  was  he 
less  eminent  in  the  intellectual  than  in  the  practical 
world ;  he  refuted  the  heresies  of  Abelard  and  of 
Gilbert  de  la  Porree,  and  reformed  the  still  more 
dangerous  Henrician  apostacy  in  Southern  France. 
With  his  marvellous  eloquence,  strong  practical  turn 


BERNARD  OF  CLAIRVAUX, 


209 


of  mind,  and  religious  enthusiasm  he  was  the  very 
man  to  be  the  apostle  of  a  new  Crusade. 

The  weight  of  Bernard's  influence  enrolled  in  the 
service  of  the  Cross  two  princes  of  the  first  rank — 
Louis  VII.  of  Fr-^nce  and  Conrad  III.  of  Germany. 
Louis  was  now  about  twenty-five  years  old.     With 


SEAL  OF  LOUIS  VIL 

his  father,  Louis  the  Fat,  the  house  of  Capet  had 
begun  to  show  some  signs  of  real  kingly  power,  and 
by  his  own  recent  marriage  with  Eleanor  of  Aqui- 
taine  the  young  Louis  had  brought  that  important 
duchy  under  the  direct  rule  of  the  French  king. 
Louis  VIL,  like  his  great  grandson  Louis  IX.,  was 


210  THE   SECOND   CRUSADE, 

a  man  of  pious  disposition.  Two  considerations  of 
religion  quickened  him  to  undertake  the  Crusade : 
first,  his  brotherly  anxiety  to  perform  the  pilgrimage 
vowed  by  his  dead  brother  Philip ;  secondly,  his 
remorse  for  his  sacrilege  at  Vitry,  where,  during  the 
war  with  Theobald  of  Champagne,  he  had  set  fire — • 
to  the  church  and  so  caused  the  death  of  thirteen 
hundred  unoffending  people.  "" 

Conrad  III.  was  the  grandson  of  Henry  IV.  and 
nephew  of  Henry  V.  He  was  in  Palestine  when  his 
uncle  died  in  1 125,  and  on  his  return  found  the 
throne  occupied  by  Lothair,  Duke  of  Saxony.  With 
his  brother  Frederic,  Duke  of  Swabia,  he  rebelled 
against  the  new  king;  but  after  a  time  a  reconcilia- 
tion was  effected  by  Bernard  of  Clairvaux.  In  11 38 
he  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  Germany ;  but  his 
reign  was  much  troubled  by  a  feud  between  Leopold 
of  Austria  and  Welf  of  Bavaria  ;  and  at  the  very 
moment  when  he  promised  to  join  in  the  Second 
Crusade  he  was  surrounded  by  difficulties  in  Bavaria, 
Poland,  Hungary,  and  Lorraine. 

In  the  spring  of  1 146  a  great  council  was  held  at 
Vezelay,  where  Louis  took  the  cross  from  Bernard's 
hands,  and  as  there  was  no  room  within  the  fortress 
showed  himself  to  the  people,  with  the  cross  upon  his 
breast,  from  a  wooden  tower  erected  in  the  plain  out- 
side. BeriTard,  by  his  oratory,  so  moved  his  hearers, 
that  he  had  to  tear  up  his  own  robes  in  order  to 
satisfy  their  demand  for  crosses.  From  Vezelay 
Bernard  passed  into  Germany,  preaching  as  he  went ; 
miracles  dogged  his  steps  ;  for  the  blind  saw,  the 
deaf   heard,   and   the    lame   walked   when   Bernard 


LOUIS  AND   CONRAD,  211 

signed  them  wiih  the  Holy  Cross.  At  Christmas  he 
came  to  Spires  where  the  king  was  holding  his  mid- 
winter council.  Conrad  had  declared  that  he  had  no 
mind  for  the  Holy  War ;  but  in  a  sermon  on  Christ- 
mas-day Bernard  boldly  renewed  his  call.  In  another 
sermon  two  days  later  he  pictured  the  great  king 
standing  before  the  judgment-seat  of  Christ,  Who 
asked  :  "  Oh,  man,  how  have  /  failed  in  ought  of  my 
duty  towards  t/iee  ? "  Then  as  Bernard  dwelt  on 
Conrad's  riches  and  power,  the  king  at  last  burst 
into  tears  and  declared  himself  ready  to  do  the 
Lord's  service  wherever  the  Lord  should  call  him. 
Hardly  had  Conrad  spoken  when  the  whole  con- 
course took  up  the  cry  of  "  Praise  to  God."  Bernard 
was  not  the  man  to  lose  his  opportunity.  He  signed 
the  king  upon  the  spot,  and  taking  down  a  banner 
from  above  the  altar,  entrusted  it  to  Conrad  to  carry 
in  the  army  of  God. 

Louis  meantime  had  made  great  preparations,  and 
after  some  negotiations  with  Roger  of  Sicily,  had 
decided  to  journey  by  land,  much  to  that  prince's  dis- 
gust. At  Whitsuntide,  1 147,  the  Pope  gave  the  pious 
king  his  pilgrim  scrip,  and  placed  in  his  hands  the 
famous  banner  of  St.  Denys,  "  under  whose  protection 
the  kings  of  France  were  always  victorious."  The 
French  mustered  at  Metz,  where  they  were  joined  by 
the  English  and  Normans  under  Bishop  Arnulf  of 
Lisieux.  Louis  made  an  elaborate  code  for  the 
governance  of  his  host,  as  to  which  Odo  of  Deuil 
remarks,  "  I  will  not  set  it  down  on  paper  since  it 
was  not  kept." 

Conrad,  with  whom  went   his  nephew  Frederick, 


^12  THE   SECOND   CRUSADE. 

the  future  emperor,  had  started  from  Ratisbon  with- 
out waiting  for  Louis,  at  the  end  of  April,  1147.  His 
vast  army  kept  little  or  no  military  order,  and  after 
entering  the  Eastern  Empire  its  progress  was  hardly 
more  than  a  drunken  rout.  Provisions  were  seized 
without  payment,  and  since  Conrad  could  give 
no  redress  the  Greeks  retaliated  by  cutting  off  the 
drunken  stragglers.  Whilst  Conrad  lay  encamped 
between  Adrianople  and  the  Byzantine  capital,  a 
sudden  flood  in  the  river  Melas  swept  away  his  tents 
and  drowned  thousands  of  his  men.  Manuel  offered 
his  sympathy,  and  anxious  to  be  rid  of  his  unwelcome 
guests  urged  them  to  cross  the  Bosphorus  without 
delay.  But  Conrad  was  bent  on  seeing  the  wonders 
of  Constantinople,  and  urged  on  for  the  capital ; 
there  he  encamped  in  the  suburbs,  but  though  the 
national  jealousy  broke  into  open  war  he  did  not 
dare  to  attack  so  strong  a  city.  After  much  bickering 
the  Crusading  host  at  length  crossed  the  Bosphorus, 
and  Conrad  then  humbled  himself  so  far  as  to  beg 
guides  of  the  Byzantine  emperor. 

The  journey  through  Asia  Minor  was  one  long 
disaster.  Greek  and  French  writers  alike  charge 
Manuel  with  treachery ;  Nicetas  says  that  he  had 
ordered  chalk  to  be  mingled  with  the  flour  supplied 
to  the  Crusaders,  and  cheated  them  by  the  use  of 
base  coin  ;  now  he  also  stirred  up  the  Turks 
against  them,  whilst  his  guides  first  misled  and  then 
abandoned  them.  The  Crusaders  found  themselves 
with  no  alternative  between  famine  and  ^eath,  or 
"retrccCt:  Slowly  and  painfully  they  retraced  their 
steps,  whilst  the  Turkish  hordes  pressed  close  upon 


STATUE   OF  CONRAD   III. 


214  THE   SECOND    CRUSADE, 

their  rear.  Odo,  as  he  calls  to  mind  how  the  swarms 
of  unarmed  pilgrims  clogged  the  progress  of  the  host, 
laments  that  the  Pope,  when  he  forbade  them  to 
take  dogs  or  falcons  with  them,  had  not  ordered  the 
weak  to  stay  at  home,  and  the  hale  to  exchange  their 
staves  for  bows.  Conrad  was  himself  wounded  twice 
by  arrows ;  and  perhaps  barely  one  tenth  of  his 
followers  found  their  way  back  to  Nicaea. 
y^  Meanwhile  Louis  had  been  following  close  in 
\  Conrad's  footsteps.  Odo  of  Deuil,  who  was  in 
Louis'  company,  complains  that  "  the  Germans  who 
preceded  us  had  disturbed  everything,  and  on  this 
account  the  Greeks  fled  from  our  army."  Everywhere 
there  were  tokens  of  Greek  distrust ;  the  city  gates 
were  closed,  and  provisions  let  down  from  the  walls 
by  ropes,  with  baskets  into  which  the  purchasers  had 
to  place  their  price. 

Louis,  like  Conrad,  would  tarry  in  Europe  to  see 
Constantinople.     Had    he   been   of   an    adventurous ; 
disposition    he  might   have   anticipated    the    Fourth . 
Crusade.      For    Roger   of  Sicily   was   at   war   with  i 
Manuel,  and  there  were  not  wanting  French  nobles  \ 
to  counsel  immediate  war  with  the  Emperor,  who  wasj 
said  to  have  concluded  a  twelve  years'  peace  with  thei 
Turks.     "  The  walls  of  the  city,"  urged  the  Bishop  ol ! 
Langres,  "are  very  weak;    the  people  are  a  feeble j 
folk  ;  the  Emperor  has  never  scrupled  to  make  war! 
upon  the  Christian  princes  of  Antioch  ;  were  Con- 1 
stantinople  once  fallen  there  would  be  fittle  need  for 
further  activity."     Louis,  however,  refused  such  trea- 
cherous advice  and  made  friends  with  Manuel.     The 
two   princes,  says   Odo,  "became  as  brothers,"  and 


MANUEL  AND    THE   CRUSADERS.  2I5 

Manuel  acted  as  Louis'  guide  when  he  visited  the 
churches  of  Constantinople. 

But  when  at  last  the  Bosphorus  was  crossed,  diffi- 
culties arose.  Manuel  would  furnish  no  guides  till 
Louis  and  his  barons  did  him  homage ;  the  French 
king  conceded  the  point,  and  then  started  for  Nicaea. 
Here  he  heard  of  Conrad's  disaster,  and,  grieving  for 
his  misfortune  as  though  it  were  his  own,  went  out  to 
meet  the  Emperor.  The  combined  armies  agreed  to 
bear  one  another  company  along  the  coast ;  after 
a  toilsome  march  they  reached  Ephesus,  where 
messengers  from  Manuel  overtook  them  with  the 
news  that  the  Turks  were  gathering  to  oppose  their 
progress. 

This  news  determined  Conrad  to  return  and  winter 
at  Constantinople.  Louis,  however,  continued  his 
march,  and,  after  spending  Christmas  in  the  valley 
of  Decervion,  pushed  on  over  the  snow-covered  hills,- 
and  across  the  swollen  stream  towards  Laodicea. 
The  passage  of  the  Maeander  was  triumphantly 
forced,  and  the  French  marched  through  Laodicea  in 
high  spirits.  But  only  two  days  beyond  that  town 
the  Crusaders  met  with  their  greatest  disaster.  A 
precipitous  range  of  hills,  "  whose  summit  appeared 
to  touch  the  heavens,  whilst  the  torrent  at  its  base 
seemed  to  descend  to  hell,"  barred  their  way.  By  a 
fatal  error  the  van,  under  Geoffrey  de  Rancogne  and 
Amadeus  of  Savoy,  the  king's  uncle,  instead  of  halt- 
ing on  the  ridge,  descended  to  pitch  their  tents  on 
the  southern  slope.  The  Turks,  and  even  Greeks, 
who  thronged  the  heights  above,  sent  down  a  hail 
of  arrows,  which  swept  the  sumpter-horses  into  the 


2l6  THE   SECOND   CRUSADE, 

abyss  below.  The  pass  was  choked  by  an  unarmed 
crowd,  which,  cut  off  in  front  and  in  the  rear,  was 
mercilessly  massacred.  Louis,  with  a  noble  disregard 
for  his  own  life,  strove  to  come  to  their  assistance  ; 
but  not  having  proposed  to  cross  the  pass  till  next 
day,  he  had  only  a  few  nobles  with  him,  and  was 
hopelessly  outnumbered.  "  I,"  says  Odo,  "  who,  being 
a  mopk,  could  do  notliing  but  call  upon  the  Lord, 
and  urge  others  to  fight,  was  sent  to  carry  this  news 
to  the  camp."  Geoffrey  in  vain  endeavoured  to 
return,  whilst  Louis,  hampered  with  the  crowd  of 
panic-stricken  pilgrims,  could  do  nothing  in  the 
rocky  way,  where  the  heavy  horses  and  long  lances 
of  his  knights  were  of  no  avail.  From  the  safe 
security  of  the  hills  the  Turks  still  poured  down  the 
deadly  storm  of  stones  and  trunks  of  trees.  Louis 
himself  only  saved  his  life  by  seizing  on  to  the  roots 
of  a  tree,  and  so  scaling  the  summit  of  a  rock.  There 
he  kept  his  assailants  at  bay,  until,  not  knowing  who 
he  was,  they  drew  off  at  dusk  to  seek  an  easier  prey. 

Next  morning  a  doleful  spectacle  appeared.  It 
seemed  the  death-blow  of  the  whole  Crusade  :  "  The 
flower  of  France  had  withered  away  before  it  could 
ripen  into  fruit  at  Damascus."  The  loss  of  baggage 
reduced  many  of  the  rich  men  to  poverty,  and  the 
clamour  against  Geoffrey  de  Rancogne  rose  to  such  a 
height  that  he  would  have  been  hanged  had  not  the 
king's  uncle  shared  his  fault.  Louis  did  what  he 
could  to  reorganise  his  army,  and,  resuming  the 
march,  reached  Attaleia  on   February  2nd. 

From  Attaleia  Louis  made  his  way  to  Antioch 
by  sea  ;   before   starting  he  agreed    with  the  Greek 


DISASTERS   IN  ASIA   MINOR.  21/ 

governor  for  the  safe  conduct  of  the  mass  of  the 
pilgrims  by  land  to  Tarsus,  Needless  to  say,  the 
Greeks  betrayed  their  trust.  The  very  Turks  proved 
kinder,  for,  taking  pity  on  the  sufferings  of  the 
Crusaders,  they  gave  them  bread  to  eat.  "  Many  of 
the  Christians  forsook  their  religion  and  went  over  to^ 

the  Turks. Oh !   kindness,  more   cruel  than  Greek 

trea^Hery,  for  giving  bread  they  stole  the  true  faith." 
.  .  .  "  God,"  continues  Odo,  "  may  pardon  the  Ger- 
man Emperor,  through  whose  counsel  we  encoun- 
tered such  misfortune,  but  how  shall  He  spare  the 
Greeks,  whose  cruel  craft  slew  so  many  in  either 
army  ?  " 

It  was  early  in  March,  1 148,  that  Louis  reached 
Antioch,  where  Raymond,  his  wife's  uncle,  welcomed 
him  kindly,  hoping  that  the  French  Crusaders  would 
help  him  to  conquer  Aleppo  and  Caesarea.  Louis 
was,  however,  anxious  to  reach  Jerusalem,  and 
refused  the  proposal,  which  was  practicable  enough, 
as  well  as  one  of  similar  tenour  from  his  own  cousin, 
the  other  Raymond  of  Tripoli. 

Conrad  meantime  had  reached  Acre  by  sea,  and 
after  a  great  council  had  been  held  it  was  decided  to 
march  against  Damascus.  From  the  place  of  muster 
at  Tiberias  the  host,  with  the  Holy  Cross  at  its  head, 
marched  across  Jordan  ;  first  went  the  barons  of 
the  land  under  King  Baldwin,  next  the  French,  and 
last  the  Germans.  The  mud  wall  that  surrounded 
the  famous  gardens  of  Damascus  offered  no  bar  to 
the  advance  of  such  an  army.  But  the  thick  orchards 
with  their  narrow  footpaths,  and  their  growth  of  fruit 
and  herbage,  formed   a  far  better  protection  to  the 


2l8  THE   SECOND    CRUSADE, 

city.  Everywhere  through  the  length  and  breadth  of 
this  vast  stretch  of  green  and  trees  the  ambushed 
Saracens  opposed  the  invaders'  progress  ;  or  penned 
up  in  lofty  buildings,  which  here  and  there  rose  up 
like  stone  islands  out  of  a  sea  of  green,  shot  down 
their  arrows  from  above.  At  last,  after  long  fighting, 
the  woods  were  cleared,  and  the  Christians,  wearied 
out  with  heat  and  thirst,  made  for  the  river,  only  to 
find  a  fresh  army  drawn  up  against  them.  "  Why  do 
we  not  advance,"  cried  Conrad  from  the  rear,  and 
learning  the  cause,  burs.t  through  the  French  battalions 
to  the  van.  There,  in  true  Teutonic  fashion,  he  and 
his  knights  leapt  off  their  war-horses,  and,  closing  up 
behind  their  shield-wall,  soon  swept  back  the  enemy 
within  the  city.  ''  The  siege  now  began  in  earnest, 
and  would  have  been  brought  to  a  successful  issue," 
says  William  of  Tyre,  ''  had  it  not  been  for  the  greed 
of  the  great  princes,  who  commenced  negotiations 
with  the  citizens."  At  the  advice  of  traitors  the 
camp  was  shifted  to  the  south-west,  where,  so  ran  the 
rumour,  the  wall  was  too  weak  to  withstand  the 
feeblest  onset.  But  here  the  Crusaders  found  a  more 
deadly  enemy  than  strong  fortifications  ;  for  in  their 
new  position  they  were  cut  off  from  the  river,  and 
deprived  of  the  orchard  fruits  ;  and  through  lack  of 
food  and  leadership  despair  fell  upon  the  host,  until 
men  began  to  talk  of  retreat.  There  was  jealousy, 
likewise,  between  the  Syrian  Franks  and  their  Western 
allies,  and  out  of  this  too  fertile  source  of  evil  Anar, 
the  Vizir  of  Damascus,  was  not  slow  to  reap  profit 
for  himself  He  pointed  out  to  the  former  the  folly 
of  helping  their  brethren  to  seize  Damascus,  the  cap- 


SIEGE   OF  DAMASCUS.  219 

ture  of  which  would  be  but  the  prelude  to  the  seizing 
of  Jerusalem  also.  His  arguments,  supported  as  they 
doubtless  were  with  bribes,  brought  about  the  aban- 
donment of  the  siege.  A  proposal  to  besiege  Ascalon 
was  also  defeated  by  the  jealousy  of  the  Syrian 
Franks,  and  after  a  while  Conrad  sailed  home  in 
disgust. 

Louis  stayed  in  Palestine  till  Easter,  1 149,  and 
then  he  too  went  home  by  sea.  Despite  his  own 
-misfortunes  he  never  lost  his  interest  in  his  Eastern 
brethren.  Time  after  time  the  later  kings  of  Jeru- 
salem appealed  to  him  for  aid.  In  his  latter  years  he 
sent  Geoffrey  Fulcher,  the  Templar,'  to  visit  the  Holy 
Places  on  his  behalf;  with  one  letter  Geoffrey  sends 
home  the  royal  ring  with  which  he  had  in  the  king's 
name  touched  each  sacred  shrine.  In  1151,  after 
news  reached  France  of  the  death  of  Raymond  of 
Antioch,  Louis'  great  minister,  Suger,  though  he  had 
urgently  opposed  the  king's  own  Crusade,  would 
have  organised"  another  on  his  own  account  had  not 
death  cut  him  off  in  the  midst  of  his  plans.  Next 
year  Louis  divorced  his  wife  Eleanor,  at  too  long 
afi  interval  for  us  to  suppose  that  his  action  was  in 
reality7"^s  alleged,  for  her  misconduct  on  the  Cru- 
sade. Yet  Eleanor  was  beyond  all  doubt  in  some 
degree  concerned  in  the  intrigues  which  led  to  the 
final  failure  of  the  expedition.  Scandal  connected 
her  name  with  that  of  her  uncle,  Raymond  of 
Antioch,  and  though  that  prince  may  have  only 
sought  to  find  through  her  influence  some  means  for 
diverting  the  Crusading  host  to  his  own  aggrandise- 
ment, his   conduct  certainly  excited  the  jealousy  of 


220  THE   SECOND   CRUSADE. 

l^oms,^  Raymond's  disappointmen-t,  whether  in  love 
J  cJrin  war,  and  Louis'  suspicion,  were  not  unimportant 
factors  in  the  ruin  of  the  expedition.  Other  tales  of 
a  more  fabulous  character  make  Eleanor  ride,  like 
another  Penthesilea,  at  the  head  of  a  band  of  Amazon 
ladies,  and  represent  her  as  the  heroine  of  amours 
with  Saladin,  then  a  mere  boy  of  thirteen.       ^^=^--^^ 

The  miserable  termination  of  the  Second  Crusade 
excited  in  Western  Europe  a  feeling  of  humiliation 
and  wrath,  which  vented  itself  on  Bernard  as  the 
prime  mover  in  the  enterprise.  To  Bernard  himself 
the  disaster  came  as  the  bitterest  of  blows.  "  We 
have  fallen  on  evil  days,"  he  writes,  "  in  which  the 
Lord,  provoked  by  our  sins,  has  judged  the  world, 
with  justice  indeed,  but  not  with  His  wonted  mercy. 
.  .  .  The  sons  of  the  Church  have  been  overthrown 
in  the  desert,  slain  with  the  sword,  or  destroyed  by 
famine.  We  promised  good  things,  and  behold  dis- 
order !  The  judgments  of  the  Lord  are  righteous,  but 
this  one  is  an  abyss  so  deep  that  I  must  call  him 
blessed  who  is  not  scandalised  therein." 

Disastrous  as  the  Second  Crusade  was  for  the 
fortunes  and  fame  of  those  who  had  taken  the  chief 
part  in  its  inception  and  performance,  it  was  of  little 
more  service  to  the  Latin  kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  It 
did  not  materially  weaken  th(i  Mohammedans,  nor 
substantially  strengthen  the  Syrian  Franks,  whilst  the 
seeds  of  mutual  distrust  that  were  now  sown  between 
the  latter  and  their  Western  brethren  were  to  continue 
to  bear  bitter  fruit.  One  episode  alone  serves  to  brighten 
this  dark  page  of  history.  A  North  European  fleet, 
chiefly  composed  of  English,  conquered  Lisbon  from 


MISERABLE   TERMINATION. 


221 


the  Moors,  and  thus  rendered  a  lasting  service  to. 
Christianity.  It  is  with  pardonable  pride  that  our 
English  chroniclers  dwell  on  the  contrast  between 
this  achievement  of  a  humble  band  of  pilgrims,  and 
the  disaster  which  attended  the  great  and  splendid 
host,  that  had  gone  forth  under  the  leadership  of 
emperor  and  king  to  be  swept  away  like  a  spider's 
web. 


% 


XV. 


LOSS  AND  GAIN. 


(1143-I169.) 


•* O  thou  sword  of  the  Lord,  how  long  will  it  be  ere  thou  be  quiet? 
Put  up  thyself  into  thy  scabbard,  rest,  and  be  still.  How  can  it  be 
quiet,  seeing  the  Lord  hath  given  it  a  charge  against  Ashkelon,  and 
against  the  sea  shore?  " — Jeremiah  xlvii.  6,  7. 


§  I.  Baldwin  III.  and  Ascalon. 

On  Christmas  Day,  1 143,  six  weeks  after  his 
father's  death,  the  youthful  Baldwin  IIL  was  crowned 
and  anointed  by  the  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem.  For 
some  years  the  land  was  ruled  by  his  mother  Meli- 
send — a  woman  "  well-skilled  in  all  secular  matters, 
and  so  far  above  her  sex  as  to  be  able  to  put  her 
hand  to  great  deeds." 

But  young  as  he  was  Baldwin  soon  showed  signs 
of  the  warlike  stock  from  which  he  had  sprung,  and 
in  the  second  year  of  his  reign  undertook  a  somewhat 
rash  and  hazardous  expedition  across  the  Jordan. 
Anar,  the  Vizir  of  Damascus,  had  a  quarrel  with  the 
Governor  of  Bostra  in  the  Hauran,  who  offered  to  sur- 
render the  city  to  Baldwin.     The  temptation  was  too 


EXPEDITION   TO  BOSTRA.  2^3 

great  for  Latin  honesty  to  resist,  and  the  forces  of  the 
kingdom  were  mustered  at  Tiberias.  It  was  in  vain 
that  Anar  offered  to  buy  the  invaders  off,  Baldwin 
declared  that  his  honour  was  at  stake,  and  led  out  his 
army  to  the  plain  of  Medan.  Here  the  Franks  were 
surrounded  at  night  by  the  enemy  ;  retreat  was  im- 
possible, and  with  the  knights  at  their  head  the  army 
slowly  made  its  way  to  Adhirah  or  Adratum,^  the 
city  of  Baldwin  d'Etampes.  Three  days  later  they 
sighted  Bostra  from  afar,  but  that  very  night  came 
the  news  that  Nur-ed-din's  troops  had  been  admitted 
to  the  city.  There  seemed  to  be  no  course  but  to 
retreat  with  what  speed  they  could.  Some  advised 
that  the  king  at  least  should  secure  his  own  safety,  and 
that  of  the  Holy  Cross,  by  riding  off  on  John  Goman's 
horse,  the  fleetest  and  strongest  in  the  host,  but  this 
Baldwin  refused  as  unworthy  of  a  king. 

Morning  broke  and  showed  Nur-ed-din  issuing 
from  the  city  at  the  head  of  a  huge  army,  to  join  the 
Turks,  who  hung  on  the  Christian  rear.  The  retreat 
began,  but  without  any  fear  or  precipitancy  in  the 
"  iron  people  "  of  the  Franks.  The  sick  and  even  the 
dead  with  arms  in  their  nerveless  hands  were  set  updn 
camels  and  packhorses  to  give  the  appearance  of 
strength  where  none  existed.  At  first  the  Franks 
held  their  own,  but  when  the  smoke  from  the  adjoin- 
ing thickets  that  had  been  fired  by  the  Saracens  was 
blown  in  their  faces  by  the  wind,  their  sufferings 
became  unendurable.  "  Pray  for  us,"  cried  the  soldiers, 
as  they  raised  their  blackened  faces  to  the  Holy  Cross, 
which  was  borne  by  Robert,  Archbishop  of  Nazareth. 

*  The  modern  Edra ;  Bostra  is  now  Bosrah."^^ 


224  I-OSS  AND  GAIN. 

Robert  turned  the  sacred  relic  towards  the  flames,  and 
as  he  did  so  the  wind  seemed  to  shift  and  carry  the 
smoke  back  upon  the  foe.  Thus  the  Franks  obtained 
a  respite,  but  they  had  no  guide,  and  the  way  by 
which  they  were  returning  was  unfamiHar.  From  this 
fresh  strait  they  were  again  miraculously  delivered  ; 
fc*  there  went  before  them  on  a  white  steed  an 
unknown  knight  with  a  red  banner  in  his  hands  ; 
lilce  an  angel  of  the  Lord  he  led  them  by  easy  stages 
to  unsuspected  waters,  and  in  three  days  conducted 
them  across  the  waste  from  the  Cave  of  Roab  to 
Gadara. 

At  first  Baldwin  and  his  mother  ruled  conjointly 
without  any  jealousy.  But  when  the  young  king 
was  grown  to  manhood,  busy  flatterers  persuaded  him 
that  such  dependence  was  unworthy.  Melisend  had 
appointed  as  constable  of  the  kingdom  Manasses  de 
Herges,  her  father's  sister's  son.  Manasses'  haughty 
bearing  angered  the  great  nobles  and  the  young  king, 
who  accordingly  resolved  to  deprive  his  mother  of  all 
authority.  So  at  Easter,  1152,  Baldwin  refused  to  let 
his  mother  share  in  the  ceremony  of  his  coronation 
at  Jerusalem,  and  demanded  one  half  of  the  kingdom 
for  himself.  After  much  discussion  the  king  was 
assigned  Tyre  and  Ajcre  with  the  coast,  his  mother 
JerusaleirT  and  Nablus.  But  this  did  not  content 
Baldwin,  who  soon  afterwards  expelled  Manasses 
from  the  kingdom,  seized  Nablus,  and  besieged  his 
mother  in  Jerusalem.  The  citizens  opened  the  gates 
to  the  king,  and  Melisend,  after  a  few  days'  resis- 
tance in  the  Tower  of  David,  was  forced  to  capitu- 
late.    Nablus  was  restored  to  her,  but  from  this  time 


COVER  OF  QUEEN    MELISEND'S  PSALTER. 


226  LOSS  AND   GAIN. 

she  led  a  retired  life  till  her  death  on  the_^jth^of 

For  fifty  years  Ascalon  had  been  as  an  open  sore 
in  the  side  of  the  Franks.  Now  that  Baldwin  was 
master  of  his  kingdom,  he  determined  on  a  great 
effort  for  its  reduction.  Four  years  previously  he  had 
rebuilt  Gaza,  and  put  it  in  the  hands  of  the  Templars  ; 
this  fortress,  with  the  previous  ones  at  Gibelin,  Ibelin, 
and  Blanchegarde,  ringed  Ascalon  in  upon  the  south, 
the  east,  and  the  north. 

For  so  great  an  enterprise  all  the  forces  of  the  land 
were  called  up,  and  on  the  25th  of  January,  1153,  the 
siege  was  began.  Gerard  of  Sidon  was  stationed  off* 
the  harbour  with  a  fleet  to  prevent  all  succour  from 
Egypt.  For  six  months  the  town  was  besieged 
without  effect,  the  defenders  keeping  careful  guard, 
and  by  night  hanging  glazed  lamps  along  the  walls 
that  gave  light  as  in  the  day,  and  prevented  any 
attack  under  cover  of  the  dark.  When  Easter  brought 
its  usual  complement  of  pilgrims,  Baldwin,  by  an 
arbitrary  exercise  of  his  kingly  power,  called  up  all, 
pilgrims  and  sailors  alike,  from  the  ports,  and  forbade 
any  vessels  to  sail  for  Europe.  The  ships  themselves 
he  bought,  and  of  their  timbers  constructed  wooden 
castles  and  the  various  warlike  engines  of  mediaeval 
warfare. 

After  a  time  a  fleet  was  sent  from  Egypt  to  the 
succour  of  the  town.  Gerard  of  Sidon  fled  in  terror 
from  his  post,  whilst  the  townsfolk  gathered  fresh 
courage,  and  would  have  burnt  the  wooden  castle 
near  the  eastern  gate,  had  not  a  sudden  wind  driven 
the  flames  back  upon  the  city  wall.     Then  was  their 


THE  CAPTURE  OF  ASCALON,  227 

device  turned  to  their  own  destruction,  for  the  fire 
secured  such  a  hold  that  it  could  not  be  subdued. 
At  daybreak  the  sound  of  a  mighty  crash  roused  the 
sleeping  host  to  discover  that  a  great  part  of  the  wall 
had  fallen.  The  Templars,  headed  by  their  master, 
Bernard  de  Tremelay,  eager  to  secure  the  city  for 
themselves,  rushed  recklessly  into  the  breach.  Ther? 
refusing  all  other  help,  they  were  cut  off  from  retreat, 
and  the  master  with  forty  of  his  knights  fell  victims  to 
their  greed  or  to  their  valour.  The  citizens  then  repaired 
the  breach  by  a  temporary  defence,  whilst  the  Chris- 
tians turned  back  to  their  tents  almost  ready  to 
abandon  the  siege.  Baldwin  himself  was  in  favour  of 
retreat,  but  at  last  the  other  party,  led  by  the  patri- 
arch and  Raymond,  Master  of  the  Hospitallers, 
prevailed.  Once  more  the  trumpets  sounded  to 
arms,  and  after  a  terrible  fight  that  lasted  all  day  the 
Christians  were  victorious.  The  men  of  Ascalon  now 
sued  for  terms,  and  on  the  I2th  of  August  were 
suffered  to  depart  for  Egypt  with  their  wives,  their 
children,  and  their  goods.  The  Christians,  with  the 
Holy  Cross  at  their  head,  then  entered  Ascalon, 
which  was  bestowed  on  the  king's  brother,_Amalric, 
who  from  this  time  appears  in  charters  as  the  Count 
of  Ascalon. 

Four  years  later,  in  1157,  the  arrival  of  the  veteran 
Crusader,  Xheodoric  of  Flanders,  with  his  wife  Sibylla, 
the  king's  half-sister,  encouraged  Baldwin  to  an  enter- 
prise in  the  north.  The  moment  was  propitious,  for 
Nur-ed-din  lay  sick,  as  it  seemed,  unto  death,  but  the 
usual  jealousies  among  the  leaders  destroyed  the 
opportunity.      Siege   was   laid   to    Caesarea   on    the 


228  LOSS  AND   GAIN. 

Orontes,  a  fortress  which  Nur-ed-din  had  lately  cap- 
tured from  its  lord  a  cousin  of  the  famous  Saracen 
warrior  and  poet,  Ossama,  whose  autobiography  has 
been  recently  and  strangely  recovered.  The  Cru- 
saders soon  forced  their  way  into  the  town,  and 
might  easily  have  mastered  the  citadel  had  not 
quarrels  broken  out  in  their  ranks.^  Baldwin,  sup- 
ported by  the  great  lords,  designed  the  city  for 
Theodoric  of  Flanders  ;  but  Reginald  of  Ch^tillon, 
a  French  adventurer,  whom  Constance  of  Antioch 
had  taken  for  her  second  husband,  claimed  it  as 
part  of  his  principalit}^  and  declared  that  whoever 
possessed  it  must  do  homage  to  him.  This  was  more 
than  the  proud  spirit  of  the  Flemish  count  could  bear  : 
he  had  never  done  homage  save  to  kings.  At  last, 
unable  to  agree  among  themselves,  they  broke  up  the 
siege  and  returned  to  Antioch.  Early  next  year  the 
Crusaders  took  Harenc,  which  was  entrusted  to 
Reginald  of  St.  Valery.  Theodoric  and  Baldwin 
then  went  south,  and  after  some  further  achievements 
Theodoric  returned  home,  reaching  Arras  in  August, 
1159. 

In  the  previous  year  Baldwin,  desirous  to  secure 
a  closer  alliance  with  Constantinople,  had  sent  envoys 
to  beg  a  member  of  the  Imperial  family  for  his  bride. 
Manuel  consented,  and  despatched  his  niece  Theo- 
dora, a  girl  of  thirteen,  with  a  splendid  dowry  of 
one  hundred  thousand  besants,  not  to  speak  of 
bridal  gifts  worth  forty  thousand  more.  Theodora 
reached  Tyre  in  September,  11 59,  and  a  few  days 

*  It  is  doubtful  whether  the  siege  was  about  Christmas,  1157  or  11 58; 
but  the  latter  date  seems  more  probable. 


MANUEL   AT  ANTIOCH. 


229 


later  was  crowned  at  Jerusalem.  Shortly  afterwards 
Manuel  returned  the  compliment  by  asking  for  a 
French  bride.  His  envoys  rejected  Melisend,  the 
sister  of  Raymond  of  Tripoli,  in  favour  of  the 
superior  beauty  of  Maria  of  Antioch.  The  rejec- 
tion of  his  sister  so  enraged  Raymond  that  he  turned 
ihe  twelve  galleys,  which  he  had  prepared  for  his 
sister's  escort,  into  pirate  barks,  and  laid  waste  the 
mainland  and  islands  of  the  Empire,  sparing  neither 
age  nor  sex. 

In  the  summer  of   11 59  Manuel  appeared  with  a 


COIN   OF  MANUEL. 


vast  army  in  Cilicia.  He  came  so  suddenly  that 
Thoros,  the  Armenian  prince,  could  barely  escape  from 
Tarsus  to  the  mountains.  Reginald,  who  had  been 
scheming  with  Thoros  against  the  Greeks,  presented 
himself  humbly  at  Mamistra.  Barefooted  and  bare- 
armed,  with  a  rope  round  his  neck,  he  fell  prostrate 
before  his  offended  lord,  and  so  "  turned  the  glory  of 
the  Latins  into  shame."  Manuel  was  pleased  to  be 
reconciled,  and  proceeded  towards  Syria.  Near 
Antioch  h?  met  Baldwin,  who  also  showed  due 
humility,  sitting  on  a  lowly  seat  beside  the  Imperial 


230  LOSS  AND  GAIN. 

throne.  Manuel  then  entered  Antioch  in  triumph, 
Reginald  holding  his  horse's  bridle,  and  Baldwin, 
stripped  of  all  regal  ornaments,  riding  at  his  side. 
The  presence  of  so  enormous  an  army  alarmed  Nur- 
ed-din,  who  promised  to  release  all  his  Christian 
captives.  "  On  these  conditions,"  says  the  Greek 
historian,  "  the  Emperor  stayed  his  hand  ; "  but  the 
forbearance  was  more  probably  dictated  by  the  news 
of  a  conspiracy  at  Constantinople. 

After  Manuel's  departure,  Nur-ed-din  took  Marash 
and  Cresson  from  Kilij  Arslan.  Baldwin  seized  the 
opportunity  to  ravage  the  territory  of  Damascus,  but 
Saladin's  father,  Ayub,  who  was  governor  of  the  city, 
bought  him  off  by  a  bribe  of  four  thousand  besants. 
About  the  same  time  (November  23,  1161),  Reginald 
of  Antioch  fell  into  an  ambuscade  near  Cresson,  and 
was  carried  prisoner  to  Aleppo.  Nur-ed-din  then 
extended  his  ravages  to  Tripoli  and  Harenc,  and  was 
only  checked  from  going  further  by  the  approach  of 
Baldwin. 

Baldwin  came  to  Antioch  in  the  autumn  of  1162. 
According  to  the  custom  of  the  time,  he  took  some 
pills  from  Barek,  the  Count  of  Tripoli's  doctor,  to 
fortify  his  constitution  against  the  winter.  A  feverish 
dysentery  ensued,  and  getting  no  better,  he  proceeded 
first  to  Tripoli,  and  then  to  Beyrout,  where  he  died, 
February  10,  1163,  in  the  thirty-third  year  of  his 
age.  His  body  was  carried  to  Jerusalem  and  buried 
in  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  with  his 
ancestors.  Wherever  the  corpse  was  brought,  says 
William  of  Tyre,  there  was  mourning  such  as  was 
never   shown  for   any  prince   in   history.     The  very 


CHARACTER    OF  BALDWIN  III.  23 1 

dwellers  in  the  hills  came  down  to  share  in  the 
funeral  procession  as  it  slowly  wound  on  its  eight 
days'  march  from  Beyrout  to  Jerusalem.  Even  the 
Saracens  sympathised,  and  Nur-ed-din,  when  advised 
to  seize  the  opportunity  for  an  inroad,  refused  with 
noble  scorn :  "  We  ought  to  pity  this  people's 
.righteous  sorrow,  for  they  have  lost  a  prince  whose 
like  is  not  now  left  in  the  world." 

Baldwin  was,  tall  of  stature  and  largely  built, 
comely  featured  and  of  a  florid  complexion,  with 
prominent  eyes,  yellowish  hair,  and  a  somewhat  full 
beard.  William  of  Tyre  praises  him  for  his  attention 
to  the  church  services,  but  admits  that  before  his 
marriage  he  had  been  licentious.  He  had  many  of 
the  qualities  most  useful  for  a  ruler.  He  was  affable 
to  all  men,  and  would  jest  with  his  friends  in  public  ; 
more  than  this,  he  could  bear  a  joke  at  his  own 
expense.  He  was  kind-hearted  and  generous,  but 
somewhat  careless  as  to  how  he  supplied  his  pecuniary 
needs.  He  had  a  quick  intellect  and  a  good  memory. 
His  knowledge  of  the  customary  law  of  his  realm 
astonished  his  own  nobles,  who  came  to  him  for 
advice  on  legal  difficulties.  Above  all  else  he  was 
commode  litteratus^  by  which  we  may  infer  that  he 
knew  Latin.  What  time  he  could  spare  from  public 
business  he  used  to  devote  to  reading.  History  was 
his  favourite  study  ;  he  delighted  to  read  about  the 
deeds  of  ancient  kings,  and  loved  to  converse  with 
learned  clerks  and  wise  laymen.  Both  nobles  and 
people  loved  him  ;  for  he  was  patient  in  hardships, 
and  a  wary  leader  in  war,  who  never  lost  his  presence 
of  mind  even  in  the  most  adverse  circumstances. 


232  LOSS  AND   GAIN. 

§  2.  T/ie  Struggle  for  E^pt. 

The  history  of  Egypt  during  the  twelfth  century  is 
nothing  but  a  record  of  waning  power  and  bloodshed. 
The  Caliph  was  overshadowed  by  the  vizir,  whose 
authority  was  tempered  by  assassination  or  rebellion. 
In  1 154,  Abbas,  the  vizir,  and  his  son,  Nasr-ed  din, 
at  the  instigation  of  the  poet-statesman  Ossama, 
murdered  their  master,  and  made  his  infant  son 
Caliph  ;  but  a  speedy  retribution  came  upon  them 
at  the  hands  of  Es-Saleh  [Talai],  Governor  of  Upper 
Egypt,  and  Abbas  and  his  son  were  driven  into  the 
Syrian  desert,  where  the  Templars  took  Nasr-ed-din 
prisoner.  The  captive  prince  was  on  the  point  of 
declaring  himself  a  Christian,  when  his  captors,  by  a 
double  act  of  treachery  and  greed,  sold  him  to  his 
enemy,  Es-Saleh.  The  new  vizir  after  a  short  reign 
of  six  years  was  stabbed  by  his  emirs  in  1161  ;  and 
his  son  was  quickly  overthrown  by  another  competitor, 
Shawir,  the  Governor  of  Said.  Shawir  found  a 
dangerous  rival  in  the  Arab  Dirgham,  and  was 
forced  to  take  refuge  with  Nur-ed-din.  There  had 
thus  been  three  vizirs  in  one  year. 

The  relations  of  the  Franks  with  Egypt  at  this 
time  are  very  obscure  ;  but  there  are  reasons  for 
thinking  that  the  Caliph  of  Cairo  paid  annual  tribute 
to  Baldwin  III.  In  September,  1163,  Amalric  made 
Dirgham's  refusal  to  continue  this  payment  a  pretext 
for  declaring  war.  Dirgham,  beaten  in  battle,  saved 
his  land  from  conquest  by  letting  in  the  Nile  ;  and 
Amalric,  unable  to  contend  with  nature,  drew  back  into 
Palestine.     Next  year  Shawir  obtained  from  Nur-ed- 


ANARCHY  IN  EGYPT.  233 

din  an  army  under  Shirkuh  the  Kurd.  Dirgham 
hastened  to  make  terms  with  Amalric,  but  before  the 
Franks  could  come  to  his  aid,  Shirkuh  was  at' Cairo 
and  his  opponent  dead. 

The  presence  of  Shirkuh  soon  proved  burdensome 
to  Shawir,  who  in  his  turn  appealed  to  Amalric. 
The  Prankish  king  readily  accepted  the  invitation, 
and  besieged  Shirkuh  at  Pelusium  in  July.  After 
a  three  months'  siege,  the  news  of  Nur-ed-din's 
invasion  of  Northern  Syria  made  Amalric  offer 
favourable  terms,  which  Shirkuh,  ignorant  of  what 
was  taking  place,  accepted. 

But  Shirkuh,  though  defeated  for  the  moment, 
was  too  enamoured  with  the  wealth  of  Egypt  to 
entirely  abandon  his  designs ;  he  bided  his  time 
till,  in  1 167,  his  preparations  were  ready,  and  he  once 
more  started  for  the  Nile.  But  Amalric  was  before 
him,  and  had  already  compelled  Shawir  to  renew 
his  submission  and  increase  the  tribute,  in  return  for 
the  promise  of  protection  against  his  dangerous 
foe.  To  make  his  position  more  sure,  the  king 
required  that  this  bargain  should  be  confirmed  by 
the  Caliph,  for  which  purpose  he  despatched  Hugh 
of  Caesarea  and  Geoffrey  Fulcher,  the  Templar,  as 
his  ambassadors.  Under  the  guidance  of  Shawir 
the  two  envoys  were  introduced  to  the  palace  of  the 
Caliph.  As  they  passed  between  marble  columns, 
under  golden  ceilings,  and  over  floors  of  rich  mosaic, 
the  rude  Frank  soldiers  marvelled  at  a  display  such  as 
neither  Europe  nor  their  own  country  could  produce. 
Their  astonished  eyes  gazed  on  marble  fishponds  with 
pellucid  water,  birds  of  strange  songs  and  marvellous 


234 


LOSS  AND   GAIN, 


plumage,  beasts  that  seemed  to  belong  rather  to  the 
world  of  art  and  dreams  than  that  of  waking  life. 
At  length,  in  the  presence  chamber,  a  pearl- 
embroidered  curtain  rose,  and  revealed  the  Caliph 
seated  on  a  golden  throne.  El-Adid  promised  all 
that  the  envoys  asked,  but  when  desired  to  pledge 
his  honour  with  his  hand,  hesitated  for  a  moment 
before  he  proffered  his  gloved  hand  to  Hugh.  The 
rude  knight  blurted  out :  "  Truth  has  no  covering  ; 
princes  when  they  pledge  themselves  should  have  no 


SEAL   OF    HUGH    OF    C^ISAREA. 


secret  thoughts."     The  Caliph,  with   a  forced  smile, 
accepted  the  challenge  and  drew  off  his  glove. 

After  some  desultory  operations  and  the  arrival  of 
reinforcements  from  Palestine,  Amalric  achieved  a 
partial  success,  which  compelled  Shirkuh  to  retreat. 
The  Franks  overtook  the  Turks  at  Babein.  Some  of 
the  emirs  were  for  declining  battle,  but  one  turned 
the  scale  by  a  few  stinging  words,  in  which  he  bade 
the  cowards  stay  at  home  with  the  women  ;  Nur-ed- 
din  had  sent  them  to  fight,  and  fight  they  must.  The 
battle  which  ensued  was  indecisive  ;  though  Amalric 
was  victorious  in  his  part  of  the  field,  Shirkuh 
withdrew  in  safety  towards  Alejcandria. 


SHAWIR,    IHIRKUH,   AND   AMALRIC.  235 

Amalric  then  determined  to  lay  siege  to  this 
important  city,  the  defence  of  which  had  been 
entrusted  by  Shirkuh  to  his  nephew  Saladin.  Hard 
pressed  by  the  Franks  without,  and  in  fear  of  the 
unfriendly  citizens  within,  Saladin  soon  found  it 
necessary  to  appeal  to  his  uncle.  Shirkuh  him- 
self had  meantime  been  endeavouring,  without 
success,  to  capture  Cairo,  which  was  held  by  Hugh 
of  Ibelin.  He  was  therefore  ready  to  come  to  terms, 
and  an  arrangement  was  made  for  the  surrender  of 
Alexandria,  and  the  complete  evacuation  of  Egypt 
by  the  invading  Saracens  (Aug.  4,  1167).  After  this 
success^  Amalric  returned  to  Palestine ;  his  triumph 
indeed  seemed  complete,  for  a  Prankish  guard  and 
agent  w^ere  established  at  Cairo,  and  Shawir  had  to 
pay  a  yearly  tribute  of  one  hundred  thousand  dinars. 

Soon  after  his  return,  Amalric  married  on  the  29th 
of  August,  1 167,  as  his  second  wife,  Maria,  a  grand  niece 
of  the  Emperor  Manuel.^  The  Emperor,  by  pointing 
out  to  his  ally  the  weakness  of  Egypt,  and  its  conse- 
quent danger  from  Nur-ed-din,  roused  him  to  fresh 
thoughts  of  conquest.  Amalric's  own  greed  and 
poverty  made  him  lend  a  ready  ear  to  the  temptation, 
and  before  his  envoy,  William  of  Tyre,  could  return 
from  Constantinople,  he  had  determined  on  a  fresh 
invasion.  Contemporary  rumour  alleged  that  Gerbert 
Assallit,  master  of  the  Hospital,  advised  this  breach  of 
the  peace,  in  the  hope  of  benefit  to  his  debt-stricken 
order,  and  despite  the  opposition  of  the  Templars. 

^  His  first  wife  was  Agnes,  daughter  of  Joscelin  II.  of  Edessa  ;  but 
ecclesiastical  influence  compelled  the  king  to  divorce  her  early  in  his 
reign. 


236  LOSS  AND   GAIN, 

The  campaign  began  in  October,  1168;  Pelusium 
was  stormed  and  sacked  on  3rd  of  November,  and 
ten  days  later  Amalric  appeared  before  Cairo  ;  the 
Prankish  fleet  was  brought  up  the  Nile,  and  the  city 
would  have  surrendered  had  not  Amalric  loitered 
on  the  march  so  long.  Shawir  had,  meanwhile, 
appealed  to  Nur-ed-din,  and  now  by  false  promises 
of  money  to  be  paid,  deluded  the  avaricious  king, 
until  the  approach  of  Shirkuh  in  December.  Amalric 
marched  back  to  meet  his  new  enemy  in  the  desert, 
but  Shirkuh  slipped  by  unnoticed,  leaving  the  Franks 
to  return  home  from  their  bootless  campaign. 

The  withdrawal  of  Amalric  sealed  the  fate  of 
Egypt ;  Shawir  found  his  Turkish  ally  more  danger- 
ous than  his  Frank  foe ;  a  futile  conspiracy  by  the 
vizir  gave  Shirkuh  a  plausible  excuse  for  beheading 
the  man  whom  he  had  come  to  aid,  and  establishing 
himself  in  his  place.  Shirkuh  held  ,the  position  he 
had  coveted  so  long  for  less  than  three  months,  and 
dying  on  March  23,  1169,  was  succeeded  by  his 
nephew  the  famous  Saladin. 

Meanwhile  Manuel  and  Amalric  had  concerted  a 
joint  campaign  for  the  following  autumn  ;  a  Greek 
fleet  was  to  join  with  a  Latin  army  in  besieging 
Damietta.  Had  the  design  been  accomplished  the 
city  must  have  fallen  ;  but  the  ships  were  becalmed, 
r  and  the  consequent  delay  gave  Saladin  time  to 
regarrison  Damietta.  The  siege  was  however  com- 
menced, and  prosecuted  with  vigour  if  with  little 
success  ;  the  Greek  fleet  could  not  force  the  boom 
which  blocked  the  river  from^  the  sea,  whilst  above 
the  town  the  water   gave  easy  access  to  reinforce- 


SALADIN  LORD   OF  EGYPT.  237 

merits ;  thus  the  numbers  inside  increased,  till  the 
besiegers  were  in  greater  peril  than  the  besieged. 
"  There  crept  a  murmur  through  the  people,  and 
almost  all  were  of  one  mind,  that  our  toil  was 
wasted,  and  that  it  would  be  safer  to  return  home 
than  to  die  by  hunger  or  the  sword."  So  orders 
were  given  to  raise  the  siege,  and  the  one  formidable 
armament  undertaken  by  the  Greeks  and  Latins  in 
conjunction  came  to  a  disastrous  end. 

William  of  Tyre,  who  was  absent  that  year  from 
Palestine,  says  that  the  king  and  nobles  attributed 
their  failure  to  Greek  fraud.  Whatever  the  truth  of 
their  complaints,  it  is  certainly  clear  that  mutual 
distrust  prevented  the  allies  from  taking  full  advan- 
tage of  their  opportunities. 

The  conquest  of  Egypt  by  the  lieutenant  of  Nur- 
ed-din  was  important  for  Islam,  inasmuch  as  it  led 
two  years  later  to  the  suppression  of  the  Fatimite 
caliphate,  an  event  which  was  soon  followed  by 
the  death  of  the  hapless  prince  El-Adid.  Yet  more 
important  was  the  fact  that  the  wealth  of  the  Nile 
was  now  at  the  disposal  of  the  lord  of  Aleppo  and 
Damascus,  who  from  his  ports  of  Damietta  and 
Alexandria  could  attack  the  yearly  pilgrim  fleets,  and 
thus  as  it  were  sever  the  main  artery  of  the  Christian 
kingdom.  The  full  effects  of  the  conquest  were  not, 
however,  to  be  felt  as  yet,  for  Saladin  was  but  an 
unruly  vassal.  Still  the  time  was  only  deferred  when 
the  valleys  of  the  Orontes  and  Nile  would  own  but 
one  master  in  fact  and  in  name.  When  that  day 
arrived  no  human  power  could  well  have  saved  the 
kingdom  of  Jerusalem  from  its  fate. 


XVI. 

THE   RIVAL  KINGS — NUR-ED-DIN  AND  AMALRIC. 
(I163-II74.) 

"  The  fierce  joy  that  warriors  feel 
In  foemen  worthy  of  their  steel." 
Scott. 


Zangi'S  death  had  secured  a  respite  for  the 
kingdom  of  Jerusalem,  through  the  division  of  his 
dominions,  and  the  not  unnatural  jealousy  of  his 
sons.  Nur-ed-din  at  Aleppo  regarded  his  elder 
brother  with  a  feeling  of  suspicion,  which  Sayf-ed- 
din's  generous  conduct  with  some  difficulty  dispelled. 
On  Sayf-ed-din's  death  in  1 149,  there  was  again  some 
danger  of  open  war  between  Aleppo  and  Mosul. 
But  by  the  mediation  of  Jamal-ed-din  the  Vizir,  who 
pointed  out  that  whichever  was  victorious,  the  real 
advantage  would  rest  with  the  Franks,  a  compromise 
was  arranged  under  which  Mosul  was  left  to  a  third 
brother  Kutb-ed-din  till  his  death  in  1170. 

Nur-ed-din's  character  was  marked  by  craft  and 
greed,  yet  he  was  one  of  the  greatest  princes  that 
ever    ruled   in    Syria.      The    Christians   themselves 


CHARACTER    OF  l^UR-ED-DIN.  239 

acknowledged  his  valour  and  success  ;  to  the  Moham- 
medans of  this  century  and  the  next  he  was  a  model 
of  every  virtue.  "  Though  so  great  a  persecutor  of 
Christians,"  writes  William  of  Tyre,  "  he  was  a  just 
ruler,  wise,  and  religious,  so  far  as  the  traditions  of 
his  race  permitted."  It  was  for  his  justice  above 
all  that  his  subjects  loved  him  ;  he  would  take  no 
unjust  tax  from  his  vast  dominions,  but  like  any 
private  man  lived  of  his  own  ;  when  his  wife  com- 
plained of  her  poverty,  and  slighted  a  gift  of  three 
shops  in  Emesa  as  insignificant,  "  I  have  nought  else, 
for  all  I  have  I  hold  only  as  treasurer  for  the  faithful," 
was  his  reply.  He  once  left  his  game  of  ball  to 
appear  before  the  cadi  at  the  suit  of  a  private  person, 
and  when  the  decision  was  given  in  his  favour,  resigned 
his  claim  in  favour  of  his  opponent.  His  justice 
enticed  strangers  to  his  dominions,  one  of  whom, 
after  his  death,  having  appealed  to  Saladin  in  vain, 
went  in  tears  to  the  tomb  of  INIur-ed-din.  The 
popular  sympathy  forced  Saladin  at  last  to  make 
recompense  ;  the  man  then  wept  again,  and  when 
Saladin  asked  his  reason,  replied  that  he  wept  for  a 
ruler  who  could  do  justice  even  in  the  grave. 

Though  himself  a  skilful  warrior,  and  like  his  father 
careful  of  his  soldiers'  rights  Nur-ed-din  would  permit 
no  plundering.  Yet  his  followers  loved  him,  and 
stood  firm  in  battle,  for  they  knew  that  if  they 
perished  their  master  would  be  true  to  their  children. 
When  some  of  his  soldiers  grunibled  at  his  bounty  to 
the  dervishes,  he  rebuked  them  saying,  "  These  men 
have  a  right  to  live  at  the  public  expense ;  I  am 
grateful    to   them   for    being   content    with   only   a 


240  THE  RIVAL   KINGS. 

part  of  what  they  might  justly  claim.  So,  too^ 
when  an  emir  slandered  a  learned  doctor  from 
Khorassan,  Nur-ed-din  replied,  "  If  you  speak  ill 
of  him,  I  shall  punish  you  severely,  even  though 
you  tell  the  truth.  His  good  qualities  are  enough  to 
cover  his  faults,  whereas  you  and  your  like  have  vices 
many  times  greater  than  your  virtues." 

Nur-ed-din  was  a  great  builder,  and  provided  for 
the  re-fortification  of  the  chief  cities  of  Syria,  especi- 
ally after  the  earthquake  of  1 169.  He  raised  mosques 
everywhere,  and  founded  hospitals  in  various  towns. 
Many  years  after,  Ibn  El-Athir,  disgusted  with  his  paid 
physician  sought  advice  from  the  hospital  at  Damas- 
cus ;  he  would  have  paid  for  the  service  done  him, 
but  his  gift  was  refused,  with  the  remark,  "  Doubtless 
you  are  rich  enough  to  pay,  but  here  no  one  is  too 
proud  to  accept  the  gifts  of  Nur-ed-din." 

The  Mohammedan  law  as  regards  food,  drink,  and 
dress  was  carefully  observed  by  Nur-ed-din,  who 
unlike  previous  rulers  enforced  the  same  obedience 
on  his  subjects.  His  court  was  marked  by  a  strict- 
ness of  etiquette,  which  did  not  suffer  any  one  to  sit 
in  his  presence,  except  Ayub,  the  father  of  Saladin. 
Very  different  was  that  of  Saladin,  where  a  visitor 
found  himself  unable  to  make  the  Sultan  hear  through 
the  babble  of  so  many  voices  all  talking  at  once  ;  "  At 
Nur-ed-din's  court,"  he  exclaimed,  "  Nur-ed-din's  sight 
alone  made  us  as  motionless  as  if  we  had  a  bird 
perched  on  our  heads  ;  in  silence  we  listened  when  he 
spoke,  and  he  in  turn  lent  attention  to  our  speech." 

One  amusement  alone  did  Nur-ed-din  permit  him- 
self— namely,   the   game   of  "  ball  on  horseback,"  a 


THE   DEFENDER   OF  ISLAM.  241 

pastime  which  appealed  to  him  as  a  rider  of  unusual 
skill.  When  reproached  for  this,  he  replied  :  "  I  do 
not  play  to  amuse  myself,  but  for  needful  recreation, 
since  a  soldier  cannot  always  be  fighting.  Moreover, 
while  playing  at  this  game,  we  have  our  horses  ready 
against  a  sudden  attack  by  the  foe.  Before  God  this 
is  my  only  reason  for  playing."  "  Rarely,"  says  Ibn 
El-Athir,  "has  a  prince  made  of  his  very  amusements 
an  act  of  high  dev^otion." 

There  was  much  of  high  religious  feeling  in  Nur- 
ed-din's  character,  and  this  feeling  permeated  his 
whole  life  of  active  warfare  against  the  Christian 
intruder.  When  told  how  his  brother  had  lost  an 
eye  in  fighting  for  the  Holy  Cause,  Nur-ed-din 
refused  to  offer  his  condolence,  "  for  could  my  brother 
but  see  what  Allah  hath  in  store  for  him  in  Paradise, 
he  would  willingly  lose  his  other  eye  in  such  a  cause." 
Nor  was  Nur-ed-din  any  more  regardful  of  his  own 
safety.  One  day  a  friend  rebuked  him  for  his  care- 
lessness, bidding  him  consider  what  would  become  of 
Islam  should  its  chief  defender  fall.  "  Who,"  was 
Nur-ed-din's  noble  reply,  "  who  is  Mahmud  (/>., 
himself)  that  you  should  speak  thus  of  him.  Our 
country  and  religion  have  a  defender  better  than  me, 
and  that  defender  is  God." 

In  his  earlier  years  Nur-ed-din  could  venture  only 
on  foraging  raids.  But  gradually  his  power  grew, 
and  in  1 154,  as  we  have  already  seen,  he  captured 
Damascus.!  Good  fortune  attended  him,  for  Joscelin 
of  Edessa  had  already  become  his  prisoner,  and  a  few 
years  later  in  1161  Reginald  de  Chatillon,  prince  of 

^  See  above,  p.  206. 


242 


THE   RIVAL   KINGS. 


Antioch,  whilst  engaged  in  a  plundering  expedition 
to  the  west  of  the  Euphrates,  fell  into  an  ambuscade 
and  was  taken  prisoner  to  Aleppo.  The  young  Bohe- 
mond  then  assumed  the  rule  of  his  principality.  Nur- 
ed-din  conceived  that  the  occasion  was  favourable  for 
an  attack,  and  in  1163  invaded  the  county  of  Tripoli. 
A  force  of  Aquitanian  pilgrims  recently  arrived  under 
Geoffrey  Martel,  together  with  the  Templars  under 
Gilbert  de  Lacy,  and  a  body  of  Welshmen  under 
Robert  Mansel,  opposed  the  Turks  with  such  success 


SEAL  OF  REGINALD   DE  CHATILLON. 

that  Nur-ed-din  himself  barely  escaped  with  his  life. 
In  .the  following  year  Nur-ed-din's  turn  came  ;  whilst 
many  Franks  were  absent  in  Egypt  he  laid  siege  to 
Harenc ;  Bohemond  of  Antioch  and  Raymond  of 
Tripoli  forced  him  to  raise  the  siege,  but  in  the  subse- 
quent engagement  were  defeated  and  carried  prisoners 
to  Aleppo.  It  was  the  news  of  this  disaster  that 
compelled  Amalrfc  to  concede  such  favourable  terms 
to  Shirkuh. 

There  is  no  need  to  trace  the  progress  of  Nur-ed- 


DEATH  OF  NUR-ED-DIN,  243 

din's  power  during  the  next  few  years.  But  in  1 170 
the  death  of  Kutb-ed-din  of  Mosul  gave  Nur-ed-din 
an  opportunity  to  interfere  in  that  quarter  to  the 
advantage  of  his  own  power.  Saladin  was,  however, 
already  threatening  to  prove  a  dangerous  rival,  and 
would  lend  his  nominal  lord  no  aid  against  the 
Franks,  lest  their  subjection  should  be  but  the  pre- 
lude to  his  own.  The  danger  at  last  forced  Nur-ed- 
din  to  contemplate  an  invasion  of  Egypt.  In  this 
strait  Saladin's  father  recommended  his  son  to  adopt 
a  policy  of  submission,  pointing  out  in  private  that 
humility  would  avert  the  intended  invasion,  and  that 
destiny  meanwhile  would  run  its  course.  This  policy 
had  its  due  effect,  and  Nur-ed-din  found  sufficient 
employment  in  warfare  with  the  Franks  and  the 
Sultan  of  Iconium  until  his  death  on  May  15,  1 174. 

The  death  of  Nur-ed-din  was  followed  speedily  by 
dissensions  in  Syria.  His  son  and  successor,  El-Malek 
Es-Saleh,  was  a  boy  of  eleven,  whose  weakness  led  his 
cousin  of  Mosul  to  conquer  at  his  expense.  In  these 
troubles  Saladin  saw  his  opportunity ;  on  Novem- 
ber 28,  1 174,  he  entered  Damascus,  and  a  month  later, 
having  captured  Emesa  and  Hamah  on  his  way,  laid 
siege  to  Aleppo,  from  which  a  threatened  invasion 
by  the  Franks  soon  forced  him  to  withdraw.  The 
intervention  of  Sayf-ed-din  of  Mosul  led  only  to  his 
own  defeat,  and  almost  to  the  final  displacement  of 
Es-Saleh,  who,  however,  continued  to  rule  over  a 
diminished,  territory  till  his  death  at  the  end  of  1181. 

We  must  now  return  to  consider  the  last  years  of 
the  reign  of  Amalric.  Throughout  his  reign  that 
prince  had  felt  that  his  chief  hope  of  support  lay  in 


244  ^^^  RIVAL  KINGS. 

a  close  alliance  with  Constantinople,  and  his  return 
from  his  last  Egyptian  expedition  was  shortly  fol- 
lowed by  a  visit  to  the  Byzantine  capital.  Manuel 
received  him  nobly,  ''as  was  due  to  the  king  of 
Jerusalem  and  the  advocate  and  defender  of  the 
venerable  scenes  of  our  Lord's  passion  and  resurrec- 
tion." Etiquette  forbade  even  a  king  to  sit  in  the 
Emperor's  presence  when  he  received  in  state,  but 
after  Amalric  had  entered  the  royal  chamber,  cur- 
tains fell  suddenly  and  excluded  the  greater  number 
of  the  courtiers.  Manuel  then  rose  from  his  golden 
throne,  embraced  his  guest,  and  set  him  on  a  lowly 
seat  hard  by.  But  though  the  Emperor  lent  a  ready 
ear  to  his  visitor's  projects  for  the  easy  conquest 
of  Egypt,  and  distributed  gifts  with  splendid  magni- 
ficence, he  went  no  further,  and  Amalric  returned 
home  a  disappointed,  if  a  richer,  man. 

The  events  of  the  previous  year  had  probably 
moved  Amalric  to  thus  seek  the  aid  of  the  Emperor. 
In  June,  1170,  a  great  earthquake  had  well-nigh 
ruined  many  cities  of  Northern  Syria.  Antioch, 
Tripoli,  and  Tyre,  as  well  as  the  Mohammedan  cities 
of  Hamah,  Emesa,  and  Aleppo,  all  shared  in  the 
disaster.  The  earthquakes  continued  during  three 
or  four  months,  and  imposed  upon  the  warring  races 
a  short  period  of  peace,  for  "  each  man  was  occupied 
by  his  private  misfortune,  and  while  harassed  by  his 
own  grief,  forbore  to  set  troubles  for  another."  In  the 
following  December  Saladin  took  advantage  of  the 
prevalent  weakness  to  attack  Darum,  a  fortress  which 
was  held  by  the  Templars.  Amalric  hurried  up 
in    time    to    save    the   citadel,   but    not    the   town. 


THE    TEMPLARS   AND    THE   ASSASSINS.        245 

Saladin,  however,  managed  to  slip  past  him  to  Gaza, 
and  there,  too,  succeeded  in  sacking  the  town  and 
mercilessly  slayiiig  the  defenceless  citizens  and 
country  folk  who  had  congregated  for  safety.  The 
citadel  was  kept  safely  by  its  warden,  Milo  de  Planci, 
who  wickedly  refused  its  shelter  to  the  Christian 
fugitives.  With  this  measure  of  success  Saladin  was 
content  to  go  back  to  Egypt,  whilst  Amalric  busied 
himself  with  the  restoration  of  his  fortresses. 

The  last  days  of  Amalric  were  embittered  by  the 
ambition  of  the  Templars.  The  castles  of  that  order 
hemmed  in  the  mountainous  territory  of  the  Assas- 
sins, from  whom  the  knights  exacted  a  yearly  tribute. 
In  the  hope  of  escaping  this  impost  the  chief  of  the 
Assassins  offered  to  turn  Christian  ;  ^  Amalric  readily 

*  The  name  Assassin  or  Hashashin  means  hemp-eaters,  and  was 
applied  to  the  sect  from  the  use  of  a  drug  prepared  from  this  plant, 
during  the  initiation  of  members  or  to  nerve  them  for  any  extraordi- 
nary effort.  The  sect  owed  its  origin  to  a  Persian  named  Hasan  ben 
Sabeh  who,  after  a  life  of  unprincipled  adventure,  became  an  Ismailite, 
and  for  a  time  settled  in  Egypt.  Eventually  in  1090  he  established 
himself  at  Alamut  south  of  the  Caspian,  where  his  successors  main- 
tained themselves  till  overthrown  by  Hulagu  in  1256.  Hasan's  influ- 
ence was  political  rather  than  religious  ;  his  teaching  enforced  a  blind 
obedience  to  the  grand  master's  behest,  and  for  nearly  two  centuries  his 
followers  were  the  terror  of  east  and  west.  Early  in  the  twelfth  century 
the  Assassins  began  to  multiply  in  Syria.  By  purchase  or  conquest 
they  became  masters  of  a  ring  of  fortresses  east  of  Tortosa  among  the 
mountains  of  Lebanon.  Their  first  prior  in  Syria  died  in  1169,  and  it 
Mas  his  successor  Sinan  who  sent  this  embassy  to  Amalric.  Sinan 
seems  to  have  introcluced  fresh  tenets  into  his  creed  ;  he  threw  off  the 
authority  of  his  nominal  lord  at  Alamut,  and  in  later  days  is  said  to  have 
declared  himself  an  incarnation  of  the  Deity.  He  died  in  1192.  Eighty 
years  later  (he  Assassins  of  Syria  were  reduced  to  political  subjection 
by  Bibars,  but  a  scanty  remnant  of  the  Ismailites  still  hang  round 
the  ruins  of  their  old  fortresses. 


246  .  THE  RIVAL  KINGS. 

acceded,  and  promised  to  recompense  the  knights  out 
of  his  own  purse.  The  Templars,  however,  distrusted 
his  goodwill  or  his  power,  and  at  the  instigation  of 
Walter  de  Maisnil, ''  an  evil  man  with  one  eye,"  slew 
the  envoys  of  the  Assassins  on  the  borders  of  Tripoli. 
Such  a  crime  enraged  the  whole  kingdom,  but  Odo 
de  St.  Amand,  the  Master  of  the  Temple,  claimed  the 
right  to  punish  his  knights  as  he  choose,  and  pro- 
tected the  murderers.  Amalric  could  not  brook  such 
defiance ;  with  the  assent  of  his  council,  he  seized  the 
offenders  by  force  and  sent  them  in  chains  to  Tyre  ; 
probably  he  would  have  pursued  the  matter  further 
had  it  not  been  for  his  own  sudden  death. 

When  Nur-ed-din  died  in  May,  1174,  Amalric,  un- 
like his  great  and  generous  rival,  had  no  compunction 
about  invading  a  kingless  realm  ;  he  accordingly 
laid  siege  to  Banias,  but  allowed  himself  to  be 
bought  off  by  Nur-ed-din's  widow,  and  withdrew  to 
Tiberias.  There  he  was  seized  wuth  a  dysentery,  but 
would  not  take  to  his  bed  or  suffer  himself  to  be 
carried  in  a  litter;  on  horseback  he  rode  through 
Nazareth  and  Nablus  to  Jerusalem.  His  illness 
increasing  he  desired  the  Greek  and  Syrian  physi- 
cians, who  were  in  attendance,  to  give  him  a  purging 
draught,  and  when  they  refused  had  resort  to  the 
more  compliant  but  less  skilful  Latin  doctors.  For  a 
time  he  seemed  to  improve,  but  the  disease  returned 
with  fresh  violence,  and  on  July  11,  11 74,  Amalric 
died  in  the  thirty-eighth  year  of  his  age. 

Amalric  was  of  middle  height,  and  somewhat 
corpulent,  but  of  comely  features  and  a  presence 
which  proclaimed  his  rank.     He  had  bright  eyes  and 


CHARACTER   OF  AMALRIC.  247 

an  aquiline  nose,  with  golden  hair  and  a  full  beard. 
In  manner  he  lacked  the  gracious  affability  which 
had  endeared  his  brother  to  all  classes  of  his  subjects, 
and  would  rarely  enter  into  familiar  conversation. 
Neither  was  he  so  well  educated  as  Baldwin  had  been, 
but  his  understanding  was  quick,  and  his  tenacious 
memory  made  good  use  of  his  scanty  leisure.  History 
was  his  favourite  study,  and  his  liberality  supplied 
William  of  Tyre  with  manuscripts  for  the  compila- 
tion of  his  great  work  on  Arabic  history,  now  unfor- 
tunately lost.  His  serious  disposition  gave  him  no 
taste  for  plays  or  dice,  though  he  was  passionately 
fond  of  hawking.  Though  regular  in  religious 
observances  he  seems  to  have  been  something  of  a 
sceptic,  and  perhaps  a  disbeliever  in  the  immortality 
of  the  soul.  In  his  private  life  he  was  very  licentious 
and  in  his  public  much  given  to  avarice  ;  this  latter 
failing  he  excused  on  the  plea  that  if  a  prince 
saved  he  was  less  likely  to  rob  his  subjects,  and  better 
equipped  against  a  sudden  emergency ;  certainly, 
when  his  realm  was  in  peril,  he  spared  neither  his 
purse  nor  person,  and  even  in  private  matters  was 
often  liberal,  as  when  he  subscribed  largely  to  ransom 
his  cousin  Raymond  of  Tripoli. 

With  all  his  faults  Amalric  had  many  of  the 
qualities  of  a  great  ruler,  and  his  death  at  this 
moment  was  a  serious  blow  to  the  kingdom  of  Jeru- 
salem. So  valorous  and  so  politic  a  king  would 
doubtless  have  been  able  to  reap  some  advantage 
from  the  weakness  of  the  heir  of  Nur-ed-din,  and  the 
ambitious  rivalry  of  Saladin.  Would  but  the  princes 
of  the  West  have  forgotten  their  private  feuds,  and 


248  THE  RIVAL  KINGS, 

supported  the  great  but  futile  expedition  that  Wil- 
liam of  Sicily  sent  against  Alexandria  this  self-same 
year;  would  but  the  Eastern  Franks  and  the  Greeks 
have  cordially  united  for  once,  there  is  no  telling 
what  successes  might  have  resulted.  But  there  was 
how  no  hand  that  could  unite  for  one  purpose  the 
scattered  forces  of  Christendom.  Armies  that  might 
have  shattered  the  realm  so  slowly  and  laboriously 
built  up  by  Zangi  and  Nur-ed-din,  were  dissipated 
in  predatory  raids  and  desultory  enterprises.  The 
Sicilian  fleet  sailed  back  from  Alexandria  after  a 
purposeless  siege  of  a  week;  Manuel  turned  his 
arms  against  the  Sultan  of  Rum  and  met  with 
signal  disaster;  the  forces  contributed  by  Western 
Europe  were  not  the  chivalry  of  two  kingdoms, 
but  the  scanty  following  of  an  English  earl  and  a 
Flemish  count.  The  opportunity  was  lost  and 
never  returned.  The  death  of  Amalric  was  the 
knell  of  his  kingdom. 


XVII. 


THE   RISE  OF   SALADIN. 


(II74-II85.) 


*'  Solo  in  parfe  vidi  '1  Saladiho." 

Dante,  Inferno,  iv.  129. 
("  Alwne  and  apart  I  beheld  Saladin.") 

The  successor  of  Amalric  was  his  son  Baldwin,  a 
boy  of  barely  thirteen,  who  through  his  mother,  Agnes 
of  Edessa,  inherited  the  blood  of  the  house  of 
Cpurtenay  as  welLas  of  that  of  Anjou.  His  fathe'" 
had  taken  the  greatest  care  for  his  education,  and 
entrusted  him,  when  only  nine  years  old,  to  William 
of  Tyre,  as  one  of  a  little  group  of  noble  youths  to 
whom  the  great  historian  imparted  some  of  that 
Western  lore  with  which  his  own«mind  was  so  copiously 
stored.  Baldwin  did  not  fail  to  do  his  tutor  credit ; 
he  had  a  quick  apprehension  and  a  retentive  memory, 
and  like  both  his  father  and  uncle  was  an  eager  lover 
of  history.  He  was  of  comely  form,  much  resembling 
his  father  Dotn  m  manner  and  appearance,  and  even 
in  his  youth  gave  promise  of  rare  abilities  should  he 
reach  maturer  age.     But   despite  the  good  qualities, 

S49 


250  THE   RISE   OF  SALADIN. 

which  have  made  him  one  of  the  true  hero  kings  of 
history,  his  friend  and  tutor  could  not  look  on  him 
without  sympathy  and  tears,  for  Baldwin  was  a  leper. 

He  was  still  a  child  when  the  first  symptoms  of 
the  fell  disease  appeared.  When  playing  with  his 
comrades  the  lads  would  test  one  another's  endurance 
by  running  their  nails  into  each  other's  arms.  Baldwin 
alone  would  give  no  sign  of  pain  ;  this  indifference, 
which  was  at  first  taken  as  a  sign  of  strength  of  will, 
proved  to  be  due  to  the  absence  of  any  power  of 
feeling  in  his  right  hand  and  arm.  Later  on  he 
became  a  hopeless  leper ;  and  though  he  was  for  a 
time  carried  even  on  warlike  expeditions  in  a  litter, 
he  was  at  length  compelled  to  renounce  his  royal 
duties  and  appoint  a  regent.  After  a  short  but  heroic 
life  harassed  with  continual  misfortune  he  died_when 
only  twenty-three,  leaving_hisJdngdom  on  the  wergQ 
of  ruin. 

The  influence  which  Milo  de^lajK:!  had  possessed 
under  Amalric  pointed  toTiim  as  the  guardian  of  the 
young  king.  But  the  great  barons  could  not  brook 
the  rule  of  a  stranger  from  Champagne,  and  turned 
to  Raymond  II.  of  Tripoli  as  their  head.  Raymond 
was  the  most  powerful  and  wealthy  noble  in  the  realm, 
and  claimed  the  guartiianship  of  the  king  as  his  next 
of  kin,  and  as  a  debt  of  gratitude  that  he  owed  to 
Amalric.  The  dispute  was  still  unsettled,  when  the 
murder  of  Milo  at  Acre  in  the.^autumn  of  1174 
removed  the  chief  obstacle  to  Raymond's  ambition. 

Raymond,  who  was  now  about  thirty  years  old, 
was  descended  not  only  from  the  hero  of  the  First 
Crusade,  but  also,  through  his  mother,  from  Baldwin 


RAYMOND   11.    OF    TRIPOLI. 


251 


II.  His  character  must  be  judged  by  the  subsequent 
events  of  his  life ;  but  this  much  may  be  remarked, 
that  he  had  won  the  esteem  of  William  of  Tyre,  who 
may  almost  be  said  to  write  as  a  partisan  whenever 
the  Count  of  Tripoli  is  in  question.  In  person 
Raymond  was  slightly  built,  with  sharp  visage  and 


flashi  g  eyes ;  in  character  he  was  prudent  and 
cautious,  though  he  could  be  vigorous  in  an  emer- 
gency.    To  his  own  hereditary  county  he  had  added 


SEAL  OF  RAYMOND   H.  OF  TRIPOLI. 


by  his  marriage  with  Eschiva,  widow  of  Walter  of 
Galilee,  the  possession  of  the  great  stronghold  of 
Tiberias. 

The  weakly  health  of  the  young  king  made  the 
choice  of  a  husband  for  his  elder  sister  Sibylla  one 
of  the  first  necessities  of  the  time.  The  choice  fell 
on  William  of  Montferrat,  a  kinsman  of  Philip 
Augustus  and  Frederick  Barbarossa,  who  was  married 
to  his  bride  in  the  autumn  of  II 76.  and  received  with 
her  the  cities  of  Jaffa  and  Ascalon.     The  marriage 


1^ 


252  THE   RISE   OF   SAL  A  DIN. 

was  of  short  duration,  for  in  the  following  Junp 
William  fell  ill  and  died,  leaving  his  wife  with  child. 
Just  after  this  misfortune  the  young  king's  cousin 
Phillp_of  Flanders  arrived  at  Acre  in  August,-!  177. 
With  a  great  show  of  humility  and  disinterestedness 
he  refused  the  proffer  of  the  guardianship  of  the 
realm.  He  had  come  to  the  Holy  Land  not  to  seek 
power,  but  to  do  the  Lord's  will.  He  would  obey 
any  duly  constituted  regent,  as  if  he  were  his  own 
liege  lord,  or  lend  his  ready  aid  for  an  expedition 
to  Egypt.  The  value  of  these  professions  was  too* 
soon  apparent.  When  Reginald ..iie__ChatillDn,  who 
after  a  long  captivity  had  been  released  from  his 
Saracen^  gaol,  wa„s_  nominated^as  the  kingls^-p^octor 
and^general,  Philip  testily  declared  that  there  was 
no  need  of  suchan  officer,  and  that  a  man  should 
be  chosen  who  could  bear  all  the  authority  for  the 
proposed  expedition,  and  would  be  fit  to  rule 
Egypt  as  its  king  if  successful.  When  so  obviously 
selfish  a  suggestion  was  rejected,  Philip,  shifting 
his  ground,  urged  that  a  new  husband  should  be 
found  for  Sibylla.  This  untimely  proposal  proved 
to  spring  from  one  of  Philip's  followers,  the  Advocate 
of  Bethun,  who  had  offered  to  surrender  all  his 
patrimony  to  the  count,  if  he  could  secure  Baldwin's 
two  sisters  for  the  wives  of  his  own  sons.  Such  an 
offer  was  rejected  by  the  council  off-hand  as  dis- 
honouring to  themselves  and  the  king.  But  Philip 
soon  found"  a  fresh  subject  for  the  display  of  his  ill- 
humours.  Manuel  had  sent  an  embassy  to  urge  the 
immediate  despatch  of  the  Egyptian  expedition ; 
when   Philip's  opinion  was  sought,  he  pleaded  his 


PHILIP  OF  FLANDERS. 


253 


Ignorance  as  a  stranger,  but  urged  that  the  time  of 
year  was  unsuitable.  The  council  regarded  these  as 
but  bald  excuses,  and  offered  to  supply  a  sufficiency 
of  all  that  was  needed  for  the  journey.  Then  Philip 
refused   point  blank :    he  would  not   run  the  risk  of 


SEAL   O?    PHILIP   OF    FLANDERS. 


perishing  with  hunger  in  Egypt,  he  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  make  war  in  fertile  lands :  let  them  choose 
some  less  dangerous  quarter,  and  he  would  gladly 
join  them  to  strike  a  blow  for  Christ 

There  may  have  been  something  of  prudence  in 


254-  ^^^   ^ISE   OF  SALADIN. 

these  arguments,  but  it  was  generally  felt  that  the 
count's  utterance  of  them  lacked  sincerity.  To  the 
council  it  appeared  hard  to  abandon  the  expedition 
when  a  Greek  fleet  actually  lay  at  Acre,  but  they  felt 
that  there  was  no  choice  in  the  matter.  Scarcely  had 
they  made  this  resolution  when  Philip  declared  his 
willingness  to  go  to  Egypt,  or  wherever  the  council 
wished.  The  Greeks  were  still  willing  to  proceed,  if 
the  count  would  only  take  an  oath  to  act  honourably 
and  openly.  This  natural  stipulation  did  not,  how- 
ever, commend  itself  to  Philip,  and  the  Greek  en\oys, 
feelrng  fuilher  j^egotiation  to  be  useless,  departed 
hixmewards.  Thus  through  the  obstinacy  or  timidity 
— William  of  Tyre  does  not  scruple  to  gay  the  bad 
faith — of  the  Flemish  count,  the  Eastern  Christians 
lost  tlieir  Is'^t  Qppoi*l^unity  of  striking  what  might 
have  been  a  fatal  blow  at  the  power  of  Saladin.     ~ 

Men  ^suspected  that  Philip's  conduct  haH~  been 
influenced  by  Bohemond  of  Antioch  in  the  hope  of 
aggrandisement  to  his  own  power.  But  if  so,  the 
prince's  hope  was  vain,  for  though  Philip  went  north 
in  October,  1177,  his  aid  was  no  more  valuable  in 
that  quarter  than  elsewhere.  The  time  was  oppor- 
tune enough,  and  the  Frankish  army  laid  siege  to 
Harenc  with  good  prospects  of  success.  But  the 
allurements  of  gambling  and  the  luxurious  pleasures 
of  Antioch,  that  lay  so  close,  proved  fatal  to  military 
discipline,  and  the  siege  was  raised  with  no  more  to 
show  than  an  uncertain  bribe.  After  this  inglorious 
campaign  Philip  of  Flanders  sailed  home  .Jmm 
Laodicca  at  Easter,  11 78,  "leaving  behind  him  a 
memory  that  was  in  no  wise  blessed." 


SARACEN  INVASIONS.  255 

Meantime  the  withdrawal  of  so  many  of  its 
defenders  to  the  north  had  left  the  kingdom  open 
to  the  attacks  of  Saladin  on  the  south.  His  troops 
scoured  the  country  at  their  will ;  Ramleh  and  Lydda 
were  sacked  and  burnt,  and  for  the  first  time  for  five- 
and-twenty  years  the  Holy  City  itself  was  threatened. 
The  more  experienced  warriors  advised  Baldwin  not 
to  risk  a  battle,  but  with  a  few  followers  he  hurried 
up  to  Ascalon.  There  he  was  joined  by  the  Templars 
from  Gaza,  but  even  then  he  had  only  370  knights  to 
meet  a  host  of  six-and-twenty  thousand,  which  in- 
cluded a  thousand  Mamluks  in  yellow  tunics,  the 
special  guard  of  Salad in's  person.  Nevertheless,  the 
Franks  went  out  bravely  on  November  25th  to  meet 
their  foe.  According  to  Saladin's  own  account  the 
Christians  charged  just  as  he  was  executing  a  strategic 
movement  ;  another  contemporary  Arabic  account 
says  that  the  Mohammedan  host  was  surprised  whilst 
watering ;  but  all  writers  admit  that  Baldwin  achieved 
a  glorious  victory.  The  Turks  were  utterly  routed, 
and  Saladin  himself  barely  escaped  upon  a  swift 
camel  with  scarcely  one  hundred  horsemen. 

In  the  following  autumn  Baldwin  erected  a  fortress 
on  the  Upper  Jordan,  which  was  named  Castle  Jacob, 
from  a  tradition  that  its  site  was  the  scene  of  the 
patriarch's  meeting  with  Esau.  In  April,  1179,  after 
entrusting  his  new  castle  to  the  Templars,  the  king 
led  an  expedition  into  Saracen  territory.  The  army 
scattered  in  all  directions  in  search  of  plunder,  till 
Baldwin  was  left  alone  with  only  a  few  followers  in 
a  rocky  gorge.  Here  he  was  surprised  by  the 
Saracens,  and  though  Henfrid  of  Toron  brought  his 


255  THE  RISE   OF  SALADIN, 

young  lord  safe  out  of  danger,  it  was  at  the  cost  of 
his  own  life  ;  for  a  few  days  later  his  wounds  proved 
fatal  to  the  gallant  constable,  whom  even  Moham- 
medans admiied  for  his  courage  and  warlike  skill. 
In  June  Saladin  retaliated  by  an  invasion  of  the 
kingdom.  The  Franks  mustered  to  meet  him  in 
force,  but  the  rashness  of  the  Templars  under  Odo  de 
St.  Amand  converted  a  promising  opportunity  into  a 
disastrous  defeat.  Odo  himself  and  many  nobles  were 
taken  prisoners,  and  two  months  later  Saladin's 
victory  was  crowned  by  the  capture  of  Castle  Jacob. 
The  double  disaster  was  aggravated  by  the  long- 
continued  drought,  which  during  five  years  had 
impoverished  the  territory  of  the  Franks.  The 
king's  sickness,  which  grew  worse  yearly,  added  to 
the  troubles  of  the  time,  and  to  guard  against  future 
mishaps  a  fresh  husband  was  now  found  for  Sibylla 
in  the  person  of  Guy  de  Lusignan.  In  the  face  of 
such  dangers  Baldwin  felt  it  prudent  to  beg  for  a 
truce ;  Saladin  welcomed  the  proposition,  and  in 
1 1 80  peace  both  by  land  and  sea  was  established  for 
two  years.  Such  an  agreement  was  a  heavy  blow  to 
Christian  pride  ;  for  the  first  time  since  the  Franks 
set  foot  in  Palestine  was  a  treaty  drawn  up  on  equal 
terms  without  any  special  advantage  being  secured 
for  the  Christians. 

There  was  now  peace  for  a  period  of  two  years. 
The  Franks"  were,  however,  troubled  by  internal 
dissensions.  Raymond  of  Tripoli,  though  nominally 
protector,  never  entered  their  land,  and  Baldwin  fell 
more  and  more  under  the  influence  of  tW  count's 
enemies,  and,  above   all,  of  his   mother  and   uncle, 


A    TWO   YEARS'   TRUCh,  257 

Joscelin  the  Seneschal.  An  open  breach  with 
Raymond  was  only  prevented  through  the  interven- 
tion of  those  wiser  nobles  who  saw  in  the  count  the 
most  trusty  defender  of  the  kingdom. 

Meantime  the  course  of  events  favoured  Saladin. 
After  a  brief  raid  into  Tripoli,  which  was  not  included 
in  the  truce,  he  had  withdrawn  to  Egypt,  and  prepared 
to  meet  the  threatened  attack  from  Sicily.  About 
this  time  Sayf-ed-din  of  Mosul  and  Es-Saleh  of  Aleppo 
both  died,  and  left  their  dominions  to  Masud,  a 
brother  of  the  former.  Masud's  counsellors  urged 
him  to  take  advantage  of  the  defenceless  state  of 
Damascus  during  Saladin's  detention  in  Egypt. 
Their  advice  was  rejected  by  the  prince,  who  would 
not  break  his  treaty  with  Saladin  ;  but  a  little  later 
Masud  gave  Aleppo  to  his  brother  Imad-ed-din 
in  exchange  for  Sinjar,  a  bargain  which  excited  the 
alarm  of  the  lord  of  Egypt. 

Other  circumstances  besides  the  peril  of  Damascus 
determined  Saladin  to  return  to  Syria.  The  danger 
to  Egypt  had  passed  away  with  the  diversion  of  the 
Sicilian  fleet  to  the  Balearic  Islands  and  its  subse- 
quent destruction.  The  truce,  moreover,  was  nearly 
at  an  end,  and  there  were  not  a  few  causes  of  dispute 
between  Baldwin  and  Saladin.  Reginald  of  Chatillon 
had  captured  some  Arab  merchants,  for  which  the 
Sultan  retaliated  by  the  detention  of  one  thousand 
five  hundred  pilgrims,  who  had  been  wrecked  near 
Damietta.  Baldwin,  despite  the  warnings  of  Count 
Raymond,  made  an  ill-managed  and  futile  attempt 
to  intercept  Saladin  on  his  way  across  the  desert. 
Meanwhile,  as  Raymond    had  foreseen,   the    Syrian 


258  THE  RISE   OF   SALADIN. 

emirs  took  the  opportunity  to  invade  Galilee,  and, 
as  they  returned  home  with  their  spoil,  inflicted  a  yet 
more  disastrous  blow  on  the  Christians.  In  the  region 
of  Soad  (or  "  Black  Country ")  beyond  Jordan  the 
Franks  had  converted  some  caves  in  the  face  of  a 
precipitous  rock  into  an  almost  impregnable  fortress. 
This  stronghold,  through  the  carelessness  of  its  lord, 
had  been  left  in  charge  of  unwarlike  Syrians.  Either 
by  force  or  by  fraud  the  Saracens  captured  its  lower 
stages,  and  thus  compelled  the  other  portion  to  sur- 
render. According  to  the  Arabic  historian,  this  victory 
broke  the  arm  and  power  of  the  Franks. 

Saladin  now  led  an  army  across  the  Jordan,  and, 
after  attacking  Beth-Shan  without  success,  went  on 
towards  Belvoir.  The  Franks  had  mustered  at 
Tiberias,  and,  on  advancing  to  Forbelet,  suddenly 
found  themselves  surrounded  by  the  enemy.  Old 
men  declared  that  they  had  never  seen  such  a  host 
of  infidels  since  the  Latins  first  came .  into  Syria. 
The  Saracens  were  twenty  thousand  men  ready  for 
battle,  the  Christians  had  only  seven  hundred  horse- 
men. "  Saladin  and  his  chiefs,"  writes  William  of 
Tyre,  "  had  but  one  mind,  namely,  to  hem  us  in,  so 
that  none  could  escape.  Yet  by  the  mercy  of  God 
did  our  men,  bearing  themselves  bravely,  issue  the 
better  from  the  conflict ;  and  that  though  many, 
whose  names  for  very  shame  we  will  not  write, 
withdrew  themselves  from  the  toils  of  war."  Only 
a  few  Christian  knights  were  slain,  but  the  Saracens 
were  so  disheartened  by  their  losses  that  they  at  once 
recrossed  the  Jordan.  The  Franks  then  went  back  to 
the  fountain  of  Sepphoris. 


SIEGE   OF  BEYROUT,  259 

In  August,  1 1 82,  on  the  arrival  of  his  fleet  from 
Egypt,  Saladin  crossed  the  Lebanon  and  laid  siege  to 
Beyrout.  The  news  of  this  fresh  attack  came  to  the 
Franks  at  Sepphoris,  and  at  the  same  time  they 
received  intelligence  that  Saladin's  brother,  El-Adel 
Sayf-ed-din  —  known  to  Crusading  chroniclers  as 
Saphadin — had  appeared  before  Darum.  Baldwin 
had  not  sufficient  forces  to  meet  the  double  attack. 
After  taking  counsel  with  his  nobles,  he  decided  to 
grapple  with  "  the  more  dangerous  disease."  No  time 
was  lost,  and  within  seven  days  thirty  well-appointed 
galleys  were  ready  at  Tyre  and  Acre.  The  fleet 
reached  Beyrout  to  find  the  harbour  already  clear; 
for  Saladin,  after  commencing  the  assault  with  vigour, 
had  suddenly  changed  his  mind  and  ordered  a  rC' 
treat.  An  invitation  from  the  Governor  of  Harran 
had  afforded  him  the  opportunity  for  more  important 
conquests  further  east. 

For  the  next  few  months  Saladin  was  conquering 
beyond  the  Euphrates.  He  passed  the  great  river 
and  called  the  Mohammedan  princes  to  his  side ; 
Edessa  and  Nisibis  were  taken  and  given  to  his  friends, 
while  Masud  fell  back  before  him  on  Mosul.  News 
came  that  the  Franks  had  been  plundering  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Damascus.  But  Saladin  would 
not  turn  back  :  "  If  the  Christians  destroy  our 
villages,  we  will  take  their  towns."  So  he  rode  on 
to  Mosul.  "  As  he  looked  upon  the  city,"  writes  the 
Arabic  historian,  "  his  heart  was  filled  with  fear ;  for 
he  saw  how  walls  and  parapets  were  crowded,  so  that 
there  was  not  one  part  that  had  not  its  warrior." 
The  Caliph  had  sent  envoys  to  mediate  between  the 


26o  THE   RISE   OF  SALADIN. 

combatants.  Salad  in  offered  to  surrender  his  late 
conquests  in  return  for  Aleppo  ;  but  Aleppo  was  not 
Masud's  to  give.  However,  Saladin  found  Mosul  too 
strong  for  capture,  and  after  taking  Sinjar  he  turned 
west  to  besiege  Aleppo.  Imad  ed-din  had  no 
means  of  defence,  and  soon  consented  to  resign 
Aleppo  in  return  for  Sinjar,  Nisibis,  and  some  other 
places.  "  Thus,"  says  the  Arabic  writer,  "  he  sold 
Aleppo  for  the  vilest  price,  and  gave  away  a  strong- 
hold of  the  greatest  importance  in  exchange  for  some 
little  towns  and  cultivated  fields."  The  people  of 
Aleppo  cried  shame  upon  him,  declaring  he  was  only 
fit  to  be  a  washer  of  clothes.  This  conquest  (June  12, 
1183)  marks  the  consolidation  of  Saladin's  power  ;  he 
was  now  beyond  all  dispute  the  head  power  in  the 
Mohammedan  world,  and  might  bend  his  undivided 
energies  towards  the  great  work  of  his  life — the  ex- 
pulsion of  the  Franks  from  the  Holy  City. 

Saladin's  absence  had  given  Baldwin  an  opportunity 
of  attacking  Damascus  and  its  neighbourhood.  In  the 
autumn  of  11 82  one  plundering  expedition  penetrated 
to  the  very  suburbs  of  the  city,  and  on  its  return  re- 
captured the  mountain  fortress  in  Soad.  In  December 
a  great  council  was  held  at  Caesarea,  where  it  was 
decided  to  make  a  fifteen  days'  expedition  towards 
Bostra.  The  Franks  under  the  command  of  Count 
Raymond  crossed  the  Jordan  at  the  ford  of  Jacob, 
and  plundered  the  Saracen  territory  to  within  a  few 
miles  from  Damascus. 

And  now  the  news  of  Saladin's  successes  began 
to  make  men  fear  the  ruin  of  the  Latin  realm. 
"  For,"  says  William    of  Tyre,  "  his   departure    had 


CONQUEST  OF  ALEPPO.  2f6l 

given  us  grave  matter  for  thought  ;  we  were 
right  anxious  lest  he  should  return  yet  stronger 
than  before."  In  February,  1183,  there  was  a 
great  council  at  Jerusalem  ;  king  and  nobles  were 
alike  so  poor  that  they  could  not  perform  their 
proper  duties ;  a  scheme  was  therefore  devised  for 
the  general  taxation  of  all  classes  ;  the  money  so 
obtained  was  not  to  be  used  for  the  common  needs 
of  the  realm,  but, to  be  stored  at  Jerusalem  and  Acre 
as  a  provision  against  some  great  emergency.^  With 
the  news  of  the  fall  of  Aleppo,  the  alarm  grew  yet 
wilder  ;  the  Christians,  realising  their  weakness,  began, 
to  strengthen  their  fortifications  especially  round  Bey- 
rout.  Bohemond  of  Antioch  also  came  to  the  king 
at  Acre  with  an  appeal  for  aid ;  he  was  granted 
three  hundred  horsemen,  but  soon  afterwards  made 
a  truce  with  Saladin  ;  about  the  same  time  he  sold 
Tarsus  to  Rupin  of  Armenia,  as  that  city  was  too 
distant  and  costly  for  defence. 

After  the  conquest  of  Aleppo,  Saladin  once  more 
crossed  the  Jordan  to  Beth-Shan  (September  29,  1 183). 
Baldwin  had  mustered  his  forces  at  Sepphoris,  but, 
being  too  ill  to  lead  them  in  person,  entrusted  the  com- 
mand to  his  brother-in-law,  Guy  de  Lusignan.  Saracen 
freebooters  ravaged  the  whole  region  round ;  they 
forced  their  way — for  the  first  time — to  the  Greek 
monastery  on  Mount  Tabor,  destroyed  Forbelet,  and 
from  the  hills  abov^e  Nazareth  looked  down  upon  the 
city  of  our  Lord's  childhood.  When  the  Italian  mer- 
chants on  the  coast  heard  of  the  invasion  they  put  off 
their  intended  voyage,  and  hurried  up  to  join  the 
^  See  above,  p.  123, 


^62  THE   RISE   OF  SALADIN, 

king's  army.  Never,  so  old  men  said,  had  Palestine 
seen  so  vast  an  array  of  Crusaders  ;  there  were  one 
thousand  three  hundred  knights  and  over  fifteen 
thousand  well-armed  foot;  among  them  were  great 
nobles  from  Europe :  Henry,  Duke  of  Louvain  and 
Ralf  de  Maleine  ^  from  Aquitaine,  together  with  the 
lords  of  the  land,  Guy  de  Lusignan,  Reginald  de 
Chatillon,  Baldwin  and  Balian  of  Ibelin,  Reginald 
of  Sidon,  Walter  of  Caesarea,  and  Joscelin  de 
Courtenay.  But  this  splendid  opportunity  for 
crushing  Saladin  was  lost  through  internal  jealousy ; 
the  lords  of  Palestine  refused  to  obey  Guy  de 
Lusignan,  whom  they  despised  as  a  man  "  unknown 
and  of  little  skill  in  military  matters  ;  "  they  trumped 
up  excuses  for  inaction,  and  after  eight  days  the 
Saracens  went  back  home.  A  month  later  Saladin 
laid  siege  to  Reginald  of  Chatillon's  strong  castle 
of  Kerak.  Reginald  had  just  married  his  stepson, 
Henfrid  IV.  of  Toron,  to  the  king's  younger  sister,  and 
the  castle  was  crowded  with  jesters,  minstrels,  and 
others  come  to  help  in  the  wedding  festivities.  The 
place  was,  however,  too  strong  to  be  taken  even  by 
the  combined  forces  of  Saladin  and  his  brother  El- 
Adel,  who  joined  him  from  Egypt ;  so  when  the 
Franks  advanced  to  raise  the  siege,  Saladin  withdrew 
to  Damascus.  Next  year  he  made  another  unsuc- 
cessful expedition  against  Kerak  ;  on  his  way  back 
he  burnt  Nablus,  and  set  free  the  Mohammedan- 
prisoners  in  Sebaste.     This  was  his  last  engagement 

*  This  was  probably  Ralf  de  Mauleon,  father  of  the  Crusading  poet- 
warrior,  Savary  de  Mauleon,  who  played  a  conspicuous  part  in  English 
history  under  John, 


SALADIN   LORD   SUPREME.  263- 

for  some  years  in  Palestine.  In  the  summer  of  1185 
he  was  warring  against  Mosul ;  in  the  end,  after  some 
negotiations  conducted  by  Baha-ed-din  the  historian, 


RUINED  TOWER   OF   KKRAK. 

Masud  of  Mosul  came  to  terms  with  his  rival. 

Saladin  was  now  lord  supreme  of  all  the  Moham- 
medan princes.     He  might  reckon  on  being  followep 


264  THE   RISE   OF  SALADIN. 

to  war  by  the  various  princes  of  the  house  of  Zangi. 
who  ruled  at  Sinjar,  Mosul,  and  Mardin  ;  perhaps 
also  by  Kilij  Arslan  of  Rum  ;  certainly  by  all  the 
Ayubite  princes  whom  he  had  established  in  the 
valleys  of  the  Orontes  and  Nile.  Saladin's  policy 
had  led  him  to  keep  all  the  great  cities  of  Egypt  and 
Syria  in  the  hands  of  his  own  family.  Thus  his 
kinsmen,  Taki-ed-din,  Izz  ed-din,  and  Nasr-ed-din 
held  Edessa,  Baalbec,  and  Emesa ;  his  sons,  Ez- 
Zahir  and  El-Afdal,  were  lords  of  Aleppo  and 
Damascus,  and  his  brother,  El-Adel,  ruler  of  Egypt. 
All  along  the  frontier  there  lay  a  line  of  strong 
generals  or  princes  ready  at  any  moment  for  a  foray 
into  Christian  lands.  The  Mohammedans  only  waited 
to  exchange  their  tactics  of  defence  or  desultory  raids 
for  one  of  active  warfare,  till  the  lord  of  Syria 
and  Egypt,  the  overlord  of  Mosul  and  Rum,  should 
give  the  word  for  a  general  coalition  to  drive  the 
Christian  invaders  out  of  Syria. 


XVIII. 


THE  FALL  OF  JERUSALEM. 

(1183-II87.) 

**  Vae  terris  ubi  rex  est  puer." 

Ecdesiasticus, 

The  position  of  the  Christian  kingdom  was  now- 
one  of  extreme  peril.  The  king  was  sick  unto  death, 
and  there  was  no  hope  for  the  land  save  in  aid  from 
abroad,  which  aid  was  slow  to  come.  Louis  VII. 
of  France,  so  long  the  hope  of  the  Latin  East,  had 
been  dead  three  years,  and  Philip  Augustus,  his 
son,  was  hardly  of  the  stuff  from  which  Crusading 
heroes  were  made.  Henry  of  England  had  more 
than  enough  to  occupy  him  in  his  home  troubles  ; 
y  t  for"  many  years  past  he  had  sent  annually  large 
sums  of  money  to  the  great  orders  at  Jerusalem,  there 
to  be  stored  against  his  own  intended  coming.  The 
kings  of  France  and  England  had  more  than  once 
talked  of  a  Crusade  ;  and  Frederick  the  Emperor,  after 
the  conclusion  of  his  papal  and  Italian  disputes  in 

1 179,  had  also  meditated  an  expedition  to  the  East 

265 


266  THE   FALL   OF  JERUSALEM. 

But  all  these  things  were  mere  projects ;  internal 
dissensions,  mutual  distrust,  and  perhaps  unsteadiness 
of  religious  zeal  kept  the  great  European  lords  at 
home. 

Meanwhile  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  was  in  a 
state  of  rapid  decay.  The  young  king  had  appointed 
his  brother-in-law,  Guy  de  Lusignan,  his  proctor  in 
the  year  1 183,  retaining  for  his  own  use  only  the  city 
of  Jerusalem,  and  an  income  of  ten  thousand  besants. 
Popular  rumour,  as  represented  by  William  of  Tyre, 
declared  that  Guy  was  totally  unequal  to  his  high 
office.  Certainly  the  nobles,  jealous  of  an  alien's 
power,  did  the  new  ruler  homage  with  reluctance, 
and  the  majority  of  them,  whether  honestly  or  not, 
urged  the  superior  claims  of  Raymond  of  Tripoli. 
Matters  came  to 'a  climax  when  the  great  muster  of  the 
Christians,  under  Guy's  leadership,  effected  nothing, 
and  when  Guy  refused,  very  illiberally,  to  entertain 
Baldwin's  desire  to  exchange  Jerusalem  for  Tyre. 
As  a  consequence  .it  was  decided  in  a  great  council 
held  at  Jerusalem  that  Baldwin's  little  nephew,  his 
sister  Sibylla's  son  by  her  first  husband,  William 
of  Montferrat,  should  be  solemnly  anointed  king. 
The  story  cannot  be  better  told  than  in  the  quaint 
words  of  one  who  may  himself  have  been  present  at 
the  ceremony.  "  When  the  matter  was  thus  settled, 
the  king  bade  crown  the  child.  So  they  led  him 
to  the  Sepulchre  and  crowned  him.  And  because  the 
child  was  small,  they  put  him  into  the  arms  of  a 
knight  to  be  carried  into  the  Temple  of  the  Lord, 
to  the  end  that  he  might  not  appear  to  be  of  less 
Stature  than  the  rest     This  knight  was  a  stalwart 


PRANKISH  DISSENSIONS.  267 

man  and  tall,  having  to  name  Balian  d'Ibelin,  one  of 
the  barons  of  the  land."  The  ceremony  took  place 
on  the  1st  of  November,  1183.^ 

The  revolution  which  thus  transferred  the  crown  to 
the  infant  Baldwin  V.  seems  to  have  been  the  work 
of  the  hereditary  nobles  of  the  land,  and  was  chiefly 
brought  about  by  Baldwin  of  Ramleh  and  his  brother 
Balian  of  Ibelin.  The  regency  was  offered  to  Ray- 
mond of  Tripoli,  who  accepted  the  office  on  condi- 
tion that  he  should  hold  it  for  ten  years.  To  guard 
against  suspicion  the  strongholds  were  placed  in  the 
charge  of  the  two  great  orders,  while  the  care  of 
the  young  king's  person  was  entrusted  to  his  great 
uncle,  Joscelin  de  Courtenay.  On  the  other  hand, 
Raymond  received  Beyrout,  to  indemnify  him  for 
any  expenses  that  he  might  incur. 

Meanwhile  Guy  de  Lusignan  held  sullenly  aloof 
The  king  further  proposed  to  dissolve  his  sister's 
marriage,  and  with  this  intention  summoned  Guy  to 
Jerusalem  at  the  beginning  of  11 84.  The  count, 
however,  withdrew  to  his  own  city  of  Ascalon,  and, 
together  with  his  wife,  refused  to  obey  the  royal 
summons.  Baldwin  then  came  to  enforce  his  orders 
in  person  ;  but  the  gates  were  barred  before  him, 
and  the  walls  crowded  with  the  citizens,  who  looked 
calmly  on  whilst  the  king  in  vain  demanded  entrance. 
Baldwin  had  to  withdraw  to  Jaffa,  and  shortly 
afterwards  summoned  a  great  council  at  Acre; 
there     the     internal    dissensions    of    the     kingdom 

^  Ernoul,  who  is  here  quoted,  fixes  the  coronation  in  1184.  William 
of  Tyre  as  certainly  puts  it  in  1 183.  Perhaps  there  were  two  corona- 
tions, though  this  is  not  likely.  ' 


268  THE  FALL   OF  JERUSALEM, 

became  plain.  The  masters  of  the  Temple  and  the 
Hospital  fell  on  their  knees  before  the  king  and 
begged  him  to  pardon  his  brother-in-law  ;  when 
their  petition  was  refused  they  left  the  court  and  city 
in  anger.  Guy,  on  his  part,  made  the  breach  wider 
by  plundering  some  Arabs  who  were  under  the  royal 
protection.  From  all  that  follows  it  would  seem  that 
there  were  two  parties  in  the  state  ;  on  the  one  side 
the  native  nobles,  on  the  other  the  aliens  ;  at  the 
head  of  the  former  was  Raymond  of  Tripoli,  chief 
of  the  latter  was  Guy  de  Lusignan  or  Reginald  of 
Chatillon.  Raymond  and  his  party  seem  to  have 
believed  in  the  impossibility  of  active  resistance  to 
the  Saracens.  It  may  be  that  they  were  only  abiding 
their  time  till  the  coming  of  a  new  Crusade  should 
justify  them  in  taking  the  offensive  once  more  ;  but 
so  far  as  the  evidence  of  contemporary  writers,  both 
Christian  and  Arabic  goes,  they  were  actually  in 
communication  with  Saladin,  and  anxious  for  a  truce 
which  might  ensure  them  their  own  in  safety. 
Prominent  in  this  party  were  Bohemond  of  Antioch, 
Reginald  of  Sidon,  and  possibly  the  two  brothers, 
Baldwin  and  Balian  of  Ibelin. 

The  party  of  the  aliens  was  possibly  moved  by  a 
more  genuine  religious  enthusiasm.  Guy  de  Lusignan 
may  perhaps  have  been  influenced  by  merely  selfish 
aims  ;  but  selfishness  can  hardly  be  predicated  of  the 
masters  of  the  Temple  and  Hospital,  and  possibly  not 
of  Heraclius  the  Patriarch ;  family  affection  may, 
however,  account  for  the  part  played  by  Joscelin  de 
Courtenay.  The  members  of  the  two  great  orders 
had  not  entered  on  their  Eastern  life  in  search  fpr 


THE   TWO   PARTIES.  269 

ease  or  luxury ;  their  vows  bound  them  before  all 
else  to  fight  the  pagan,  and  to  extend  the  boundaries 
of  the  Lord's  kingdom  ;  the  very  thought  of  passing 
long  years  without  striking  a  blow  for  Christ  was  to 
them  insupportable  ;  thustheirconstant  clamour  was  for 
\yar,  and  in  this  they  were  well  supported  by  Reginald 
de  Chatillon.  The  long  years  of  his  captivity  in  a 
Saracen  prison  had  made  that  lioble  the  bitterest  of 
foes,  and  he  never  lost  a  chance  of  striking  a  blow  at 
Saracen  trader  or  soldier  ;  his  reluctance  to  hold  his 
hand  whether  in  peace  or  war  was  to  lead  a  few  years 
later  to  the  ruin  of  the  kingdom. 

At  that  same  council  of  Acre,  where  the  quarrel  ot 
these  two  parties  had  been  made  so  manifest,  it  was 
determined  to  appeal  to  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  for 
help.  Heraclius  the  Patriarch  and  the  two  Grand 
Masters  were  entrusted  with  the  mission  to  the  West. 
Pope  Lucius  IIL  gave  them  letters  to  assist  their 
plea,  and  they  bore  the  keys  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre 
together  with  the  royal  banner  of  the  kingdom  to 
Henry  II.  at  Reading.  In  the  spring  of  1185  almost 
all  the  barons  and  knights  of  Henry's  dominions  from 
the  Cheviots  to  the  Pyrenees  took  the  cross,  and  the 
kings  of  England  and  France  likewise  promisedjjieir 
support.  Yet,  nevertheless,  the  patriarch  went  home 
a  disappointed  man  with  only  barren  promises  where 
he  had  looked  for  material  aid. 

The  character  of  Heraclius  is  a  curious  problem. 
He  is  said  to  have  been  a  native  of  Auvergne,  and 
became  Archbishop  of  Caesarea  about  1175  ;  on  the 
death  of  the  Patriarch  Amalric  in  it 80  his  was  one 
of  the  two  names  submitted  to  Baldwin  IV.  by  the 


270  THE   FALL   OF  JERUSALEM. 

canons  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  His  competitor  was 
none  other  than  the  great  historian  of  the  Latin 
kingdom  in  the  East,  William  of  Tyre.  It  was 
rumoured  at  the  time  that  William,  on  hearing  of  the 
canons'  choice,  offered  to  relinquish  his  own  claiins,  if 
by  so  doing  he  might  exclude  his  rival ;  he  had  read 
in  ancient  chronicles,  so  he  was  reported  to  have  said, 
that  as  one  Heraclius  had  been  the  saviour  of  the 
Holy  City,  so  another  one  would  be  its  ruin, 
the  Archbishop  of  Caesarea,  he  continued,  was  the 
man  to  whom  this  ancient  prophecy  pointed.  The 
king,  however,  under  the  influence  of  his  sister's 
prayers  appointed  Heraclius.  William  then  appealed 
to  Rome,  whither  he  went  to  prosecute  his  cause  in 
person ;  success  was  already  crowning  his  efforts, 
when  he  died,  as  it  was  whispered,  of  poison  ad- 
ministered by  his  rival's  envoys.  This  was  not  the 
only  scandal  that  attached  to  Heraclius'  name ;  he 
lived  in  open  imrnorality,  and  kept  his  mistress  at 
Jerusalem  in  such  state  that  strangers  deemed  she 
was  at  least  a  baron's  wife.  Much  of  this  is  probably 
legend,  though  legend  of  only  a  slightly  later  date; 
yet  it  seems  to  sliow  in  what  sort  of  esteem  the 
patriarch  was  popularly  held. 

Baldwin  IV.  died  in  1185,  whilst  Heraclius  was 
still  in  the  West.^  Raymond  secured  an  immediate 
popularity  as  regent  by  concluding  a  four  years' 
truce  with  Saladin.  There  is  no  telling  how  long 
he  might  have  preserved  the  kingdom  had  it  not 
been  that  as  in  the  days  when  the  Greek  princes 
were  sieging  Troy  there  was  strife  among  the  chiefs. 

*  Or  possibly  late  in  11 84. 


THE  MARRIAGE   OF  BOTRON.  27I 

There  is  something  of  an  epic  ring  in  the  history 
of  the  ruin  of  the  Latin  kingdom  of  the  East  as  we 
read  it  in  the  pages  of  the  Continuator  of  WiUiam 
of  Tyre. 

Gerard  de  Rideford,  a  French  knight,  came  to 
Palestine  to  make  his  fortune.  Doubtless  he  looked 
to  win  such  a  prize  as  that  of  Reginald  of  Chatillon, 
who  gained  the  hand  of  the  widowed  princess  of 
Antioch,  or  of  Fulk  of  Anjou,  who  received  a  king- 
dom with  his  wife.  At  last  his  opportunity  came 
and  he  asked  for  the  hand  of  the  heiress  of  Botron, 
a  lordship  in  the  county  of  Tripoli.  But  Raymond 
rejected  his  petition,  and  married  his  ward  to  a  rich 
burgher  from  Pisa,  who  was  said  to  have  bought  his 
bride-  for  her  weight  in  gold,  Gerard,  who  had  all 
a  French  knight's  scorn  for  an  Italian  usurer,  quitted 
Tripoli  in  wrath.  He  joined  the  Templars,  and  by 
1 185  had  become  Grand  Master  of  the  order.  But 
he  still  sought  an  opportunity  to  avenge  the  wrong 
which  rankled  in  his  breast.  At  last  his  chance  came. 
In  September,  11 86,  the  child  king  died  at  AcrCj^ 
and  was  carried  by  the  Templars  to  Jerusalem  for 
burial.  Gerard  formed  a  plot  with  Count  Joscelin,  and 
they  took  Heraclius  and  Reginald  of  Chatillon  as 
their  partners';  Sibylla  was  hastily  summoned  to 
Jerusalem,  the  city  gates  were  shut,  the  walls  were 
manned  with  troops,  and  no  one  was  suffered  to  come 
in  or  go  out. 

Raymond,  suspicious  that  something  was  wrong, 
had  sent  a  man-at-arms  in  disguise  to  discover  what 
was  happening.  In  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre 
the  spy  heard  Reginald  bid  the  assembled  people  take 


«72  THE  FALL   OF  yERU SALEM. 

Sibylla  for  their  queen,  and  the  multitude  with  one 
voice  declare  they  would  have  no  other  ruler  than  the 
daughter  of  Amalric  and  the  sister  of  Baldwin.  Two 
crowns  had  been  brought  from  the  royal  treasure 
house.  One  was  now  placed  by  the  patriarch  on  the 
head  of  the  new  queen  with  these  words  :  "  Lady, 
you  are  but  a  woman,  wherefore  it  behoves  that  you 
have  a  man  to  stay  you  in  your  rule  ;  take  the  crown 
you  see  before  you,  and  give  it  to  him  who  can  best 
help  you  to  govern  your  realm."  On  this  Sib)lla 
called  her  husband,  and  as  Guy  knelt  before  her  set 
the  crown  on  his  head,  saying,  "  Sire,  take  this  crown, 
for  I  know  not  where  I  could  bestow  it  better."  It 
was  rumoured  that  as  the  Grand  Master  of  the 
Temple  took  the  new  king  by  the  hand  he  was 
heard  to  say :  "  This  crown  is  well  worth  the  marriage 
of  Botron." 

If  Raymond  of  Tripoli  had  harboured  any  designs 
on  the  crown  it  was  now  too  late.  The  utmost  he 
and  the  barons  assembled  with  him  at  Nablus  could 
do  was  to  set  up  a  king  of  their  own  in  the  person  of 
Henfrid  of  Toron,  the  husband  of  King  Amalric's 
second  daughter,  Isabella  or  Melisend.  Henfrid, 
however,  fearing  the  greatness  thrust  thus  suddenly 
upon  him  stole  away  the  same  night  to  Jerusalem. 
There  he  presented  himself  before  Sibylla,  who,  in 
anger  at  his  absence  from  her  coronation,  would  not 
return  his  greeting.  He  stood  before  her,  says  the 
quaint  old  chronicler,  scratching  his  head  like  a 
shamefaced  child,  and  muttering  something  about 
their  wanting  to  make  him  king  by  force.  The 
queen  caught  up  his  words,  and  understanding  their 


CORONATION   OF  GUY.  273 

drift,  granted  him  her  pardon,  and  despatched  him  to 
do  his  liomage  to  the  king. 

Most  of  the  Frank  lords  now  recognised  Guy's 
coronation  as  an  accomplished  fact,  and  did  homage. 
Two  alone  remained  implacable :  Baldwin  of  Ramleh, 
who,  renouncing  his  fiefs,  fled  in  defiance  to  Antioch  ; 
and  Raymond  of  Tripoli,  who  remained  on  his  lands, 
sullenly  nursing  his  discontent,  and  if  rumour  may 
be  trusted  intriguing  with  Saladin.  It  was  ap- 
parently about  this  time  that  Reginald  of  Chatillon, 
notwithstanding  the  truce,  swooped  down  on  a 
Saracen  caravan  on  its  way  through  his  lordship  of 
Kerak.  It  boots  not  to  inquire  whether  Saladin's 
sister  was  one  of  his  captives  ;  for  Saracen  writers 
fully  bear  out  the  words  of  the  Frank  chronicler : 
"  The  taking  of  this  caravan  was  the  ruin  of  Jeru- 
salem ; "  Saladin  forthwith  sounded  the  tocsin  for  the 
Holy  War. 

By  the  advice  of  the  Master  of  the  Temple,  Guy 
now  summoned  his  host  to  Nazareth,  with  the 
intention  of  besieging  Raymond  in  Tiberias.  The 
count  on  his  part  seems  to  have  called  upon  Saladin 
for  aid,  which,  if  we  may  trust  Ernoul,  Saladin  was 
prepared  to  give.  Civil  war  was,  however,  averted 
by  the  prudence  of  Balian  of  Ibelin,  who  pointed 
out  the  danger  of  forcing  Raymond  into  an  alliance 
with  Saladin,  and  volunteered  his  aid  to  effect  a 
reconciliation.  But  Raymond  demanded  with  firm- 
ness the  repayment  of  his  expenses  .as  regent,  and  so 
the  winter  passed  away  with  nothing  done. 

Easter  had  come  and  gone,  and  Saladin  was 
mustering    his    forces.     The    royal    council    advised 


^74  ^^^   ^^^^    ^^  yERU SALEM, 

peace  with  Raymond  ;  "  for  Guy  had  already  lost  the 
wisest  knight  in  the  land,  Baldwin  of  Ramleh  ;  if 
he  lost  Count  Raymond  too,  he  was  indeed  undone." 
Balian  was  accordingly  sent  to  Tiberias  with  the  two 
Grand  Masters.  On  reaching  Nablus,  Balian  stayed 
there  to  transact  some  business,  whilst  his  companions 
rode  on  to  Faba,  or  La  Feve.  At  evening  Balian  left 
Nablus,  and  rode  as  far  as  Sabat,  where  he  turned 
aside,  and  tarried  at  the  bishop's  house  till  the 
warder's  horn  proclaimed  the  day.  In  the  morning 
after  hearing  mass,  he  proceeded  on  his  journey. 
This  slight  delay  prevented  his  being  present  at  the 
battle  of  Nazareth,  and  perhaps  caused  the  downfall 
of  the  kingdom.  On  reaching  Faba  Balian  found  the 
castle  and  the  tents  before  its  walls  alike  deserted, 
whilst  the  castle  gate  stood  open  ;  in  amazement  he 
bade  his  servant  Ernoul,  to  whom  we  owe  our  know- 
ledge of  these  eventful  years,  dismount  and  enter. 
Ernoul  went  shouting  up  and  down  without  reply, 
till  at  last  he  found  two  sick  men  in  a  room  ;  they 
told  him  that  the  Grand  Masters  had  arrived  the 
previous  day,  but  had  departed  at  once  on  hearing 
how  a  body  of  Saracens  had  crossed  the  Jordan. 

According  to  the  romantic  story  of  the  Frank 
chronicler,  El-Afdal  had  begged  Count  Raymond  to 
grant  him  a  day's  excursion  across  the  Jordan. 
Raymond's  position  was  too  delicate  for  him  to 
venture  on  a  refusal.  He  bargained  only  that  El- 
Afdal  should  harm  neither  town  nor  house,  and 
return  the  same  evening.  So  on  the  morning  of 
May  1st,  El-Afdal  crossed  the  Jordan  to  plunder 
and   to   slay.      The    watchmen    from    the   towers   of 


BATTLE   OF  NAZARETH.  2yS 

Nazareth  saw  the  valleys  filled  with  the  Saracen  host, 
and  roused  the  city  to  arms.  The  news  reached  the 
two  Grand  Masters  at  Faba  ;  with  their  followers, 
and  forty  royal  knights  from  Nazareth,  they  rode  out 
to  meet  the  foes,  seven  hundred  against  seven 
thousand.  The  issue  was  disastrous  :  the  Master  of 
the  Hospital  and  sixty  of  his  knights  were  slain, 
whilst  of  the  Templars  only  two  besides  Gerard  de 
RicSbrd  escaped. 

This  was  the  further  news  which  Balian  shortly 
heard.  He  rode  in  haste  to  Nazareth,  and  summoned 
all  the  knights  at  Nablus  to  come  to  its  defence ; 
next  day  with  the  Master  of  the  Temple  he  went  on 
to  Tiberias.  In  the  presence  of  such  a  catastrophe 
all  private  hate  was  hushed  ;  Raymond  agreed  to  a 
reconciliation  and  to  a  meeting  with  Guy.  As  soon 
as  the  king  saw  his  late  rival  approaching  he  sprang 
from  his  horse  to  greet  him,  and  when  Raymond  bent 
his  knee  before  him,  raised  him  up  and  embraced  him 
warmly.  A  general  muster  was  then  ordered  to  take 
place  at  the  fountain  of  Sepphoris,  midway  between 
Acre  and  the  Sea  of  Galilee.  In  view  of  the 
emergency,  the  Master  of  the  Temple  put  at  Guy's 
disposal  the Jreasure  which  the  King;  of  England,  had 
sent  him  year  by  year,  and  with  this  money  soldiers 
were  hired  who  bore  King  Henry's  arms  upon  their 
shield. 

In  July,  when  the  host  was  gathered,  the  Countess 
of  Tripoli  sent  word  that  Saladin  was  besieging  her 
in  Tiberias,  and  that  she  could  hold  out  no  longer. 
A  council  was  summoned,  and  Raymond  addressing 
the  king  said  :  "  Sire,  I  would  fain  give  you  good 


276  THE  FALL   OF  JERUSALEM 

advice,  if  you  only  trust  me ;  but  I  know  full  well 
that  none  will  believe."  When  bidden  to  speak 
freely,  he  recommended  that  Tiberias  should  be  left 
to  its  fate.  There  was  no  water  on  the  road,  and  to 
attempt  its  relief  would  be  to  court  certain  destruc- 
tion. "  If  I  lose  wife,  retainers,  and  city,  so  be  it ;  I 
will  get  them  back  when  I  can  ;  but  I  had  rather  see 
my  city,  overthrown  than  the  land  lost."  This  noble 
speech  carried  conviction  with  it,  and  at  midnight  the 
council  broke  up.  Then  Gerard  de  Rideford  once 
more  found  his  opportunity,  and  coming  to  the 
king's  tent  urged  him  to  reject  the  counsel  of  the 
"  traitor  count."  "  The  king  durst  not  refuse  him, 
for  that  he  had  made  him  king,  and  delivered  to  him 
the  great  treasure  of  the  King  of  England."  The 
fatal  order  to  march  at  dawn  proved  "too  well  the 
truth  of  Raymond's  forecast ;  some  three  miles  from 
Tiberias,  in  a  rocky  and  waterless  spot,  the  Christians 
were  hemmed  in  by  the  Saracein  ;  unable  either  to 
advance  or  to  retreat,  they  were  forced  to  pitch  their 
camp.  Next  day  (it  was  Saturday,  July  4,  1187) 
found  them  disheartened  and  disorganised  ;  faint 
with  the  heat  and  with  thirst  they  could  offer  no 
effectual  resistance ;  by  evening  their  army  was 
routed,  their  king  a.  prisoner,  and  the  HplyjCross  the 
spoil  of  the  infidel. 

The  principal  captives  were  led  to  the  tent  of 
Saladin.  Among  them  were  Guy,  his  brother  Geof- 
frey, and  Reginald  of  Chatillon.  By  the  Sultan's 
orders  a  cooling  draught  was  handed  to  the  king, 
who  drank  and  passed  the  cup  to  Reginald.  "  Know,"- 
said  Saladin,  through  an  interpreter,  "  that  it  is  you 


BATTLE   OF  HATTIN.  277 

and  not  I  who  have  given  him  to  drink."  Then  the 
Sultan  called  for  a  sword,  and  with  his  own  hand  cut 
off  Reginald's  head  ;  thus  he  fulfilled  4iis  oath,  and 
revenged  the  plunder  of  his  caravan.^ 

The  great  battle  of  Hattin  was  the  death-blow  to 
the^RTngdom  of  Jerusalem  as  it  had  existed  in  the 
days  of  Baldwin  III.  and  Amalric.  At  one  stroke  it 
had  lost  the  chief  of  its  leaders  and  the  majority  of  its 
defenders  ;  Raymond,  it  was  true,  escaped  from  the 
battle,  but  only^to^jije,  of  despair  fifteen  days  later 
aUTyre-;  of  the  other  great  lords  Balian  alone  was 
alive  and  free.  In  such  a  strait  the  Christians  seemed 
powerless  to  resist  their  victorious  foe  ;  within  little 
over  two  months  Saladin  had  secured  almost  every 
stronghold  of  importance  from  Beyrout  to  Ascaloa 
A  few  scattered  fortresses,  such  as  Safed  and  Kerak 
by  the  Dead  Sea,  held  out  till  next  year  ;  but  when 
Ascalon  had  fallen  on  the  5th  of  September  only  two 
of  the  great  cities  still  remained  in  Christian  hands — 
Tyre  in  Ihe., north  aiid  Jerusalem  in  the  south.  The 
safety  of  the  former  was  due  to  Conrad  of  Mont- 
ferrat,  the  defence  of  the  Holy  City  was  the  work  of 
Balian  of  Ibejin  and  the  Patriarch  Heraclius. 

Balian  had  escaped  from  Hattin  to  Tyre.  Thence 
he  sent  to  Saladin,  begging  leave  to  conduct  his  wife 
and  children  to  Jerusalem  ;  if  that  leave  was  given 
he  would  only  stay  a  single  night  in  the  city.  Saladin 
courteously  granted  the  desire^  permission.  The 
citizens,  however,  would  not  let  Balian  depart  ; 
Heraclius  also  declared  that  it  would  be  a  greater  sin 

"  A  more  probable  story,  however,  relates  that  Reginald  was  slain 
by  Saladin's  orders,  but  not  by  his  own  hand. 


278  THE  FALL   OF  JERUSALEM. 

to  keep  such  a  promise  than  to  break  it, — "  It  will  be 
great  shame  to  you  and  your  heirs  after  you  if  you 
leave  the  city* of  Jerusalem  in  her  perilous  strait' 
"  Then  did  Balian  promise  to  stay,  and  all  that  were 
in  the  city  did  him  homage,  and  took  him  to  lord." 
The  peril  of  the  city  was  in  truth  extreme ;  only  two 
knights  were  to  be  found  within  the  walls,  and  they 
were  fugitives  from  the  great  battle.  In  his  emer- 
gency Balian  knighted  sixty  of  the  burgesses,  and 
stripped  the  silver  roofing  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  to 


SEAL   OF    BALIAN   OF   IBELIN. 


provide  himself  with  money.  From  all  the  district 
round  the  people  came  flocking  into  the  city,  till  they 
had  filled  every  house,  and  many  were  encamped  in 
the  open  streets. 

At  last,  on  September  20,  £187,  Saladin  appeared 
before  the  walls.  The  history  of  this  eventful  siege 
cannot  here  be  told  in  detail.  Its  hero  was  Balian, 
though  the  French  chronicler  gives  to  Heraclius  a 
meritorious  part  ;  it  was  the  patriarch  who,  according 
to  this  account,  persuaded  the  warriors  to  take 
thought  of  the  defenceless  women  and  children  when 


THE   CAPTURE   OF   THE   HOLY   CITY.  279 

they  proposed  to  hazard  all  on  one  desperate  onset 
on  the  foe  ;  it  was  Balian,  however,  whose  skill  kept 
the  walls  whilst  he  could,  and  who  at  last  persuaded 
Saladin  to  accept  a  ransom  of  ten  dinars  for  every 
man,  five  for  every  woman,  and  one  for  every  child 
under  seven  years  of  age.  It  is  impossible  to  recon- 
cile the  French  account  of  the  collection  of  the  ransom 
of  the  poor  with  the  reproaches  hurled  on  the  selfish 
citizens  by  the  author  of  the  Latin  treatise,  "  De  Ex- 
pugnatione  Terrae  Sanctae" — an  author  who  was 
actually  wounded  during  the  siege.  Much  legend 
has  no  doubt  found  its  way  into  the  accounts  of  the 
fall  of  the  Holy  City  even  as  they  have  been  preserved 
for  us  by  contemporary  writers  ;  but  there  is  one 
story  too  characteristic  to  be  altogether  omitted. 
After  every  effort  had  been  made  to  purchase  the 
relief  of  the  poorer  Christians,  after  a  tax  had  been 
levied  in  every  street,  and  the  King  of  England's 
treasures  at  the  Hospital  thrown  into  the  common 
fund,  there  yet  remained  a  large  number  for  whom 
no  ransom  could  be  paid,  and  who  were  thus  doomed 
to  perpetual  slavery  or  death.  In  pity  for  their  sad  con- 
dition^, Saladin's  gallant  brother  El-Adel  or  Saphadin 
went  to  the  Sultan,  and,  reminding  him  how  the  city 
had  bejn  conquered  by  his  help,  begged  to  have  a 
thousand  slaves  for  his  portion  of  the  spoil.  Saladin 
inquired  for  what  purpose  he  desired  them.  ''  To  do 
with  them  as  I  will,"  was  the  reply.  They  were 
accordingly  handed  over  to  El-Adel,  who  promptly 
set  them  frefe.  Then  came  the  patriarch  making  a 
like  request,  and  received  seven  hundred.  After  him 
Balian   of   Ibelin   was   granted    five   hundred   more. 


28o  THE   FALL   OF  JERU SALEM. 

Then  said  Saladin :  "  My  brother  has  made  his  alms; 
the  patriarch  and  BaHan  have  made  theirs.  Now 
would  I  make  mine  also."  Accordingly  at  his 
bidding  all  the  aged  folk  in  the  city  were  liberated : 
"  This  was  the  alms  that  Saladin  made  of  poor  folk 
without  number." 

So  on  October  2,  1 187,  Jerusalern  was  once  more 
in  the  hands  of  the  Moslem,  and  the  greatest  aim  of 
Saladin's  life  was  accomplished.  It  was  for  this,  as 
he  himself  said,  that  when  called  to  the  government 
of  Egypt  at  the  age  of  thirty  he  had  relinquished  the 
use  of  wine,  and  all  the  pleasures  of  his  youthful  life. 
Forty-three  years  previously  Zangi  had  turned  the 
tide  of  Christian  success  by  capturing  Edessa.  After 
Zangi's  death,  so  ran  the  story  in  the  East  while 
Saladin  was  yet  alive,  a  Mohammedan  devotee  beheld 
the  great  atabek  living  at  his  ease  in  the  very  fairest 
part  of  Paradise,  and  asked  him  how  he  came  to 
occupy  so  honourable  a  place.  "  God,"  was  the  reply, 
"  has  pardoned  all  my  sins  for  the  conquest  of 
Edessa."  If  this  was  the  reward  of  Zangi,  what 
recompense  might  not  the  liberator  of  the  Holy  City 
look  forward  to  at  the  hands  of  Allah  }  "  Jerusalem," 
Saladin  once  sent  word  to  Richard  L,  "  is  as  much  to 
us  Mohammedans  as  it  can  be  to  you  Christians,  and 
more.  It  is  the  place  whence  our  prophet  made  his 
night  ascent  to  heaven,  and  it  will  be  the  gathering 
place  of  our  nation  at  the  Great  Judgment."  No 
wonder,  then,  that  there  was  joy  in  Islam  when  the 
Temple  was  again  in  Mohammedan  hands,  and  when, 
on  the  following  Friday,  after  the  golden  cross  that 
shone  above  the  sacred  dome  had  been  taken  down, 


yOY   IN  ISLAM. 


281 


the  prayers  of  the  Faithful  once  more  went  up  to 
Allah  from  Mount  Moriah.  "  Thus,"  says  the  Arabic 
historian,  Salad  in's  bosom  friend  and  confidant, 
"  thus  did  God  suffer  the  Mussulmans  to  retake  the 
town  for  the  anniversary  of  the  nightly  journey  of 
their  prophet ;  a  certain  sign  that  this  people  is  the 
only  one  whose  doctrine  is  agreeable  to  Him." 


XIX. 

THE  LIFE  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 

*'  For  manners  are  not  idle,  but  the  fruit 
Of  loyal  nature  and  of  noble  mind." 

Tennyson,  Guinevere. 

The  political  and  social  life  of  the  Latin  kingdom 
of  Jerusalem  was  almost  the  counterpart  of  the 
political  and  social  life  of  ihe  great  kingdoms  of 
Western  Europe.  In  particular  it  resembles  the 
great  monarchy  which  the  same  French  race  built  up 
at  almost  the  same  time  in  our  own  land,  and  there 
IS  a  curious  parallelism  between  the  charters  of  the 
Norman  and  Angevin  kings  of  England,  and  those  of 
the  French  and  Angevin  kings  of  Jerusalem.^  W  ;th 
the  political  organisation  of  the  land  we  have  already 
dealt,  and  here  we  shall  concern  ourselves  with  the 
social  life  and  habits  of  the  Latin  settlers  and  their 
subjects. 

To  begin  at  the  top  of  the  scale,  the  life  of  the 
Prankish  nobles  in  Syria  no  doubt  closely  resembled 

*  In  a  charter  of  Hugh  of  Ibelin  we  even  get  the  Syrian  equivalent 
for  the  formula  of  the  so-called  Exeter  Domesday,  "  Die  quo  Rex 
Edwardus  vivus  fuit  et  mortuus." 


KNIGHTLY   TRAINING. 


283 


that  of  their  Western  cousins.  Of  the  life  of  the 
mediaeval  knight  we  can  by  the  combined  aid  of 
history  and  romance  form  a  fairly  adequate  idea. 
His  childish  years  would  be  spent  in  his  father's 
castle,  hunting  and  hawking  with  his  parents,  till 
when  about  twelve  years  old,  he  would  be  sent  from 
home  to  be  trained  in  knightly  accomplishments  at 
the  court  of  some  great  knight  or  king.     Letters,  too, 


m 


I  / 


'^-</i/5'iy^  .T  i 


CEREMONY  OF   KNIGHTHOOD. 

were  not  neglected,  for  some  tincture  of  Latin  and 
French  was  a  necessity  ;  and  so  we  find  that  William 
of  Tyre  had  a  sort  of  school  for  the  instruction  of  the 
king's  son,  the  future  Baldwin  IV.  and  his  young 
companions. 

The  attainment  of  manhood  was  marked  by  the 
conferring  of  knighthood,  for  which  the  ordinary  age 
seems  to  have  been  from  twenty  to  fi\e-and-twenty, 
though  Geoffrey  of  Anjou  and  his  son,  Henry  Fitz- 


284  THE   LIFE   OF   THE   PEOPLE. 

Empress,  were  knighted  at  fifteen  and  sixteen  respec- 
tively. To  this  ceremony  there  was  at  an  early  date 
attached  a  religious  significance.  In  a  curious 
romance  of  the  thirteenth  century  Hue  de  Tabarie  is 
made  to  set  forth  to  Saladin  all  the  mysterious 
qualities  of  the  rite.  The  order  of  knighthood,  Hugh 
tells  his  captor,  is  open  to  no  unbeliever  ;  to  confer  it 
on  such  a  one  were  like  trying  to  stifle  the  stench  of  a 
dunghill  with  a  silken  mantle.  Still  Saladin  perseveres 
in  his  desire  to  receive  the  honour,  submits  to  the 
bath,  and  is  clothed  in  the  white  garments  of  chastity  ; 
over  them  is  cast  a  red  cloak,  typical  of  the  blood  to 
be  shed  in  defence  of  Holy  Church.  Then  the  Sultan 
is  shod  by  his  instructor  with  black  shoes,  symbolical 
of  the  earth  from  which  he  sprang  and  to  which  he 
must  return  ;  the  white  belt  round  the  loins,  the 
gold  spurs  on  the  heels,  and  the  sword  at  the  side, 
have  each  their  appropriate  significance  of  chastity, 
obedience,  and  justice. 

Romance  and  history  also  help  us  to  a  picture  of 
the  knight's  accomplishments.  Like  Richard  of 
Normandy  he  could  fence,  manage  his  falcon,  chase 
the  deer,  and  slay  the  boar.  Like  Huon  of  Bordeaux 
he  could  serve  at  dinner,  break  a  horse,  wield  a  lance, 
and  at  chess  and  tables  fear  no  antagonist.  Other 
graces,  too,  should  he  possess  ;  so  Doon  of  Mayence 
was  bidden  by  his  father  to  be  courteous  in  bearing, 
attentive  to  religion,  liberal  to  the  poor  ;  to  be  modest 
in  the  display  of  his  accomplishments,  and  not  to 
pretend  to  a  skill  or  knowledge  which  he  did  not 
possess. 

For    his    amusement    outdoors,    the    knight    had 


KNIGHTLY  ACCOMPLISHMENTS.  285 

hunting,  hawking,  and  tournaments  ;  indoors  he  had 
chess,  tables,  and  the  jeu  des  dames^  but  above  all  else 
the  minstrel's  song.  With  the  Crusaders  the  favourite 
themes  of  minstrelsy  were  the  "  Song  of  Antioch,"  and 
the  achievements  of  Godfrey.  The  minstrel  was 
dependent  on  the  liberality  of  his  hearers,  which 
sometimes  provided  but  a  poor  reward  ;  so  the 
jougleur  in  "  Huon  of  Bordeaux  "  sings : — 

"  Silence  for  the  song  I  tell, 
For,  by  God,  'tis  chanted  well ; 
Fair  the  tale  and  nobly  set, 
Still  I  get  no  guerdon  yet, 
Better  largesse,  good  my  friends, 
Or  full  soon  my  story  ends," 

and  when  this  appeal  fails  to  produce  a  due  effect, 
the  minstrel  playfully  invokes  the  curses  of  the  fairy 
king — Oberon — the  semi-hero  of  his  poem  : — 

"  By  deity  of  Oberon  the  great, 
I  here  declare  you  excommunicate. 
Yea  !  every  man  of  you  who  will  not  join 
Loosing  his  purse  to  give  my  wife  a  coin." 

On  the  other  hand,  if  the  minstrel  roused  the  en- 
thusiasm of  his  hearers  he  reaped  a  rich  reward.  In 
the  same  romance  the  old  minstrel  bids  Huon  "Take 
service  with  me,  and  thou  shalt  see  folk  give  me 
mantles  so  n;any  that  it  will  go  hard  with  thee  to 
carry  them  all."  Even  the  noblest  warriors  were  not 
above  practising  the  art,  and  Richard  I.  could  bandy 
verses  with  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  and  the  Dauphin 
of  Vienne.  The  greatest  of  the  troubadours,  like 
Bertrand  de  Born  and  Pierre  Vidal,  were  friends  of 


286 


THE  LIFE   OF   THE  PEOPLE. 


princes   like   Richard   of  England    and    Alfonso   of 
Aragon. 

Of   other    indoor   recreations    tables   corresponds 


KNIGHT  CHESSMAN, 


to  backgammon,  and  the  jeu  des  dames  to  draughts. 
But  the  chief  was  chess,  which  figures  in  grave 
historical  pages  as  well  as  in  almost  every  mediaeval 
romance.     We    find   the    Crusaders   amusing   them- 


kNtGtifLY  AMUSEMENTS,  287 

selves  with  this  game  during  the  long  siege  of 
Antioch  in  1098,  and  in  the  "  Chr.nsoii  de  Roland  " 
Charlemagne  and  his  paladins  are  depicted  as  whiling 
away  their  leisure  beneath  the  walls  of  Cordova  with 
chess  and  tables.  The  game  itself  is  of  Eastern  and 
perhaps  Indian  origin,  but  may  have  been  known  in 
the  West  as  early  as  the  ninth  century,  for  tradition 
speaks  of  a  set  of  chessmen — preserved  at  Paris  till 
the  last  century^— as  one  of  the  gifts  of  Harnn- 
el-Rashid  to  Charles  the  Great.  Historically,  how- 
ever, it  does  not  appear  till  two  centuries  later,  when 
it  was  so  popular  that  Peter  Damiani  lamented  its 
prevalence  among  the  clergy  ;  fifty  years  later  still 
it  was  one  of  the  amusements  forbidden  to  the 
Templars.  A  little  treatise  on  chess  problems  dates 
from  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century,  but 
mediaeval  interest  in  the  game  was  not  purely  scien- 
tific, for  the  players  had  commonly  some  stake,  thus 
Charlemagne  plays  for  his  kingdom,  and  Huon  of 
Bordeaux  for  his  own  life  and  the  hand  of  the 
Sultan's  daughter.' 

*  Mediseval  chess  boards  and  men  were  so  heavy  that  an  angry  playe. 
could  use  them  as  a  weapon  of  revenge,  as  did  Renaud  of  Montauban 
when  he  slew  Charlemagne's  nephew  Bertolais.  The  pawns  in  a  set  dis- 
covered about  1831  on  the  Island  of  Lewis  were  over  two  inches  high.  The 
squares  were  generally  gold  and  silver,  the  men  red  and  gold.  The  pieces 
had  much  the  same  power  as  now,  but  the  queen  could  only  move  one 
square,  and  that  diagonally,  being  thus  the  weakest  piece  on  the  board, 
and  the  bishop  only  two  squares.  The  queen  was  often  called  "  fierce  " 
or  "  vierge,"  from  the  Persian  varzin,  the  bishop  "alfil "  or  the  elephant, 
and  the  castle  "  roccus,"  all  names  that  point  to  an  Eastern  origin. 
In  elaborate  sets  the  pawns  were  all  different,  and  bore  the  names  of 
farmer,  blacksmith,  butcher,  merchant,  physician,  innkeeper,  warder, 
and  gamester  or  ribald.  But  the  commoner  sets  seem  to  have  been  of 
conventional  shapes  somewhat  like  those  now  in  use. 


288  THE   LIFE   OF   THE    PEOPLE. 

A  more  distinctly  gambling,  and  therefore  per- 
haps more  popular,  game  was  tables,  which  was 
a  favourite'  amusement  with  Baldwin  III.,  and 
our  own  King  John,  the  record  of  whose  losses  at 
tables  to  his  favourite,  Roger  de  Lacy,  is  preserved. 
Gaming  was  a  great  vice  during  the  whole  period 
and  had  to  be  specially  forbidden  by  Louis  IX.,  who 
when  on  his  voyage  from  Egypt  to  Acre,  caught  his 
brother,  the  Count  of  Anjou,  playing  tables,  and 
threw  the  board  into  the  sea ;  however,  the  count 
played  openly  at  Acre,  and  got  much  credit  for 
generosity  by  the  bestowal  of  his  gains  on  the  needy 
A  strange  story  is  that  of  the  exiled  Englishman 
who  in  his  passion  for  play  lost  all  to  his  very  shirt  at 
Acre ;  unable  to  show  his  face  among  Christians, 
he  wandered  into  the  far  east  and  at  last  took 
service  with  the  Tartars  as  an  interpreter,  and 
was  sent  by  them  to  negotiate  with  the  princes  of 
Europe. 

The  peculiar  amusement  of  the  mediaeval  knight 
was  the  tournament.  Tournaments  do  not  become 
prominent  in  our  English  chronicles  till  the  reign  ot 
Henry  III.,  but  on  the  Continent  date  back  much 
earlier,  and  since  they  were  forbidden  to  the  Templars 
in  their  original  statutes,  must  have  been  common 
about  1 1 30;  at  the  end  of  the  century  they  were 
the  favourite  occupation  of  the  young  King  Henry, 
son  of  Henry  II.  Tournaments  were  also  popular  in 
the  East,  and  the  great  jousts  held  in  Cyprus  in  1231, 
to  celebrate  the  knighting  of  Balian  of  Ibelin,  led 
to  the  war  of  that  year.  It  was  no  doubt  by  the 
Crusaders   that   this   sport    was    introduced    to   the 


290  THE  LIFE   OF   THE  PEOPLE. 

Byzantine  Greeks,  and  won  the  fancy  of  the 
chivalrous  Manuel  Comnenus,  who  at  Antioch  un- 
horsed two  Latin  warriors  with  his  own  hand.  A 
more  primitive  amusement  was  the  quintain,  which 
consisted  of  a  hauberk  and  shield  hung  on  a  post,  at 
which  the  players  tilted,  the  proof  of  skill  being  to 
pierce  both  shield  and  armour  or  even  overthrow  the 
post.  On  the  fondness  of  the  Prankish  nobles  for  the 
chase  somewhat  is  said  elsewhere. ^  Above  all  other 
sport  they  delighted  in  hawking,  and  a  whole  chapter 
of  the  Assize  of  Jerusalem  deals  with  the  law  relating 
to  falcons. 

'  Turning  to  the  more  serious  business  of  life  we  find 
one  of  the  first  difficulties  of  the  Crusaders  was  due 
to  the  necessary  intercourse  with  a  people  of  strange 
manners  and  stranger  speech.  Yet  even  in  the 
earliest  days  of  Crusading  history  we  meet  with 
instances  of  familiarity  with  the  Arabic  tongue.  It 
was  one  of  the  many  accomplishments  of  Tancred, 
and  the  Christian  interpreter  who  was  sent  to 
Corbogha  was  a  knight  called  Herluin,  perhaps  a 
Norman,  who,  like  Tancred,  had  learnt  the  language 
in  Southern  Italy.  A  generation  later  the  office  of 
dragoman  seems  to  have  been  held  as  a  kind  of 
feudal  fief,  and  under  Fulk  and  Baldwip  III.,  we  read 
of  a  William  Dragomannus,  who  owned  a  house  at 
Jerusalem.  Later  still  it  was  customary  for  Saracen 
children  to  be  brought  up  among  Christians,  and 
Christian  children  among  Saracens.  Doubtless  this 
custom  softened  the  asperity  natural  to  rival  creeds 
and   races,   and    so    the    great   Christian    nobles   of 

*  See  below,  pp.  358-9. 


INTERCOURSE    WITH   THE   SARACENS.  29I 

Palestine  became  friendly  with  their  Saracen  neigh- 
bours. Of  this  familiarity  we  find  abundant  examples  ; 
Hcnfrid  of  Toron  once  owed  his  safety  when  on  a 
plundering  raid  to  the  friendship  of  a  Saracen  emir ; 
Hugh  of  Caesarea  could  treat  with  the  Caliph  of 
Cairo  in  his  own  tongue.  One  great  lord,  possibly 
Reginald  of  Sidon,  had  so  keen  an  interest  in  Saracen 
literature,  that  he  had  a  special  clerk  to  interpret  it  to 
him,  Reginald  of  Chatillon  again  is  stated  expressly 
to  have  spoken  the  Saracen  tongue,  a  faculty  that  he 
probably  acquired  in  the  long  years  of  his  captivity. 
But  with  all  the  intercourse  between  the  two  races 
there  seems  to  have  been  little  close  acquaintanceship 
on  either  side  with  the  literature  or  learning  of  the 
other.  Among  the  Christians,  however,  one  name  is 
pre-eminent  for  knowledge  of  all  languages,  namely, 
that  of  William  of  Tyre,  who  wrote  his  Mohammedan 
history — now  unfortunately  lost — entirely  from  Arabic 
sources  as  a  counterfoil  to  his  history  of  his  own  land, 
which  was  compiled  from  Christian  authorities. 

It  must  not,  however,  be  supposed  that  the  Prankish 
nobility  of  Syria  was  lacking  in  luxury  and  culture  ; 
more  probably  for  their  age  they  were  in  advance 
of  their  Western  cousins.  The  Latin  conquest  was 
followed  by  the  erection  of  numerous  castles,  churches, 
and  monasteries,  many  of  which,  by  their  solidity 
and  magnificence,  bear  witness  to  the  skill  of  their 
builders,  and  the  facility  with  which  they  had  learnt 
from  their  Byzantine  and  Saracen  contemporaries. 
The  necessities  of  the  climate  and  the  example  of  the 
natives  led  to  much  luxury  and  splendour.  In  the 
towns   where   military  defence  was  not  of  the  first 


292  THE  LIFE   OF   THE   PEOPLE. 

importance,  the  residences  of  the  nobles  and  even  of 
the  wealthy  citizens  were  built  round  open  court-yards, 
cooled  by  fountains  playing  in  marble  basins,  and 
decorated  by  the  skill  of  Greek  and  Arab  artists.  In 
their  dress  also,  the  Franks,  when  not  engaged  in 
warfare,  imitated  the  luxury  of  their  enemies,  and 
often  adopted  the  flowing  robes  of  the  East.  So 
when  in  1192  Saladin  made  Henry  of  Champagne  a 
present  of  a  tunic  and  turban,  the  Christian  prince 
replied :  "  You  know  that  we  are  far  from  despising 
the  tunic  and  turban  ;  I  shall  certainly  make  use  of 
your  presents." 

The  great  nobles  of  Syria  must  have  depended  for 
their  wealth,  very  much  as  did  their  Western  cousins, 
on  their  rural  possessions.  The  country  as  distin- 
guished from  the  towns  was  divided  into  casals  or 
villages,  inhabited  by  "  Syrians,"  "  Bedouins,"  or,  as 
they  are  otherwise  styled,  rustici,  who  paid  a  quar- 
ter or  a  third  of  the  net  produce  of  their  harvests 
to  their  lord,  with  perhaps  extra  payments  of  fowls, 
eggs,  cheese  and  the  like,  at  the  great  festivals.  As 
in  England  the  land  was  roughly  measured  into 
"plough-lands"  {carriicae)^  or  as  much  as  a  single 
man  would  plough  in  a  year.  The  cultivation  of  the 
land  was  subject  to  strict  rules  :  the  land  tilled  for 
corn  one  year  was  used  for  b?ans  or  some  similar  crop 
the  next ;  in  some  cases  the  amount  of  seed  to  be 
used  for  each  plough  land  was  definitely  fixed.  The 
population  of  the  casals  was  not  very  numerous,  and 
was  perhaps  stationary  or  even  declining ;  there  seem 
to  have  been  rarely  more  than  twenty  men  (heads  of 
families)  in  a  single  casal,  with  a  holding  of  from  one 


294  ^^^   ^^^^   ^^   ^^^   PEOPLE. 

to  two  and  a  half  plough-lands  a-picce.  The  rustici 
were  attached  to  the  land,  and  were  sold  along  with  the 
estate.!  They  were  regarded  with  a  certain  amount 
of  scorn  and  suspicion  hy  their  Prankish  lords,  who, 
whilst  admitting  that  they  were  "  needful  for  the 
land,"  found  them  useless  for  military  service  except 
in  small  numbers  as  light-armed  archers.  Perhaps 
they  were  rightly  charged  with  being  but  lukewarm 
in  their  attachment  to  the  Pranks,  and  ready  to  sell 
information  to  the  Saracens.  There  is  very  little 
evidence  as  to  the  monetary  value  of  the  casals  ;  but 
we  know  that  when  Hugh  of  Ibelin  had  to  raise  his 
ransom  money  in  1160,  he  received  seven  thousand 
besants  for  several  large  casals,  and  when  Julian  of 
Sidon  sold  some  forty  casals  to  the  Teutonic  knights 
about  a  century  later,  he  received  from  twenty-three 
thousand  to  twenty-four  thousand  besants. 

Passing  away  from  the  great  lords  and  their  country 
dependents  we  come  to  the  town  population,  the 
foreign  merchants,  the  Syrian  Pranks  or  Pullani,  and 
the  foreign  settlers.  The  foreign  trade  was  mostly  in 
the  hands  of  the  great  Italian  cities,  and,  above  all, 
of  Venice,  Genoa,  and  Pisa.  The  Genoese  made  their 
appearance  at  the  Port  of  St.  Simeon  during  the  .siege 
of  Antioch  in  1098,  and  by  maintaining  communica- 
tions with  Cyprus  and  the  Greek  Empire,  furnished 
the  Crusaders  with  supplies  on  their  march  to  Jeru- 
salem. Baldwin  I.  promised  them  one-third  of  all 
the  money  they  helped  to  earn,  and  a  quarter  in  every 
town  they  helped  to  acquire.     Bohemond  gave  them 

*  A  common  formula  of  sale  is  "  casalia  cum  omnibus  villanis  et 
periineniiis." 


THE  ITALIAN    TRADERS  AND    THE    TOWNS.      295 

a  footing  in  Antioch,  but  they  were  specially  powerful 
in  the  county  of  Tripoli,  where  Bertram  gave  them 
one-third  of  his  capital  itself  Much,  however,  of  their 
first  acquisitions  were  afterwards  lost ;  but  at  a  later 
time  they  had  a  quarter  at  Acre  and  were  very  power- 
ful in  Armenia,  where  they  had  their  own  viscount 
and  court  of  justice.  The  Pisans  like  the  Genoese 
appear  during  the  progress  of  the  First  Crusade,  and 
enjoyed  the  patronage  of  their  compatriot,  Dagobert, 
who  afterwards  became  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem.  They 
were  established  at  Antioch  in  1109;  in  11 56  the 
Pisans  in  Syria  were  under  a  viscount,  but  we  find  a 
Pisan  consul  at  Antioch  in  1170;  they  had  also  a 
quarter  at  Acre,  and  establishments  at  Jaffa,  Tyre, 
Tripoli,  and  Laodicea. 

By  far  the  most  important  of  the  trading  com- 
munities was  that  of  the  Venetians,  who,  however, 
were  later  on  the  scene  than  their  rivals  of  Genoa 
and  Pisa.  A  Venetian  fleet  appeared  at  Jaffa  in 
1 100,  and  many  privileges  were  granted  by  Geoffrey 
and  Baldwin  I.  But  the  great  triumph  of  Venice 
was  the  taking  of  Tyre  in  11 24,  when  they  assisted 
in  the  capture  of  the  city  with  a  fleet  of  one  hundred 
and  thirty  vessels  under  the  doge,  Domenicho  Michaeli. 
This  achievement  was  the  occasion  of  their  obtaining 
special  privileges,  which  gave  them  the  pre-eminence 
in  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  itself;  they  were  pro- 
mised a  yearly  pension  of  three  hundred  besants,  a 
payment  which  later  kings,  from  Fulk  onwards,  found 
it  convenient  to  disallow ;  they  were  also  to  have  a 
church,  street,  bath,  and  oven,  in  each  of  the  king's 
towns,  and  in  those  of  his  nobles,  with  the  right  to 


296  THE  LIFE   OF   THE   PEOPLE. 

use  their  own  measures,  not  only  in  their  private 
transactions,  but  even  in  sales  to  other  people  ;  in 
purchases  they  were  bound  to  use  the  royal  measures. 
In  the  principality  of  Antioch  and  county  of  Tripoli 
the  Venetians  obtained  but  little  footing.  In  1183 
we  find  the  Venetian  communities  under  the  rule 
of  viscounts,  but  in  the  next  century  there  appears 
an  official  styled  the  "  Bailiff  of  Syria,"  who  resided 
at  Acre  or  Tyre.  In  other  towns  there  were  consuls, 
who  were  responsible  for  the  good  order  of  the 
community. 

Amongst  other  Italian  cities  the  fivst  place  belongs 
to  Amalfi,  which  had  traded  with  Syria  from  the 
early  years  of  the  eleventh  century.  Of  non- Italian 
cities  Marseilles  was  alone  conspicuous. 

There  was  much  commercial  rivalry  between  the 
merchants  of  the  various  cities,  and  especially  between 
those  of  the  three  great  cities.  From  the  Third 
Crusade  onwards  the  dissensions  of  the  Venetians, 
Pisans,  and  Genoese,  were  the  cause  of  much  open 
bloodshed,  and  were  no  slight  factor  in  determining 
the  final  downfall  of  the  kingdom. 

Probably  at  the  head  of  all  the  Syrian  Franks  in 
social  position  stood  those  who  could  pride  them- 
selves on  their  pure  Western  blood,  and  they  are 
perhaps  the  "  Franci "  whom  the  author  of  the 
"  Itinerary  of  Richard "  distinguishes  from  the 
Syrians.  But  numerically  they  must  have  been  far 
less  important  than  the  half-castes,  or  Piillani, 
These  latter  represent,  if  we  may  trust  Suger,  those 
who  were  born  of  a  Syrian  father  or  mother  ;  James 
de  Vitry,  on  the  other  hand,  defines   them   as   the 


THE  PULLANI  OR   SYRIAN  FRANKS.  Zgj 

offspring  of  the  early  conquerors  by  the  Apulian 
wives,  for  whom  they  sent  over  in  the  first  days 
of  the  kingdom  ;  practically,  however,  the  word 
means  simply  the  Eastern  Franks.  Gradually  they 
gave  themselves  up  to  all  the  corruptions  of  the 
climate,  and  became  lazy  frequenters  of  the  baths, 
luxurious,  wanton,  quarrelsome,  and  litigious  ;  they 
took  up  Eastern  habits  and  adopted  an  effeminate 
dress.  Their  womenkind  were  subjected  to  an  harem- 
like isolation,  and  hardly  allowed  to  venture  out  to 
church,  so  that  private  altars  were  erected  in  their 
chambers,  at  which  wretched  and  ignorant  chaplains 
officiated  ;  but  though  only  allowed  to  visit  church 
once  a  year,  these  ladies  contrived  to  go  to  the  public 
baths  three  times  a  week,  and  in  their  seclusion  gave 
themselves  up  to  all  the  superstitious  practices  of  the 
East. 

Lastly  come  the  foreign  settlers,  who  were  only  too 
often  the  offscouring  of  the  West,  evil-livers,  who  were 
glad  to  escape  the  consequences  of  their  crimes  by 
pretended  pilgrimages  to  the  East.  In  Syria  they 
soon  fell  back  into  their  old  ways,  and  became  brothel 
keepers,  tavern  haunters,  and  gamblers,  "  monstrous 
men,"  says  James  de  Vitry,  "  who  fled  from  the  West 
to  the  Holy  Land,  changing  indeed  their  sky,  but 
not  their  mind."  Such  was  the  natural  fruit  of 
papal  dispensations,  and  an  unbounded  belief  in  the 
efficacy  of  pilgrimages.  But  as  a  contrast  to  these 
worthless  folk  were  the  industrious  and  frugal  Italian 
traders,  sober  of  life,  but  lavish  of  words,  who  main- 
tained their  own  freedom  and  laws  under  their  own 
leaders :  "  a  folk  very  necessary  to  the   Holy  Land," 


2g8  THE   LIFE   OF  THE  PEOPLE, 

especially  in  naval  affairs,  who  endured  an  Eastern 
climate  better  than  others  because  of  their  modera- 
tion in  food  and  drink.  Side  by  side  with  them  were 
the  wilder  Germans,  Bretons,  Frenchmen,  English- 
men— extravagant,  sensuous,  gluttonous,  wine-bibbers, 
but,  for  all  that,  devout  in  their  religion,  and  much 
given  to  alms  and  arms. 

Thus  there  was  in  Syria  a  strange  conglomeration 
of  races  and  creeds  :  "  from  every  quarter  of  the 
ivorld,  of  every  tribe  and  tongue,  from  every  nation 
under  heaven,  did  devout  pilgrims  flock  to  the  Holy 
Land."  Jerusalem  itself  was  exempted  from  all  food 
taxes  by  the  generosity  of  Baldwin  I.,  so  that  the 
poorest  pilgrims  might  find  abundant  provision  there. 
Jerusalem  gloried  in  the  two  places  of  special  devo- 
tion, the  Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  on  Mount  Zion 
and  the  Templum  Domini,  or  Temple  of  the  Lord, 
on  Mount  Moriah.  But  there  was  no  lack  of  other 
places  of  devotion.  At  Hebron  was  the  tomb  of  the 
patriarchs,  hardly  more  than  fifteen  years  before  the 
fall  of  Jerusalem  there  was  living  at  Bethlehem  an 
old  knight,  who  told  All  of  Herat  that  fifty  years 
before  as  a  boy  he  had  himself  penetrated  to  the 
chamber  in  the  rock  and  seen  the  bodies  of  the  great 
father  of  the  Hebrew  race  and  his  earliest  descen- 
dants. Nazareth  boasted  of  the  House  of  our  Lord  ; 
Tortosa  of  the  famous  Church  of  our  Lady,  the  first 
altar  according  to  Eastern  tradition  that  was  ever 
reared  in  her  name — to  which  the  pious  Joinville 
made  a  pilgrimage  ;  Tyre  of  the  tomb  of  Origen  ; 
Bethlehem  of  the  stall  wlierc  Christ  liad  lain,  and 
the  cave  of  St.  Jerome ;  Antioch  of  the  Cathedral 


PILGRIMS   AND   MERCHANTS,  299 

of  St.  Peter  ;  Edessa  of  the  tombs  of  St.  Thomas  and 
St.  Thaddeus,  and  of  the  renowned  sepulchre  of  the 
holy  king  Abgar. 

Nor  was  religion  the  only  attraction  in  Palestine  ; 
the  merchants  were  no  less  important  than  the 
pilgrims.  The  harbours  from  Ascalon  to  St.  Simeon 
were  thronged  with  the  vessels  of  every  nation  of 
Europe ;  pre-eminent  above  them  all  was  Acre. 
Other  towns  were  the  seats  of  special  industries  ; 
Antioch  was  famous  for  its  silken  cloths  ;  Tripoli  for 
its  cotton  and  silk  factories ;  Beyrout  for  its  iron 
works  ;  Tyre  for  its  glass  and  pottery,  and  for  its 
dyQ  works  ;  Tiberias  for  its  carpets  ;  Nablus  for  its 
oil  and  soap.  The  land  itself  produced  fruits  of  all 
kinds,  which  were  exported  to  Italy  if  not  further 
west  ;  so  that  John  of  Salisbury  relates  how  at  a 
banquet  in  Italy  he  was  regaled  with  the  delicacies 
of  all  lands,  from  Constantinople  and  Cairo  to  Bar- 
bary  and  Tripoli.  Chief  among  these  fruits  were  the 
lemon,  the  bitter  orange,  and  the  citron,  and,  above  all, 
the  sugar-cane,  which  the  early  Crusaders  found  so 
refreshing  on  their  weary  march  to  Jerusalem  ;  less 
strange  were  the  figs  and  cucumbers  and  melons. 
But  many  of  the  delicacies  which  James  de  Vitry 
enumerates  must  have  been  brought  by  caravan 
from  more  distant  lands. 

From  time  immemorial  the  ginger  and  musk  of 
China  and  Thibet  had  come  by  way  of  India  and 
Ceylon  to  the  ports  of  the  Persian  Gulf,  thence  to 
be  carried  by  caravans  over  Western  Asia.  From 
Bagdad  the  caravans  made  their  way  by  the  Tigris 
a.nd   Euphrates  to   Rakka,  Edessa,  and.  Harran,  and 


300  THE  LIFE    OF   THE  PEOPLE. 

thence  to  the  great  Mohammedan  cities  of  Hamah, 
Aleppo,  and  Damascus,  and  so  to  the  Christian  ports 
on  the  coast.  The  caravans  from  Damascus  to 
Egypt  passed  through  the  lordship  of  Montreal, 
and  the  tolls  were  so  rich  a  source  of  revenue  that 
Baldwin  III.  specially  reserved  them  when  he  granted 
the  lordship  to  Philip  of  Nablus.  It  was  the  exactions 
of  Reginal'^  of  Chatillon  on  these  caravans  that  caused 
his  feud  with  Saladin,  and  so  led  to  the  ruin  of  the 
kingdom.  Of  the  trade  on  the  coast  Acre  was  the 
centre,  and  it  is  astonishing  to  read  the  long  list 
of  merchandise  that  here  paid  toll  to  the  kings  ot 
Jerusalem  ;  in  it  we  find  pepper,  citron,  cloves,  lemons, 
aloes,  sugar,  cardamon,  the  wines  of  Nazareth  and 
Sepphoris,  and  all  the  manufactured  products  ot 
Christian  Syria  itself. 

It  must,  however,  be  remembered  that  the  trade 
route  of  the  Euphrates  and  Syria  was  subordinate 
to  that  of  the  Red  Sea  and  Egypt,  in  so  far  as 
concerns  the  commerce  between  India  and  China 
and  the  nations  of  Europe.  Still  the  Venetian 
Marino  Sanuto,  writing  soon  after  the  fall  of  Acre, 
states  that,  whilst  the  heavier  goods  came  by  way 
of  Egypt,  the  lighter  and  more  costly  wares  were 
brought  by  caravan  to  Acre,  Antioch,  and  elsewhere. 
It  would  seem  that  the  land-borne  spices  were 
reckoned  to  have  a  rarer  relish  than  those  that  had 
suffered  from  the  long  journey  by  sea,  and  the 
rough  handling  incidental  to  frequent  transhipments. 

It  was  into  the  midst  of  this  feudal  and  militaiy 
realm,  into  the  midst  of  this  busy  mart  of  agriculture, 
manufacture,   and   trade  ;  into  this   land  which  was 


COMMERCE    WITH    THE   FAR   EAST.  30I 

the  focus  of  the  devotion,  the  curiosity,  the  am- 
bition, and  the  greed  of  every  nation  from  Ireland 
to  India,  and  from  Norway  to  North  Africa, 
that  in  11 87  Saladin  burst  with  such  appalling 
velocity  and  such  fatal  effect  Like  a  castle  of 
cards  or  a  fortress  on  the  sands  the  whole  kingdom 
of  Jerusalem  shuddered,  collapsed,  and  fell  ;  three 
months  sufficed  to  work  its  ruin  from  the  confines 
of  Armenia  to  the  borders  of  Egypt,  and  from  the 
Jordan  to  the  Mediterranean  ;  in  the  spring  it  seemed 
full  of  life  and  vigour,  in  the  autumn  it  lay  prostrate 
in  utter  destruction.  The  causes  of  this  sudden  fall 
may  here  fitly  detain  us. 

William  of  Tyre,  regarding  the  events  of  his  own 
day  with  the  eyes  of  a  priestly  if  philosophic 
historian,  would  have  us  attribute  the  misfortunes 
of  his  land  primarily  to  the  sins  of  its  people.  The 
Latins  of  the  East  had  forsaken  God  ;  God  in  His 
turn  was  now  forsaking  them  ;  the  old  fervour  was 
gone,  no  longer  were  the  princes  of  the  West  ready 
to  make  their  whole  life  a  pilgrimage,  as  had  done 
Godfrey  of  Bouillon  or  Theodoric  of  Flanders.  More 
weight  is  to  be  laid  on  the  historian's  second  cause : 
tlie  degeneracy  of  the  Frankish  race  under  an  Eastern 
sun  in  the  midst  of  Eastern  luxury ;  even  Arabic 
writers  noted  this  and  tell  us  that  in  the  latter  half 
of  the  twelfth  century,  the  individual  Saracen  was 
far  more  nearly  a  match  for  the  individual  Christian 
than  he  had  been  fifty  years  earlier.  Most  important 
of  all  is  the  fact  that  during  this  century  the  valley 
of  the  Orontes  passed  from  the  divided  rule  of  a 
score   of  petty   lords   under   the   supremacy  of  one 


J02  THE   LIFE    OF   THE   PEOPLE. 

Sultan.  When  the  Sultan  further  became  lord  of 
Egypt  and  carried  his  conquering  arms  to  the 
Euphrates  and  the  Tigris,  it  was  evident  that  the 
star  of  Islam  was  once  more  in  the  ascendant. 
The  Mohammedans  took  fresh  courage  under  their 
victorious  leader,  and  in  their  turn  embarked  on  a 
holy  war  against  the  enemies   of  their  faith. 

But  there  was   another   cause   at  work   to  which 
historians   have   perhaps    paid    too    little   attention. 
Long   and    repeated    minorities   of    the   kings   gave 
the    opportunity     for     internecine     strife    to     arise 
among     the     nobles.       Even    in    the    narrative    of 
William  of  Tyre  we  can  trace  signs  of  two  factions, 
the  one  of  the  nobles,  and   the  other,  so  to  say,  of 
the  king's    friends  ;   it  was   the   same  struggle   that 
led   in    England    many   years    later   to   the    Barons* 
War.      The   old-established    nobility   of  Syria   were 
careless    of    fresh    conquests ;    their    ancestors    had 
won    vast    estates,    pleasant    lands,   and    boundless 
wealth  through  the  expenditure  of  blood  and  toil ; 
they  themselves  were  of  a  weaklier  brood,  and  asked 
only  to  be  allowed  to  pluck  the  grapes  that  ripened 
in  the  vineyards  that  their  fathers  had  planted  and 
tilled  and  dressed.      Hence  under  such  a  leader  as 
Raymond   of  Tripoli,  sick   of  warfare,  sick   of  toil, 
longing   for   ease    and    delighting    perhaps    in    the 
nobler   graces   of  civilisation — in   art  and    literature 
and  science — the  Syrian  nobles  were  eager  only  for 
a    peace   that    would    let  them    live    their    pleasant 
life  as  seemed  good    to   them — free  from  care,  free 
from    danger,   free   from   war.      Perhaps    Raymond 
thought  also  that  under  the  altered  condition  of  things 


WEAKNESS   OF   THE   KINGDOM,  303 

— now  that  Islam  was  one,  and  gradually  closing 
in  upon  the  doomed  kingdom — this  was  the  wisest 
course  to  pursue ;  better  so  to  speak  by  the  payment 
of  tribute  to  preserve  what  they  had,  than  by  open 
war  to  risk  the  loss  of  all. 

Over  against  this  peace  party  may  be  set  the  party 
of  the  foreigners  and  the  great  military  orders  who, 
under  the  leadership  of  Reginald  of  Chatillon,  looked 
at  matters  from  a  very  different  point  of  view. 
Perhaps  they  were  eager  to  carve  out  new  princi- 
palities for  themselves ;  perhaps  they  longed  merely 
for  the  excitement  and  distinction  of  war  with  the 
infidel  ;  or,  as  is  more  likely  still,  they  had  a  truer 
insight  into  the  drift  of  affairs.  They  saw  that  for 
a  little  kingdom  situated  as  theirs  was— hemmed  in 
by  hostile  powers  to  the  north  and  south  and  east, 
and  with  all  capacity  for  expansion  cut  off  by  the 
sea  on  the  west — there  was  only  one  sound  policy. 
The  sword  must  keep  what  the  sword  had  won ; 
not  to  advance  was  to  recede,  not  to  conquer  to 
be  conquered.  Hence  their  rivalry  with  Raymond  ; 
hence  Raymond's  friendship  with  Salad  in ;  hence 
Saladin's  enmity  with  Reginald.  This  feud  between 
the  new  men  and  the  old,  the  strangers  and  the 
foreigners,  is  but  faintly  reflected  in  the  pages  of 
William  of  Tyre  ;  for  his  is  as  purely  a  court  history 
as  is  that  of  his  contemporary  Robert  de  Monte,  who, 
dedicating  his  work  to  Henry  II,,  barely  mentions 
th'e  quarrels  between  the  king  and  Becket.  But  on 
turning  from  William  to  his  continuator  Ernoul,  we 
see  the  truth  at  once  ;  we  feel  that  we  are  no  longer 
reading  sober  history  but  a  party  pamphlet.     Glanc- 


304 


THE  LIFE   OF   THE   PEOPLE, 


ing  back  in  this  light  at  the  pages  of  William  of 
Tyre,  we  become  dimly  conscious  that  the  greatest 
of  all  historians  that  the  world  had  seen  since  Tacitus, 
who  was  as  great  in  action  as  he  was  great  in  thought, 
is  himself  but  the  spokesman  of  a  political  party  ;  an 
historian  whose  presentation  of  facts,  as  distinct  from 
the  facts  themselves,  is  little  more  to  be  trusted  than 
would  have  been  a  history  of  North's  ministry  from 
the  hands  of  Burke,  or  a  life  of  Pitt  from  the  pen  of 
Fox, 


XX. 


THE    THIRD     CRUSADE— THE    GATHERING    OF    THE 
HOST. 


(1x88-1 191.) 

'*  Say,  Muse,  their  names,  then  known,  who  first,  who  last, 
At  their  great  emperor's  call  as  next  in  worth. 
Came  singly."  Milton,  Paradise  Lost,  i. 


The  news  of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  reached  Europe 
about  the  end  of  October,  iiS/j^C  It  is  hard  at  this 
distance  of  time  to  realise  the  measure  of  the  disaster 
in  the  eyes  of  the  Western  world.  It  was  not  merely 
that  the  Holy  City  had  fallen  ;  that  all  the  scenes  of 
that  Bible  history  which  constituted  emphatically  the 
literature  of  mediaeval  Christendom,  had  passed  into 
the  hand  of  the  infidel.  It  was  all  this  and  something 
more  ;  the  little  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  was  the  one 
outpost  of  the  Latin  Church  and  Latin  culture  in 
the  East  ;  it  was  the  creation  of  those  heroes  of  the 
First  Crusade  whose  exploits   had    already  become 


305 


I 


306  THE   THIRD   CRUSADE. 

the  theme  of  more  than  one  romance ;  it  lay  on 
the  verge  of  that  mysterious  East  with  all  its  wealth 
of  gold  and  precious  stones  and  merchandise,  towards 
which  the  sword  of  the  twelfth-century  knight 
turned  as  instinctively  as  the  prow  of  the  English  or 
Spanish  adventurer  four  centuries  later  turned  to- 
wards the  West.  If  the  sword  had  won  much,  much 
yet  remained  for  it  to  win  ;  Aleppo  the  chief  town 
of  Northern  Syria,  Damascus  the  garden  of  the  world, 
Alexandria  the  storehouse  of  the  East — all  these  and 
other  prizes  fired  from  time  to  time  the  ambitions 
of  those  who  aspired  to  rival  the  successes  of  the 
two  Baldwins,  of  Raymond  and  Reginald,  or  of 
Fulk  and  Guy  ;  while  for  those  who  fell  in  battle  and 
lost  the  prize  of  temporal  power,  there  was  secured 
an  eternity  of  happiness  in  heaven.  Thus  Palestine 
inspired  alike  the  imagination,  the  enterprise,  and 
faith  of  Western  Christendom.  V 

No  wonder  that  both  religious  enthusiast  and 
knightly  adventurer  were  stirred  ta_ the  very  utmost  at 
the  tidings  of  Saladin's  victory.  Pope  Urban  III.  was 
alleged  to  have  died  of  grief  for  the  loss^  the  Holy 
City.  Unfounded  though  that  report  was,i  we  know 
with  what  profound  emotion  the  news  was  received  in 
the  papal  court,  where  the  cardinals  laid  aside  their 
luxury,  and  pledged  themselves  to  take  the  cross  and 
beg,  if  need  be,  their  way  to  Palestine.  Nor  was  the 
feeling  less  profound  in  the  lands  beyond  the 
Alps  ;    it  was   not,  we  may   be   sure,  any  peculiar 


*  Urban  died  on  October  20,  1187,  before  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  could 
have  been  known  in  Europe. 


PRINCES  AND   PREACHERS,  3O7 

grief  which  made  Abbot  Samson  of  Bury  St. 
Edmund's  (familiar  to.  all  readers  of  Carlyle's 
"  Past  and  Present ")  wear  sackcloth  next  his  skin, 
and  leave  off  animal  food  from  the  time  when  he 
heard  that  the  Holy  City  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
infidel. 

'One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  new  Pope,  Gregory 
VIII.,  was  to  bid  the  princes  of  Europe  lay  aside  their 
private  quarrels  and  unite  for  the  service  of  Christ 
in  a  new  Crusade.  First  to  take  the  Cross  in  Novem- 
ber, 1 1 87,  was  our  own  Richard,  then  Count 
of  Poitou ;  two  months  later,  on  January  21, 
1 1 88,  the  kings  of  France  and  England  were  recon- 
ciled by  the  Archbishop  of  Tyre,  and  both  re- 
ceived the  cross  at  his  hands  ;  their  example  was 
quickly  followed__by_ Jhe  Count  of  Flanders.  The 
three  princes  agreed  that  white,  red^^^and  green 
crosses  should  Ijp  the  badges  of  their  respective 
followers. 

Nor  was  the  enthusiasm  confined  to  words  ;    the 

famous    Saladin-tax    in England,   and    perhaps    in 

France  also,  bound  every  man,  on  pain  of  excom- 
munication, to  contribute  a  tithe  of  his  means  for  the 
contemplated  expedition  ;  to  all  who  would  pledge 
themselves  to  personal  service,  special  privileges  were 
offered.  In  England  the  Crusade  was  preached  by 
Baldwin  of  Canterbury  himself;  in  his  journey  through 
Wales  tfte^archbishop  was  accompanied  by  the  famous 
Giraldus  Cambrensis,  who  made  this  the  occasion  of 
his  -"  Itinerary."  The  foremost  preacher  in  France 
was  Berter  of  Orleans,  the  echo  of  whose  eloquence 
has  come  down  to  us   in  the  song  which  bears  his 


308  THE   THIRD   CRUSADE. 

name.i  Many  nobles  in  both  countries  followed  the 
example  of  their  kings,  but  before  long  the  feud 
between  Henry  and  Philip  broke  out  again.  Time 
after  time  the  expedition  was  postponed,*  and  it  was 
nearly  three  years  after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  when 
Henry  himself  was  dead,  that  the  chivalry  of  France 
and  England  were  led  over  sea  by  their  feudal  lords 
to  share  in  the  siege  of  Acre. 

The  kings  of  the  Spanish  peninsula  were  too  busy 
with  the  infidel  at  their  own  gates  to  go  and  fight  for 
the  Faith  at  the  other  extremity  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean. In  Italy,  however,  William  of  Sicily  was 
first  of  the  great  princes  to  act  ;  when  the  Archbishop 
of  Tyre,  in  his  black-sailed  galley,  brought  the  news 
_of _Hattin^William  had  forthwith  diverted  to  the  re- 
lief of  the  Holy  Land  the  fleet  which  he  had  collected 

*  The  first  verse  of  this  song,  with  its  refrain,  runs  as  follows  : — 

"  Juxta  threnos  Jeremiae 
vere  syon  lugent  viae, 
quod  solemni  non  sit  die 
qui  sepulcrum  visitet, 
vel  casum  resuscitet 
hujus  prophetise. 
Contra  quod  propheta  scribit, 
quod  de  syon  lex  exibit 
numquid  ibi  lex  peribit, 
nee  habebit  vindicem, 
ubi  Christus  calicem 
passionis  bibit. 

Lignum  crucis 

signum  ducis 
sequitur  exercitus 

quod  non  cessit 

sed  prsecessit 
in  vi  sancti  spiritus." 


FREDERICK  BARBAROSSA.  309 

foii_an_attack  on  Constantinople.  This  armament, 
underwits— g4^eat-admiral,  Margaritus,  saved  Antioch 
from  Saladin,  helped  to  preserve  Tripoli,  strengthened 
Conrad  at  Tyre,  and  recovered  Jaffa.  William  was 
preparing  for  a  fresh  expedition  when  his  death,  and 
the  troubles  which  ensued  put  an  end  to  the  design. 
V  A  yet  more  potent  sovereign  had  already  pledged 
himself  for  the  second  time  to  the  service  of  the  cross. 
Forty  years  had  passed  since  Frederick  Barbarossa 
had  borne  his  part  in  the  Second  Crusade,  and  now 
as  a  rnan  of_nearly  seventy-h€^4=enewed  the  promise  of 
hig- youth.  The  troubles  of  jthe_greatLEmperor's  reign 
had  come  to  an  end,  and  it  had  seemed  that  he  might 
now  close  his  life  in  peace  ;  but  all  thoughts  of  rest  were 
banished  by  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  and 
Frederick,  though  last  to  take  the  cross,  was  first  to 
take  the  field.  Whilst  Richard  and  Philip  were  ^ 
banded  together  in  treason  to  their  father  and  fellow- 
"Crusadef) -the — aged_  Emperor  was  already  ,tiiiliag 
through  Hungary  and  Bulgaria  on  his  way  to  the.^ 
East.  In  the  previous  year  his  envoys  had  obtained 
from  Isaac  Comnenus  the  promise  of  ample  pro- 
visions, but  the  promise  of  the  Greek  proved  as 
worthless  as  ever.  Not,  indeed,  but  what  Isaac  may 
well  have  looked  on  this  new  enterprise  with  alarm. 
Bright,  though  perhaps  misty,  visions  of  a  Latin 
Empire  in  the  East  long  floated  before  the  eyes  of 
Western  Europe.  William  of  Sicily  had  actually  been 
preparing  for  such  an  attempt,  and  later  legend  tells 
how  Richard  of  England  hoped  to  crown  the  glory  of 
his  life  by  the  conquest  of  so  rich  a  prize.  In  1188 
the  world  was  full  with  whispers  of  a  coming  change ; 


STATUE   01-    iKLDLKicK 


MARCH  OF  FREDERICK,  3II 

strange  prophecies  were  told  to  ready  ears,  and  many 
hoped  that  in  Frederick  they  might  find  the  yellow- 
haired  king  of  the  West  before  whom  the  golden  gate 
of  Constantinople  was  to  open  ;  might  he  not  also  be 
destined  to  fulfil  that  other  prophecy,  and  drive  back 
the  last  remnant  of  the  unconverted  Turks  beyond 
the  withered  tree. 

On  May  11,  1189,  Frederick's  great  army  started 
from  Ratisbon.  .  ^In  Hungary  he  was  received 
hospitably,  but  on  entering  Bulgaria  in  July  he  began 
to  experience  the  nature  of  Greek  promises.  Markets 
were  ill  provided,  and  the  natives  dogged  the  line  of 
march  to  cut  off  stragglers  or  in  the  hope  of  plunder. 
At  Philippo^lis  on  the  24th  of  August  there  came 
the  news  that  Isaac  had  made  a  league  with  Saladin, 
and  contrary  to  all  right  and  custom  thrust  the  Ger- 
man ambassadors  into  prison.  Isaac's  promises  were 
clearly  valueless,  and  Frederick  accordingly  sent  word 
to  his  son  Henry  at  home  to  hire  all  the  ships  he 
could  in  Italy,  and  send  them  to  Constantinople  in 
readiness  for  its  siege  in  the  following  March. 

Isaac  presently  took  alarm,  released  the  envoys 
and  came  to  terms.  The  German  army  then  went 
into  winter  quarters  at  Adrianople ;  in  February, 
X190,  they  started  once  more,  and  soon  after  Easter, 
which  fell  this  year  on  the  25th  of  March,  crossed 
the  Bosphorus  and  entered  Asia.  At  Laodicea  they 
reached  the  dominions  of  Kilij  Arslan,  who,  by  his 
envoys  had  promised  Frederick  good  guidance  and. 
stores  of  food.  It  was,  however,  soon  evident  riiat 
Kilij  Arslan  was  no  more  to  be  trusted  than  Isaac  ; 
no  food  was  brought  for  sale,  and  as  the  army  toiled 


312  THE    THIRD   CRUSADE. 

along  the  rocky  ways  that  led  to  Iconium  their  steps 
were  dogged  by  the  hostile  Turks.  When  at  length, 
on  the  1 8th  of  May,  the  Crusiders  appeared  before  his 
city,  Kilij  Arslan,  declaring  that  it  was  not  he  but  his 
son  who  was  to  blame  for  the  past,  came  to  terms  and 
opened  to  the  Crusaders  an  abundant  market. 

From  Iconium  Frederick  passed  on  towards  Cilicia. 
Leo,  the  Prince  of  Armenia,  sent  him  envoys  with 
promises  of  all  support  and  goodvvill.  But  on  the 
lOth  of  June  while  the  army  was  struggling  over  the 
rocky  hills  that  separated  Cih'ria^ Jrom,  Lycaonja  they 
were  startled  by  the  news  of  the  Emperor's  death. 
Desirous  to  avoid  the  labours  of  the  recognised  path 
which  wound  up  the  rocks  above  the  river  Saleph, 
Frederick  had  determined  to  make  a  short  cut  ;  with 
his  attendants  he  came  down  to  the  river  side  ;  the 
day  was  hot,  and  willing  to  shorten  his  journey,  and  at 
the  same  time  cool  his  heated  limbs  the  Emperor  at- 
tempted to  swim  the  rapid  stream  ;  the  swir)  of  the 
waters  sucked  him  down,  and  so  "  he,  who  had  often- 
times escaped  from  greater  dangers,  came  to  a  pitiful 
end."  His  followers  sadly  carried  his  body  to  Tarsus, 
where  they  buried  the  intestines  with  great  reverence  ; 
his  bones  were  taken  to  Antioch  and  interred  in  the 
Church  of  St.  Peter.  ■~' 

Thus  perished  the  noblest  type  of  German  kingship 
— the  Kaiser  Redbeard,  of  whom  history  and  legend 
have  so  much  to  tell.  Tradition  was  soon  busy  with 
his  death.  Men  could  not  believe  that  he  was  gone 
away  for  ever  from  his  own  land  :  like  Arthur,  he 
was  but  in  hiding  for  a  time,  and  would  return  in  some 
hour  of  supreme  necessity  to  save  the  empire  which 


RICHARD   I.    AND   PHILIP  AUGUSTUS.  313 

he  had  ruled.  The  spot  which  witnessed  his  destruc- 
tion was  fabled  to  have  been  marked  out  by  fate  from 
remote  antiquity,  and  a  rock  near  the  river's  fount 
w^as  alleged  to  bear  the  ominous  words  —  "  HiC 
HOMINUM  MAXIMUS  PERIBIT "  ("  Here  shall  perish 
the  greatest  of  men  "). 

After  Frederick's  death  the  German  host  divided 
into  two.  One  body  went  to  Tripoli ;  the  rest,  under 
the  Duke  of  Swabia,  made  their  way  to  Antioch, 
where  they  stayed  for  some  time,  recruiting  them- 
selves after  their  labours,  and  assisting  the  prince  of 
that  city  in  his  warfare. 

It  was  not  till ^ne,  1190,  that  Richard  and  Philip_. 
Augustus  were  ready  to  commence  their  journey.  The 
two  kings  met  at  Vezelay,  and  proceeded  in  company 
to  Marseilles,  whence  Philip  sailed  in  a  Genoese  fleet 
for  Sicily,  and  landed  at  Messina  on  the  i6th  of 
September.  Richard  had  ordered  his  fleet  to  meet 
him  at  Marseilles,  but  the  English  Crusaders,  mindful 
of  the  exploit  of  their  forefathers  nearly  half  a 
century  before,  stopped  on  the  way  to  help  Sancho, 
of  Portugal,  in  his  warfare  with  the  Moors.  It  was  the 
14th  of  September  before  they  reached  Marseilles. 

Meanwhile  Richard,  impatient  of  delay,  had  started 
in  a  single  galley.  Slowly  he  sailed  from  port  to  port 
along  the  western  shores  of  Italy,  varying  his  journey 
from  time  to  time  by  a  ride  on  shore.  At  last,  on 
the  23rd  of  September,  he  joined  his  main  fleet,  and 
entered  Messina  in  state  and  pomp  amidst  the  blare 
of  trumpets,  whilst  the  Frenchmen  and  Sicilians  on 
the  beach  marvelled  at  the  splendour  of  his  coming. 

The  two  kings  stayed  on  in  Sicily  for  six  months. 


314  ^^£^    THIRD    CRUSADE. 

The  winter  was  passed  in  unseemly  wrangling  ;  Tan- 
cred,  the-  new  ruler  of  the  island,  was  an  illegitimate 
grandson  of  Roger  I.  ;  he  had  seized  the  person 
and  property  of  his  predecessor's  widow,  Joanna, 
and  she,  as  Richard's  sister,  naturally  turned  to.  her 
brother  for  protection.  An  ill-advised  quarrel  soon 
gave  Richard  a  pretext  for  an  attack  on  Messina ; 
"  Quicker  than  priest  could  chant  matins,"  says 
the  old  chronicler,  "did  King  Richard  take  tlje  city." 
Such  prompt  action  brought  Tancred  to  his  senses 
and  though  Richard  did  not  get  the  goldtn  table  and 
chair,  which  he  claimed  as  part  of  his  sister's  dower, 
he  received  what'  was  perhaps  more  useful,  namely, 
forty  thousand  ounces  of'gold. 

If  the  taking  of  Messina  proved  Richard's  military 
prowess,  his  castle  of  Matte  Griffin,  or  Check  Greek, 
showed  him  as  the  skilful  engineer  ;  and  the  great 
Christmas  feast,  when  he  gave  his  guests  the  golden 
goblets  which  they  used,  displayed  his  generosity. 
Now  also,  though  late,  he  recognised  his  sin  against 
his  father,  and  showed  the  sincerity  of  his  sorrow  by 
submitting  to  public  penance.  In  the  presence  of  all 
his  prelates  he  confessed  his  sin,  and  "  from  that  hour 
once  more  became  a  God-fearing  man." 

On  the  30th  of  March,  1 191,  Richard's  mother, 
Eleanor,  brought  to  Messina  her  son's  destined  bride, 
Berengaria  of  Navarre.  That  same  day  Philip  had 
sailed  for  PalestineTbut  Richard  did  not  start  till  eleven 
days  later.  The  English  fleet,  which  numbered  more 
than  one  hundred  and  eighty  vessels,  was  scattered 
by  a  great  storm  two  days  after  it  set  sail.  Richard 
himself  put  in  at  Crete  ;  but  some  of  his  ships  were 


SICILY  AND   CYPRUS.  315 

wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Cyprus,  and  the  crews 
thrown  into  prison  by  order  of  Isaac  Comnenus,. 
the  ruler  of  the  island.  A  little  later  the  ship 
which  carried  Berengaria  and  her  future  sister-in- 
law,  Joanna,  reached  Limasol.  Somewhat  doubtfully 
they  accepted  Isaac's  invitation  to  land  next  da}^, 
Monday,  the  6th  of  May  ;  but  that  same  afternoon 
the  sails  of  the  main  fleet  appeared  on  the  horizon, 
and  on  the  following  morning  the  king  himself 
arrived.  Richard  was  not  the  man  to  suffer  tamely 
the  wrongs  which  had  been  done  to  his  followers  ; 
when  Isaac  refused  redress,  the  English  king  de- 
termined to  use  force  ;  a  short  campaign  of  three 
weeks  sufficed  for  the  conquest  of  Cyprus,  and  Isaac 
was  imprisoned  in  chains  of^ilven. 

At  Cyprus  Richard  married  Berengaria,  and  after 
a  month's  stay  in  the  island  sailed,  on  the  5th  of 
June,  for  Palestine,  in  the  company  of  Guy  de  Lusig- 
nan7who  had  come  to  meet  him  with  many  of  the 
great  Syrian  nobles.  On  his  way  Richard  encountered 
and  sank  a  great  Saracen  vessel  laden  with  provisions 
for  Acre,  and  after  two  days. -entered.  _the  harbour  of 
that  city  in  triumph.  "  For  joy  at  his  coming,"  says 
Baha-ed-din,  *'  the  Franks  broke  forth  into  public  re- 
joicing, and  lit  mighty  fires  in  their  camps  all  night 
long.  And  seeing  that  the  King  of  England  was  old 
in  war  and  wise  in  council,  the  hearts  of  the  Mussul- 
mans were  filled  with  fear  and  dread." 


XXI. 

THE  THIRD  CRUSADE — THE   SIEGE   OF  ACRE. 

(1189-II91.) 

**  Corpses  across  the  threshold  ;  heroes  tall 
Dislodging  pinnacle  and  parapet 
Upon  the  tortoise  creeping  to  the  wall; 
Lances  in  ambush  set." 

Tennyson,  "A  Dream  of  Fair  Women.^* 


We  must  now  turn  back  to  record  the  fortunes  of 
the  Christians  in  Palestine  during  the  interval  between 
the  fall  of  Jerusalem  and  the  arrival  of  the  main  host 
of  the  Crusaders  under  the  kings  of  France  and  Eng- 
land. 

Guy  de  Lusignan  had  been  set  free  towards  the 
J  beginning  of  July,-  H-^8r~but  not  until  he  had 
promised  to  abandon  his  claim  on  the  kingdom. 
From  this  engagement  he  was  soon  released  by  the 
clergy,  who  assured  him_  that_lliere  was  no  binding 
force  in  such  an  oath.  Near  Tortosa  he  met  his  wife, 
and  with  her  proceeded  to  Antioch  at  the  invitation 
of  Bohemond.  The  year  passed  in  anxious  expec- 
tation of  succour  from  Europe.     But  by  the  following 

316 


GUY  DE  LUSIGNAN.  317 

spring  Guy  had  assembled  a  little  army,  and  feeling 
sufficiently  strong  to  take  the  initiative,  marched 
southwards  to  Tyre.  Conrad  refused  him  admission 
to  the  city,  declaring  that  God  had  entrusted  it  to  his 
care,  and  he  would  keep  it ;  if  the  king  sought  a 
resting-place  let  him  find  it  elsewhere.  After  four 
months'  vain  delay  near  Tyre,  Guy  marched  on  to 
Acre  with  an  army  which  now  numbered  seven 
hundred  knights  and  nine  thousand  foot,  gathered 
from  every  nation  in  Christendom.  With  this  little 
force  he  set  down  to  besiege  that  great  and  strong 
city  on  the  28th  of  August,  11 89. 

Acre  lies  on  an  inlet  of  the  Mediterranean  which 


COIN  OF  GUY  DE  LUSIGNAN. 

bears  its  name ;  a  tongue  of  land  running  south- 
wards into  the  sea  serves  as  a  partial  protection  for 
the  harbour ;  at  its  extremity  rose  the  famous 
"  Tower  of  Flies,"  ^  which,  together  with  a  chain, 
helped  to  guard  the  harbour  ;  to  the  east  the  city 
overlooked  a  fertile  plain.  The  harbour  of  Acre  vvas 
the  best  in  the  kingdom  properly  so  called,  if  not  along 
the  whole  coast  of  Syria,  and  the  town  itself  was  the 
chief  erriporium  of  Erankish  trade.  In  recent  years  it 
had  been  gradually  supplanting  Jerusalem  as  the  royal 
residence,  and  had  become  the  recognised  landing- 

^  So  called,  if  we  may  trust  the  chroniclers,  because  it  marked  the 
spot  where  heathen  sacrifices  had  of  old  attracted  Sv\  arms  1  f  flies. 


3l8  THE    THIRD   CRUSADE. 

place  for  pilgrims  from  the  West.  "  Acre,"  says  an 
Arab  writer,  who  visited  it  some  five  years  before  this 
time,  "is  the  column  on  which  the  Prankish  towns 
in  Syria  rest  Thither  put  in  the  tall  ships  which 
float  like  mountains  over  the  sea.  It  is  the  meeting- 
place  of  crafts  and  caravans :  the  place  whither 
Mussulman  and  Christian  merchants  muster  from  all 
sides." 

At  a  little  distance  from  the  walls  a  small  hill  rises 
above  the  level  of  the  plain  ;  here  Guy  pitched  his 
tent,  whence  he  could  look  forward  over  the  city  for 
the  sails  of  his  expected  friends.  But  to  the  east  a 
less  pleasant  sight  soon  met  his  gaze,  as  one  after 
another  the  Saracen  contingents  hastened  up  to  hem 
in  the  Christian  army  between  the  river  Kishon  and 
the  sea  ;  before  long  the  Christians  were  themselves 
besieged,  and  their  numbers  were  so  few  that  they 
could  not  prevent  the  Saracens  from  passing  almost 
at  their  will  to  and  from  the  town. 

The  siege  had  hardly  commenced  when  the  first 
ships  of  the  autumn  passage  began  to  arrive.  First 
came  the  Frisians,  closely  followed  by  a  contingent 
from  Flanders  and  England.  Then  came  the  hero 
of  the  siege,  James  of  Avesnes,  a  warrior  proud  and 
turbulent  in  his  own  land,  but  in  the  eyes  of  his 
fellow  Crusaders  the  model  of  all  chivalric  virtues — 
in  counsel  as  Nestor,  in  arms  as  Achilles,  in  faith 
as  Regulus.  Other  arrivals  were  Robert  of  Dreux, 
grandson  of  Louis  VI.,  and  his  brother  Philip  of 
J^eauvais,  the  warrior  prelate  of  the  expedition  ;  the 
Counts  of  Brienne  and  Bar,  and  the  Landgrave,  Louis 
of  Thuringia,  whose  influence  induced  Conrad  of  Mont- 


SIEGE   OF  ACRE.  3ig 

ferrat  to  lend  his  aid  to  an  enterprise,  from  which  he 
had  as  yet  held  sullenly  aloof.  By  mid-September 
the  Christians  perhaps  numbered  nine  thousand 
horse  and  thirty  thouTaffd  foot,  and  were  a¥Ie~"to 
establish  an  effectual  blockade.  Saladin  therefore 
determined  on  an  attempt  to  break  through  their 
lines,  and  in  the  early  dawn  of  September  14th,  a 
sudden  onset  from  both  the  city  and  the  camp  proved 
successful  ;  despite  their  valour,  the  Christians  could 
not  prevent  the  passage  of  the  loaded  camels  into 
Acre,  nor  the  escape  of  one  of  Saladin's  sons  from 
the  beleaguered  town. 

Three  weeks  later  Guy  retaliated  by  an  attack  on 
the  Sultan's  camp  ;  the  Saracens  gave  way  before 
the  charge  of  the  Franks,  who  were  already  plunder- 
ing Saladin's  tent,  when  a  sally  from  the  town 
cut  off  the  Christians  in  the  rear,  and  called  Geoffrey 
de  Lusignan  to  his  brother's  aid,  from  the  camp  which 
he  had  undertaken  to  guard.  In  vain  did  the  Templars 
offer  a  stout  resistance  to  the  new  attack  ;  twenty  of 
their  knights  were  slain,  and  among  them  Gerard  de 
Ridefordy4±LeL_Grarui  Master.  Gerard  died  a  hero's 
death  ;  his  comrades  urged  him  to  seek  safety  in 
retreat ;  "  God  forbid,"  was  his  reply,  "  that  men 
should  say  of  me  to  the  shame  of  our  order,  that  to 
save  my  own  life  I  fled  away  leaving  my  fellows 
dead  behind  me."  Nor  was  Gerard  alone  in  his 
gallantry  ;  Guy  himself,  in  the  true  spirit  of  chivalry, 
rescued  his  enemy  CnTTiadJrojnjhe  imminent  danger 
of  death,  whilst  James  d'Avesnes  owed  his  safety  to 
the  self-sacrifice  of  one  of  his  knights.  In  the  end 
the  Christians  lost  the  day,  but  they  gained,  never- 


320  THE    THIRD    CRUSADB!. 

theless,  a  substantial  advantage,  for  the  Saracens 
were  so  exhausted,  that  Saladin  gave  orders  to  fall 
back  on  El  Kharruba,  about  twelve  miles  south- 
east of  Acre.i 

The  Christians  turned  this  respite  to  the  best  use ; 
in  order  at  once  to  secure  their  own  position,  and  to 
complete  the  blockade,  they  dug  a  deep  trench  out- 
side their  canip  from  sea  to  sea,  and  strengthened  it 
with  a  wall  of  earth.  Night  and  day  they  toiled  at 
the  task  till  all  was  finished.  Young  and  old,  men 
and  women,  all  joined  in  the  labour,  and  the  Christian 
historian  records  with  enthusiasm,  how  when  one 
woman  was  mortally  wounded  in  the  midst  of  her 
labour,  she  adjured  her  husband  to  let  her  dead 
body  be  flung  into  the  mound,  that  thus  she  might 
further  in  death  the  work  for  which  she  had  sacrificed 
her  life. 

The  winter  passed  away  without  any  important 
result,  though  the  Egyptian  fleet  succeeded  in  re- 
victualling  the  town  on  October  31st,  and  tvyo  months 
later  drove  t\\e_  Christian  vessels  to  seek  shelter  at 
Tyre.  Saladin  occupied  himself  with  preparations 
for  mustering  a  large  army  ;  Baha-ed-din  was  sent  on 
an  embassy  to  summon  the  lords  bey^||  the 
Euphrates,  and  to  beg  aid  of  the  Calipl^^fcoth  A 
missions  proved  successful,  and  in  April,  i  il^»be^ 
various    contingents    began    to    arrive.      MecBfanie 


*  This  probably  refers  only  to  part  of  SalacUn's  army.  Prevl^py 
the  main  host  had  been  encamped  on  the  hill  of  A'iadiya,  about  four 
and  a  half  miles  souih-east  of  Acre.  This  retreat  was  occasioned  chiefly 
by  Saladin's  ill-health ;  but  none  the  less  does  the  Arabic  contemporaiy 
historian — wise  after  the  event — blame  the  hero  of  Islam. 


CHRISTIAN   SUCCESSES.  321 

Conrad  had  brought  back  the  fleet  from  Tyre,  and, 
in  return  for  a  compact,  by  which  he  was  to  have 
Tyre,  Sidon,  and  Beyrout,  lent  his  hearty  aid.  But 
though  the  Christians  could  now  confine  the  Saracen 
fleet  at  Acre,  they  still  could  not  prevent  the  entry 
of  provisions  from  time  to  time.  The  siege_was 
nevertlieless  -prosecuted  with  vigour  from  the  land 
side ;  three  great  towers  of  wood  were  constructed, 
and  fitted  with  engines ;  when  manned  by  five 
hundred  men  a-piece,  they  were  brought  to  bear  on 
the  walls.  Perhaps  the  town  would  have  fallen  save 
for  the  energy  of  a  young  charcoal-burner  of  Damas- 
cus ;  but  by  his  direction  certain  ingredients  were 
mixed  together  in  pots,  which  on  being  hurled  against 
the  towers  set  them  ablaze ;  thus  they  were  all  des- 
troyed, and  the  confusion  of  the  Christians  was 
increased  by  an  attack  from  the  Saracen  camp,  which 
was  maintained  during  eight  days. 

After  this  many  of  Saladin's  best  troops  were  called 
away  to  oppose  the-Germans  near  Antioch.  This 
circumstances  perhaps  encouraged  the  Christian 
common  folk,  contrary  to  the  will  of  their  leaders,  to 
sally  ou^  i!0_Jiily-2Sth  against  the  foes  surrounding 
them.  The  wrath  of  the  chiefs  was  powerless  against 
the  lust  for  spoil,  which  stirred  the  crowd  to  madness  ; 
for  a  moment  the  suddenness  of  the  attack  made  it 
successful,  and  the  rude  host  was  soon  rifling  the 
tents  of  El-Adel.  But  the  Saracen  soldiery  quickly 
mustered  to  arms,  and  the  Franks,  who  had  no 
thought  except  for  the  plunder,  woke  up  to  find  their 
retreat  entirely  cut  off.  Hardly  one  would  have 
escaped  but  for  the  valour  and  self-devotion  of  an 


iii  THE   THIRD  CRVBADE. 

English  clerk,  Ralph  of  Hautrey,  Archdeacon  of 
Colchester.  The  Christians  themselves  admitted  a 
loss  of  over  five  thousand  men,  and  Baha-ed-din,  who 
rode  over  the  plain  after  the  battle,  declares  that 
he  had  to  cross  "  waves  of  blood,"  and  that  he 
could  not  count  the  number  of  the  dead. 

The  next  few  months  were  passed  in  comparative 
quiet,  but  were  marked  by  the  coming  of  the  first 
large  contingents  of  the  French  and  English  hosts ; 
the  former  under  Henry  of  Champagne  and  Theo- 
bald of  Blois,  the  latter  under  Ranulf  Glanville, 
Archbishop  Baldwin  of  Canterbury,  and  his  destined 
successor,  Hubert  Walter,  then  Bishop  of  Salisbury. 
About  the  same  time  the  Germans  arrived  from 
Tripoli,  under  Frederick  of  Swabia  ;  but  of  the  vast 
host  which  started  from  Ratisbon,  scarcely  five 
thousand  were  now  left. 

Count  Henry  brought  with  him  ten  thousand  men, 
and  he  was  at  once  appointed  to  command  the  army 
in  place  of  James  d'Avesnes  and  the  Landgrave,  who 
had  so  far  held  the  office  by  turns.  The  attack  from 
the  land  side  still  met  with  but  indifferent  success, 
but  at  sea  the  blockade  was  so  strictly  maintained, 
that  famine  began  to  press  hard  on  the  besieged. 
Saladin,  however,  maintained  his  communications 
with  the  town,  through  the  agency  of  a  messenger 
named  Eissa.  This  man  would  creep  down  to  the 
shore  at  dark,  carrying  in  his  belt  letters  and  money 
for  the  payment  of  the  troops  ;  thence  plunging  into 
the  waters  he  would  strike  out  for  the  harbour,  often 
diving  beneath  the  very  keels  of  the  Crusaders'  ships. 
At  last  one  of  his  journeys  proved  fatal,  and  a  few 


FAMINE  IN  THE   CAMP.  323 

days  later  the  citizens  of  Acre  found  his  dead  body 
on  the  sand  with  his  belt  still  untouched.  "  Never 
before,"  says  the  Arab  historian,  quaintly,  "  had  we 
seen  a  man  pay  a  debt  after  his  death." 

Provisions  grew  scarce  within  the  town,  but  the 
state  of  the  Christian  camp  was  scarcely  less  doleful. 
Archbishop  Baldwin,  writing  home,  says  :  "  The  Lord 
is  not  in  the  camp  ;  there  is  none  that  doeth  good. 
The  leaders  strive  one  with  another,  while  the  lesser 
folk  starve,  and  have  none  to  help.  The  Turks  are 
persistent  in  attack,  while  our  knights  skulk  within 
their  tents.  The  strength  of  Saladin  increases  daily, 
but  daily  does  our  army  wither  away." 

Sala^ijTjiowever^3iJIh:tGber:20th,  went  into  winter 
quarters  at  Shefr  'Amr  close  to  El  Kharruba ;  for 
the  unhealthiness  of  the  place  was  proving  fatal  to 
himself  and  to  his  troops.  His  troops  began  to 
murmur  at  the  long  campaign,  and  one  by  one 
many  of  his  chief  followers  withdrew,  till  in  March, 
iipi^theSultan  was  left  with  only  a  small  force.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  stress  of  winter  had  prevented  the 
Franks  from  watching  the  harbour  with  the  usual 
closeness,  an^'Salad in  had  contrived  to  throw  a  fresh 
garrison  into  the  town  (Feb.  13th).  Moreo;v'er  famine 
was  rife  in  the  Christian  camp,  and  during  il^e  enforced 
idleness  of  winter  the  soldiery  gave  way  to  dicing, 
drinking,  and  even  worse.  Baldwin  took  the  evil 
that  he  saw  around  him  so  much  to  heart,  that  he 
fell  sick,  and  after  a  short  illness  died,  thankful  for 
his  speedy  delivery  from  his  sojourn  in  so  godless  an 
army.  Conrad  had  withdrawn  to  Tyre,  and  promised 
to  send  provisions  thence ;  but  he  either  could  not 


324  THE    THIRD   CRUSADE. 

or  would  not  fulfil  his  engagement,  and  at  length  the 
famine  grew  so  severe  that  the  knights  slew  their 
chargers  to  save  themselves  from  death.  When  it 
was  known  that  an  animal  had  been  slaughtered,  men 
flocked  together  from  all  parts  of  the  camp  to  beg 
or  steal  a  portion  for  themselves.  Men  of  noble  birth 
might  be  seen  going  out  into  the  plain  and  eating 
grass  like  cattle,  others  ran  about  the  camp  like  dogs 
on  the  scent  for  old  bones.  At  last,  one  Saturday 
early  in  March,  a  ship  arrived  with  a  cargo  of  grain, 
and  by  the  following  day  the  price  of  a  measure  of 
corn  had  fallen  from  a  hundred  pieces  of  gold  to  four. 
After  this  there  was  an  end  of  the  famine,  and  only 
those  grieved  who,  like  a  certain  Pisan,  had  hoarded 
their  grain  in  the  hope  of  an  even  higher  price ; 
"  But  his  wickedness  did  God  show  by  a  plain  token  ; 
for  it  chanced  that  his  house  suddenly  took  fire  and 
was  consumed  with  all  that  was  in  it." 

About  the  end  of  March,  1191,  Saladin  renewed 
his  leaguer  of  the  Christian  camp  ;  but  the  besieged 
within  the  city  were  now  hard  pressed,  and  the 
Sultan  could  do  no  more  to  help  them  than  to  order 
an  attack  on  the  Christian  camp,  whenever  the 
Christians  made  a  special  effort  against  the  town. 
Philip  Augustus  arrived  on  April,  ^h,  and  Richard 
on  June  8th  ;  it  seemed  for  the  moment  that  Acre 
must  fall  at  once.  The  machines  which  the  King  of 
England  had  constructed  in  Sicily,  including  the 
huge  wooden  tower  Matte  Griffin,  were  brought  to 
bear  on  the  walls.  But  before  anything  had  been 
effected,  the  old  feuds  broke  out  afresh  ;  Guy  and 
Conrad  renewed  their  quarrel,  and  the  latter  departFd 


ARRIVAL   OF  RICHARD. 


325 


in  wrath  to  Tyre.  Next  Richard  and  then  Philip 
fell  sick,  and  during  the  illness  of  the  two  kings  the 
Mohammedans  were  enhcartencd  by  the  coming  of 
fresh  forces.  Philip  soon  recovered,  and  on  July  3rd 
a  great  effort  to  carry  the  town  was  made  ;  though 
the  assault    fell    short  of  complete  success,  the  de- 


SEAL   OF    RICHARD    I.       (lIQS-) 

fenders  were  reduced  to  despair.  Richard,  though 
still  unwell,  was  eager  to  emulate  the  deeds  of  his 
rival  ;  so  a  few  days  later  he  had  himself  carried  to 
a  shed  whence  he  could  direct  the  efforts  of  his 
engineers  ;  in  his  ardour  he  himself  aimed  the  shots 
from  the  balista,  while  his  miners  worked  with  such 
vigour  that  at  length  a  piece  of  the  wall  fell  down 
with    a    crash.      At    last — so   the    story   was    told, 


326  THE    THIRD   CRUSADE, 

a  little  later  in  England — on  July  8th,  as  the 
Christians  were  keeping  watch,  there  shone  round 
them  a  sudden  light,  '*  for  fear  of  which  the  guards 
became  as  dead  men  ; "  in  the  midst  of  the  light 
appeared  the  Virgin,  bidding  those  to  whom  she 
spoke  bear  her  message  to  the  kings ;  let  them 
abandon  their  efforts  against  the  walls,  the  city- 
should  be  theirs  on  the  fourth  day. 

Next  morning  the  rulers  of  the  city  begged  for  a 
truce,  and  promised  to  capitulate  if  Saladin  did  not 
send  immediate  help.  The  Sultan  was  forced  some- 
what unwillingly  to  consent  to  terms  ;  Acre  was  to 
be  given  up  together  with  two  hundred  knights  and 
fifteen  hundred  other  Christian  captives  ;  the  Holy 
Cross  was  to  be  restored,  and  the  sum  of  two  hundred 
thousand  besants  paid  to  the  Crusaders.  So  after  a 
siege  of  nearly  two  years,  on  Friday,  July  12,  119^ 
the  Christians  once  more  obtained  possession,  of  Arre. 
Tlie  ciiy__and_the  captives  were  divided  between  the 
two  kings  ;  Richard  took  possession  of  the  royal 
^lace,  whilst  Philip  hung  his  banner  over  the  house 
of  the  Templars.  But  even  in  the  hour  of  victory 
the  princes  quarrelled  one  with  another  as  to  their 
respective  shares  therein.  Leopold  of  Austria — so 
the  story  goes — had  set  up  his  banner  side  by  side 
with  that  of  the  King  of  England  as  though  arrogat- 
ing to  himself  an  equal  share  in  the  triumph ;  with 
Richard's  connivance,  if  not  by  his  command,  the 
duke's  banner  was  torn  down  and  cast  into  the  ditch. 
Leopold,  feeling  himself  unable  to  revenge  this  indig- 
nity, departed  for  his  own  land,  bearing  in  his  breast 
the  seeds  of  a  direful  hatred  for  the  English  king. 


XXII. 


THE  THIRD  CRUSADE — THE  CAMPAIGNS  OF  RICHARD. 


(119I-II92.) 


**  Yet  in  this  heathen  war  the  fire  of  God 
Fills  him  :  I  never  saw  his  like  ;  there  lives 
No  greater  leader. " 

Tennyson. 


Hardly  was  Acre  taken ;  hardly  had  the  two 
kin^s  established  themselves  in  their  quarters  in  the 
city ;  hardly  had  the  papal  legate,  the  Cardinal 
Adelard  of  Verona,  and  his  brother  bishops,  re- 
consecrated the  churches  which  for  four  years  had 
been  polluted  with  Mohammedan  rites  ;  hardly  had 
the  Pisan  merchants .  begun  to  exercise  their  Jbrmer 
privileges  and  renew  tlieir  former  trade,  when  the 
slumbering  jealousy  of  the  two  kings  once  more 
brought  peril  on  the  common  enterprise. 

Philip  Augustus  owed  no  ordinary  gratitude  to  the 
late  King  of  England  and  his  sons  ;  it  was  the 
young  Henrv  who  had  stood  by  Philip's  side  at  his 
coronation  and  helped  to  raise  the  crown  that  bore 
^00  heavily  on  the  boy-king's  head ;  it  was  the  elder 


328  THE    THIRD   CRUSADE, 

Henry  who  by  his  wise  statesmanship  had  preserved 
the  first  years  of  Philip's  reign  from  rebellion  and 
civil  war  ;  later,  when  Richard  was  at  feud  with  his 
father,  it  was  to  his  alliance  that  Philip  owed  the 
grand  success  of  1189.  But  the  friendliness  of  the 
young  princes  could  not  survive  Richard's  elevation 
to  the  crown  ;  and  with  hi^s- father's,  and  his  mother's 
lands  ,Eichard-_iiihLerited- th£._traditional  hostility  of 
the  king  at  Paris, 

Other  special  grounds  of  quarrel  there  were 
between  Richard  and  Philip  which  had  not  existed 
between  Henry  and  Louis.  After  long  dallying, 
Richard  had  repudiated  his  engagement  to  Philip's 
half-sister  Alice  ;  and  though  tlie  French,  king  could 
stoop_to  accept  compensation  in  money,  he  can 
hardly  have  put  out  of  mind  fhe  insulting  reason 
which  Richard  gave  for  his  refusal.  Cjjpidity  also 
had  its  share  in  the  quarrel ;  the  two  kings  liad 
sworn  to  divide  all  the  spoils  of  their  conquests  ;  but 
both  had  with  more  or  less  of  reason  found  occasion 
to  recede  from  this  engagement.  Moreover  while 
yet    in     Sicily    they     had    quarrelled    openly  ;    for 

Tancred     had    shown to    Richard    certain     letters 

which  he  professed  to  have  received  from  Philip,  and 
which  invited  his  assistance  in  a  treacherous  attack 
on  the  English.  Philip  denied  all  knowledge  of  the 
letters,  but  it  was  only  with  great  difficulty  that  the 
Count  of  Flanders  contrived  to  effect  a  seeming 
reconciliation. 

Nor  were  personal  dissensions  the  only  troubles 
with  which  the  two  kings  had  to  contend.  National 
rivalry,  which  had  nearly  wrecked  the  First  Crusade, 


FRENCH  AND  ENGLISH.  329 

was  destined  to  be  the  ruin  of  the  Third.  Richard's 
coming  to  Acre  had  been  hailed  as  the  "  coming  of 
the  desired  of  all  nations  ;  "  but  the  joy  was  of  short 
duration,  for  soon  the  old  jealousies  broke  out,  and 
it  was  found  necessary  to  forbid  the  two  nations  even 
to  fight  side  by  side.  "  The  two  kings  and  peoples," 
says  the  English  chronicler,  "did  less  together  than 
they  would  have  done  separately,  and  each  set  but 
light  store  by  the  other."  So  it  was  agreed  that 
when  the  knights  of  one  nation  advanced  against  the 
city,  the  others  should  remain  to  keep  ward  in  the 
trenches. 

But  a  yet  more  serious  rock  of  offence  lay  in  the 
struggle  for  the  kingship-of  Jerusalem.  Sibylla  and_ 
hcronfant  chUdren  haddied^  in^the  latter  part  of  j  .IQO,,^ 
Their  death  encouraged  some  of  the  native  nobles 
to  dispute  Guy',3.  title  once  more.  According  to  the 
normal  rules  of  the  land  Henfrid  IV.  of  Toron 
should  have  governed  in  the  name  of  his  wife  Isabella, 
Sibylla's  younger  sister.  But  the  great  nobles  had 
never  forgiven  Henfrid  for  his  refusal  to  join  in  their 
rebellion  four  years  before ;  they  therefore  sought 
another  candidate  in.  Con rad_  of  Mjpntferratj_  whose 
vigoijx^had  '^aved  T3Te_Jbr_the_^hristians,  and  whose 
brother  William  had  been  SibyUa's  first  husband  and 
theL father  of  their  last  accepted  king.  Conrad  was  a 
man  of  resource  and  action,  who,  both  for  his  birth 
and  his  personal  merit,  ought  to  satisfy  even  the 
proud  barons  of  Syria.  The  one  obstacle  was 
Isabella's  previous  marriage  ;  but  with  the  lady's 
consent  a  divorce  was  procured  on  the  plea  that  she 
had  been  married  to  Henfrid  against  her  wish.     Tho 


330  THE    THIRD   CRUSADE. 

attitude  of  Philip  and  Richard  was  foreshadowed  in 
the  action  of  their  followers,  for  Baldwin  of  Canter- 
bury was  foremost  in  opposing  the  divorce,  whilst 
the  new  marriage  was  celebrated  by  Philip  of 
Beauvais,  cousin  to  the  king  of  France. 

Guy  could  not  be  expected  to  acquiesce  in  the  loss 
of  his  title  and  power ;  naturally  enough  he  had 
sought  in  Cyprus  the  aid  of  his  former  overlord,  King 
Richard,  who  had  there  promised  him  his  support. 
Before  the  siege  of  Acre  was  over  the  quarrel  had 
culminated  in  open  violence ;  Guy's  brother  Geoffrey 
bluntly  accused  Conrad  of  treachery,  and  Conrad 
rather  than  maintain  his  innocence  by  gage  of  battle 
withdrew  to  Tyre ;  nevertheless,  Philip .  Augustus 
took  that  noble  under  his  protection,  and  openly 
declared  his  opposition  to  the  wishes  of  the  King  of 
England.  However,  at  the  end  of  July,  after  a  formal 
trial,  a  compromise  was  arranged,  under  which  Guy 
retained  the  title  of  king,  but  shared  the  royal 
revenues  with  Conrad,  who  was  to  be  hereditary  lord 
of  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  Beyrout  ;  at  Guy's  death  the 
crown  was  to  pass  to  Conrad  and  his  children  by 
Isabella. 

By  this  time  Philip  had  already  wearied  of  the 
Crusade,  and  a  little  later  he  rejected  Richard's  pro- 
posal that  they  should  both  bind  themselves  to  stay 
in  the  land  for  three  years.  Soon  he  went  even 
further,  and  begged  Richard's  sanction  for  his  return, 
pleading  that  his  health  was  bad  and  that  he  had 
sufficiently  performed  his  oath.  The  remonstrances 
of  Richard  and  of  his  own  followers  had  no  weight  with 
Philip,  who  on  July  31st  set  out  for  Tyre.     Before 


\ 


DEPARTURE  OF  PHILIP,  33I 

his  departure  the  French  king  swore  neither  actively 
nor  passively  to  do  any  wrong  to  the  King  of 
England's  men  or  lands  in  Europe.  "  How  faithfully 
he  kept  his  oath  the  whole  world  knows.  For  directly 
he  reached  home  he  stirred  up  the  whole  land,  and 
threw^  Normandy  into  confusion.  What  need  for 
further  words  !  Amid  the  curses  of  all  he  departed, 
leaving  his  army  at  Acre." 

Richard  waited  for  Salad  in  to  pay  the  agreed 
ransom  ;  but  August  T4th  arrived  and  the  Moham- 
medans had  not  completed  their  engagement.  So 
on  the  Eve  of  the  Assumption  Richard  left  Acre  and 
pitched  his  tents  beyond  the  eastern  trenches ;  here 
he  waited  again  six  days  more,  till,  on  the  afternoon 
of  August  20th, _the  king  andLhi.s  Jknights  advanced 
into  the  plain.  Then  the  captives  were  brought  out 
and  massacred  in  full  view  of  their  countrymen  ;  it 
was  in  vain  that  the  Saracens  threw  thernselycs  upon 
the  murderers  of  their  kinsfolk,  and  in  all  five 
thousand  prisoners  are  said  to  have  been  thus  slain, 
the  more  notable  only  being  preserved  for  ransom. 
The  massacre  was  not,  perhaps,  so  gratuitous  and 
unwarrantable  as  would  at  first  sight  appear ;  Roger 
Howden  asserts  distinctly  that  Saladin  had  slain  his 
Christian  captives  two  days  before,  an  assertion  which 
the  words  of  Baha-ed-din  seem  to  countenance ; 
Richard  may  also  have  felt  the  danger  and  difficulty 
of  keeping  so  many  prisoners,  and  have  honestly 
doubted  the  good  faith  of  Saladin  as  to  the  stipu- 
lated ransom. 

On  August  23rd  Richard  started  for  Ascalon  ; 
the  army  marched  along  the  shore,  whilst  the  fleet 


THE   COAST  MARCH,  333 

accompanied  them  at  a  little  distance  from  the  land. 
Every  evening,  when  the  tents  were  pitched,  the 
herald  took  his  stand  in  the  midst  of  the  host,  and 
thrice  cried  aloud:  "Aid  us,  Holy  Sepulchre!"  As 
he  cried  the  whole  army  took  up  the  shout  with 
tears.  "  Who  would  not  have  wept,  seeing  that  the 
mere  recital  moves  all  that  hear  to  sorrow  ?  " 

Inland  on  the  low  hills  to  the  left  Saladin's  host 
followed  and  harassed  the  Crusaders.  Despite  the 
enemy,  and  the  terrible  heat,  which  caused  many  to 
fall  dead  by  the  way,  the  Christians  marched  on  past 
Haifa  and  Caesarea,  till  on  September  ist  they 
reached  the  Dead  River,  where  the  coast  became  so 
bad  for  marching  that  Richard  struck  inland  by  the 
mountain  road.  On  September  3rd  a  fierce  attack 
was  made  on  the  Templars  in  the  rear  ;  the  arrows 
flew  so  fast  that  there  was  riot  a  yard  of  the  army's 
march  where  they  did  not  lie ;  Richard  himself  was 
among  the  wounded.  But  still  the  host  pressed  on, 
till  on  the  6th  they  rested  by  the  Nahr  Falaik,  or 
River  of  the  Cleft,  some  sixteen  miles  from  Caesarea. 
Here  they  learnt  that  Saladin  was  awaiting  their 
approach  with  an  army  of  three  hundred  thousand 
men,  three  times  the  estimated  number  of  the 
Crusading  host.  With  the  early  dawn  of  the  7th  of 
September  the  Christians  resumed  their  march  in 
five  divisions.  First  wen t__the„  Templars  ;  then  the 
Bretons  and  men  of  Anjou  ;  next  the  Poitevins  under 
Guy  ;  fourth  came  the  Normans  and  English  with 
the  royal  banner  ;  in  the  rear  were  the  Hospitallers. 
The  Christian  army,  marshalled  in  close  array,  filled 
the   whole   space   between    the    hills   and    the    sea. 


334  ^^^   THIRD  CRUSADE, 

Richard  and  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  with  a  band  of 
chosen  knights  rode  up  and  down  the  Hnes  keeping 
a  wary  eye  on  the  order  of  their  troops. 

About  nine  o'clock  the  battle  began  with  an 
attack  by  Saladin's  negro  troops  and  Bedouins — 
pestilent  footmen  with  bows  and  round  targes  ; 
in  their  rear  the  heavier  Turkish  troops  kept  up 
an  incessant  din  with  their  drums  and  cymbals. 
Again  and  again  the  Turks  rushed  down  on  the 
rear  of  the  Christians  ;  at  last  the  Hospitallers 
could  bear  up  no  longer,  and  begged  Richard  to  let 
them  make  but  one  charge.  Richard,  however, 
would  permit  no  deviation  from  his  plans.  The 
heavy  horses  of  his  cavalry  with  their  armoured 
riders  were  no  match  for  the  swift- footed  Arab 
steeds  of  the  lightly-clad  Saracens ;  it  would  be 
worse  than  useless  to  charge  till  the  enemy  was  well 
within  their  grasp.  When  the  decisive  moment 
arrived  six  trumpets  were  to  give  the  signal  ;  then 
the  footmen  were  to  open  wide  their  ranks,  and  let 
the  knights  pass  through  to  the  attack. 

So  the  Hospitallers  endeavoured  to  still  endure 
the  renewed  onset  of  the  foe  ;  one  kn-ght  in  despair 
invoked  the  great  warrior-saint  of  the  Crusaders,  who 
perhaps  from  this  period  tended  to  become  the  patron 
saint  of  England  :  "  Oh,  St.  George  !  Why  dost  thou 
leave  us  to  be  destroyed  ?  Christendom  perisheth, 
because  we  strive  not  against  this  accursed  race." 
Then  the  Grand  Master  petitioned  the  king  in  person, 
but  Richard  still  replied  :  "  It  must  be  borne."  Most  of 
the  Hospitallers  murmured  but  obeyed  ;  two  knights, 
however — the  marshal  of  the  order,  and  Baldwin  de 


336  THE    THIRD   CRUSADE. 

Carew,  *'  a  right  good  warrior,  bold  as  a  lion  " — burst 
from  the  ranks  and  overthrew  each  his  man ;  the 
remaining  Hospitallers  could  be  no  longer  restrained 
and  out  they  charged  to  their  comrades'  aid.  The 
battle  soon  became  general  and  for  a  time  threatened 
to  go  ill  for  the  Crusaders  ;  but  when  Richard  himself 
came  up  on  his  Cyprian  bay,  the  Turks  fell  back  before 
him  as  he  clove  his  way  into  their  ranks  with  his 
sword.  The  Christians  then  resumed  their  march, 
and  were  already  encamping  outside  the  walls  of 
Arsuf  when  the  enemy  attacked  once  more  ;  but 
again  the  Turks  turned  in  headlong  flight  as  Richard 
galloped  up  to  the  rescue  thundering  out  his  war- 
cry  :   "  God  and  the  Holy  Sepulchre  aid  us !  " 

The  Christians  counted  two-and-thirty  emirs  dead 
upon  the  field  of  battle,  besides  seven  thousand 
corpses  of  meaner  folk.  They  boasted  that  their 
own  loss  was  not  as  many  hundred.  But  one  death 
in  particular  they  had  to  mourn  ;  the  heroic  James 
of  Avesnes  was  surrounded  and  slain  by  the  Turks. 
On  the  morrow  his  corpse  was  found  with  fifteen  of 
the  enemy  lying  dead  around  him. 

On  Monday,  September  9th,  the  march  was  re- 
newed, and  next  day,  just  thre5~\veeks  after  leaving 
Acre,  the  Crusaders  encamped  in  pleasant  quarters 
amid  the  orchards  outside  Jaffa.  At  the  same  time 
the  fleet  arrived  bringing  an  .abundance  of  Jbod. 

Past  experierrce  had  taught  the  Crusaders  that 
until  they  held  Ascalon  and  Jaffa  they  could  not  hope 
to  maintain  themselves  in  the  Holy  City,  even  if  they 
should  succeed  in  capturing  it  at  once.  Worse  still 
would   be   their  position   if  they  had    to  conduct  a 


yAFFA   AND  ASCALON.  337 

prolonged  siege  with  all  the  seaboard,  from  Caesarea 
to  Damietta,  in  the  hands  of  the  foe.  To  all  this 
Saladin  was  not  less  alive  than  Richard  himself;  but 
he  was  too  weak  to  hold  Ascalon,  and  so  ordered  it 
to  be  dismantled  in  haste,  before  the  Crusaders  could 
come  up.  The  Christians,  however,  were  as  busy  with 
the  restoration  of  Jaffa  as  the  Saracens  were  with  the 
destruction  of  Ascalon.  Not  that  Richard  was  blind 
to  the  importance  of  the  latter  city,  which  he  would 
have  attacked  before  but  for  the  supineness  of  Philip  ; 
but  now  as  then  French  oppositon  compelled  him  to 
postpone  the  advance,  and  this  delay  perhaps  ruined 
the  expedition. 

Six  weeks_iDX_pxeciaujs_  tim.e_were  j^ost  at  Jaffa,  and 
it  was  only  in  the  end  of  October  that  Richard  re- 
newed his  march  towards  Jerusalem.  Even  then  he 
Aad  to  stay  at  the  Casal  of  the  Plains  and  Casal 
Maen,  between  Ramleh  and  Lydda,  for  two  months. 
At  the  end  of  the  year  he  advanced  to  Beit-Nuba, 
some  ten  miles  nearer  the  Holy  City,  but  was  there 
once  more  detained  by  the  violence  of  the  winter 
storms.  The  wind  tore  up  the  tents,  and  the  wet 
rotted  the  store  of  provisions,  whilst  sickness  played 
havoc  both  with  the  men  and  their  horses.  Yet  in 
the  midst  of  their  misfortunes  the  Crusaders  were 
glad  in  heart  with  the  hope  of  reaching  the  Lord's 
Sepulchre,  and  the  thought  that  nothing  should  now 
prevent  the  accomplishment  of  their  pilgrimage. 
But  the  military  orders  and  the  Syrian  Franks  knew 
the  Angers  of  a  winter  campaign,  and  feared  that 
ever  success  would  have  no  other  result  than  to  shut 
up  t-   I  host  in  a  city  which  they  could  not  defend. 


33^  THE   THIRD   CRUSADE. 

In  a  council  held  on  January  13th  their  opinion 
prevailed,  and  the  order  was  given  for  a  retreat  to 
Ramleh.  Many  of  the  French  then  withdrew  to 
Jaffa,  or  elsewhere  ;  but  Richard,  full  of  wrath  at  the 
turn  affairs  had  taken,  determined  to  lead  his  dimi- 
nished army  to  Ascalon.  Two  days  of  weary  march- 
ing through  snow  and  rain  brought  them  at  last  to 
the  ruined  town  on  January  20th.  After  a  little  the 
French  were  induced  to  rejoin  the  host,  and  pledged 
themselves  to  obey  Richard's  orders  till  Easter. 
All  then  set  about  the  task  of  restoring  Ascalon  ; 
nobles,  knights,  squires,  and  men-at-arms  working 
together  with  their  own  hands,  and  with  one  will. 
But  the  main  glory  of  the  work  belonged  to  the  king; 
he  was  everywhere  directing,  exhorting,  and  even 
working.  His  eloquence  heartened  the  great  lords 
to  fresh  efforts  and  larger  liberality.  Where  means 
were  lacking  he  supplied  them,  till  when  at  last 
Ascalon  was  restored,  it  was  said  that  Richard  had 
paid  for  three-quarters  of  the  work. 

The  previous  autumn  had  witnessed  some  lengthy, 
if  not  perhaps  very  genuine  negotiations  between 
Richard  and  Saladin.  Richard  at  first  demanded 
the  restoration  of  the  whole  kingdom  as  it  existed 
under  Baldwin  IV.  When  this  was  refused  he 
suggested  a  marriage  between  El-Adel  or  Sapha- 
din,  the  Sultan's  brother,  and  his  own  sister  Joanna, 
who  might  then  rule  together  in  a  new  kingdom 
of  Pakstine.^     The  proposal—flattered  El-Adel,  who 

^  This  probably  gave  Sir  W.  Scott  the  hint  for  the  proposed  marriage 
of  Saladin  himself  to  Edith  Plantagenet  (a  purely  fictitious  character),  in 
"The  Talisman." 


NEGOTIATIONS    WITH  SALADIN.  339 

visited  Richard  in  or  near  the  Crusaders'  camp ;  the 
king  had  just  undergone  his  autumn  bleeding  and 
could  not  receive  his  visitor  in  person,  but  had  him 
entertained  at  a  great  banquet.  This  was  followed 
next  day  by  an  interview  and  the  exchange  of  costly 
presents,  from  which  there  sprung  up  a  warm  friend- 
ship between  the  two  princes.  Th^  negotiations,  how- 
ever, fell  through,  according  to  the  Saracens,  because 
Joanna  refused  to  wed  a  Mohammedan.  The  Chris- 
tian account  makes  no  mention  of  the  marriage,  and 
ascribes  the -failure  to  Saladin's  refusal  to  dismantle 
Kerak.  Perhaps,  indeed,  the  chief  object  ot  both 
parties  had  been  to  gain  time — Richard  that  he 
might  complete^hc^fortifi cation  of  Jaffa,  Saladin  that 
he  might  postponeJiostiHties  tllT  winter  had  made  a 
serious  cana^ign  im practicable.  At  the  same  time 
both  parties  may  have  found  good  reasons  to  wish  for 
peace — Richard  in  his  suspicions  of  Philip  Augustus, 
and  Saladin  in  his  fears  of  the  descendants  of  Zangi. 
Richard,  moreover,  was  at  this  time  much  hampered 
by  the  behaviour  of  Conrad  of  Montferrat.  The 
marquis  had  not  only  held  aloof  from  the  main 
enterprise,  but  had  also  a  party  among  t-he  Syrian 
Eranks,  withBalian  of  I  be]  in  and  Reginald  of  Sidon 
for  his  chief  supporters.  Conrad  and  his  party,  like 
Richard,  had  opened  negotiations  with  Saladin, 
but  the  Sultan's  council  had  declared  against  them 
on  the  ground  that  there  could  be  no  sincere  friend- 
ship between  the  Saracens  and  the  Syrian  Franks. 
When  in  February,  ij^g^B.ichard  called  Conrad  to 
his  aid  at_Ascalon,  the  marquis  found  occasion  to 
excuse  himselfr    The  Duke  of  Burgundy  had  about 


340  7 HE    THIRD   CRUSADE. 

the  same  time  withdrawn  from  the  army  because 
Richard  refused  him  any  further  loans  of  money. 
The  French  now  went  to  Acre,  where  they  took  up 
the  cause  of  the  Genoese  against  the  Pisans,  who  were 
partisans  of  Guy.  The  Genoese  called  on  Conrad, 
whilst  the  Pisans  sent  word  to  Richard,  on  whose 
approach  the  marquis  went  back  to  Tyre,  taking 
Burgundy  with  him. 

Despite  a  personal  interview  the  breach  between 
Conrad  and  Richard  grew  wider,  and  the  latter 
presently  renewed  his  negotiations  with  Salad  in. 
So  friendly  did  the  King  and  Sultan  become  that, 
on  Palm  Sunday,  Richard  knighted  El-Adcl's  son 
at  Acre  in  great  state.  However,  some  hostilities  of 
the  Franks  near  Darum  inclined  Saladin  to  turn 
once  more  to  Conrad,  who  agreed  to  join  in  open 
war  with  his  fellow  Crusaders.  Richard,  who  by 
this  time  had  returned  to  Ascalon,  was  now  forced 
to  let  the  French,  who  had  thus  far  remained  with 
him,  depart  to  their  compatriots  at  Tyre.  The  new  s 
of  troubles  in  England  which  arrived  about  this 
time,  made  Richard  himself  anxious  to  go  home. 
Some  settlement  of  the  kingdom  was  now  im- 
perative, and  Richard  rather  reluctantly  consented 
tQ-lhj£^recognition  of_Coafad_£LS_lkiQg. . 

Hardly  had  the  marquis  thus  attained  the  object 
of  his  ambitions,  when  he  was  cut  off  by  a  mysterious 
fate.  Qn  Monday,  April  27th,  so  runs  the  story  in 
the  Franco- Syrian  chronicles,  Conrad,  weary  of  wait- 
ing for  his  queen,  who  had  sta\  ed  late  at  the  bath, 
went  out  to  dine  with  Philip  of  Beauvais.  Finding 
that  the  bishop  had  already  dined,  Conrad    turned 


CONRAD   OF  MONTFERRAT.  34I 

home.  As  he  came  out  of  the  bishop's  house  into  the 
narrow  road,  two  men  advanced  to  meet  him  ;  one 
ofJJie  two  offered  him  a  letter,  and  whilst  Conrad 
wa^thus  off  his  guard  they  stabbed  him  with  their 
knives.  Conrad  fell  dea^  on  the  spotj^his  murderers 
one  was  instantly  slain,  and  the  other  was  captured 
soon  after.  When  put  to  torture  this  man  confessed 
that  he  and  his  comrade  had  been  despatched  by  the 
Old  Man  of  the  Mountain  to  take  vengeance  for  the 
robbery  of  one  of  his  merchant  vessels. ^ 
^Queen  Isabella  iiowdecTared"fKar"she  would  hold 
Tyre  for  Richard,  but  the  French  clamoured  for  the 
city  to  be  surrendered  to  them  on  behalf  of  their 
king.  But  as  it  happened  Richard's  nephew,  Henry 
of  Champagne,  had  hurried  to  Tyre  on  the  news  of 
Conrad's  death ;  the  people  at  once  hailed  him  as 
lord,  and  begged  him  to  marry  Isabella.  Richard 
readily  assented  to  the  proposal,  and  so  Palestine 
once  more  had  a  king,  whose  claim  was  supported 
not  only  by  the  French  and  English,  but  also  by  the 
Syrian  Franks.  With  these  brighter  prospects  before 
him  Richard  once  more  postponed  his  departure. 
Like  a  true  knight-errant,  he  was  more  attracted  by 
the  hope  of  conquering  a  new  kingdom  from  the 
Saracen,  than  by  the  prospect  of  merely  preserving 
the  one  which  God  had  given  him. 
"Richard  did  not  when  assenting  to  his  nephew's 
elevation  forget  the  deposed  king  for  whom  he  had 
struggled  so  long.  Cyprus  was  bestowed  on  Guy, 
whose   family   ruled   in    that   island    for   more   than 

*  The  French  accused  Richard  of  having  suborned  the  Assassins  to 
murder  Conrad. 


342  THE    THIRD   CRUSADE. 

two  centuries  after  the  last  remnants  of  the  Christian 
kingdom  on  the  mainland  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Moslem. 

In  the  middle  of  May  Richard,  who  was  anxious 
to  strike  a  blow  whilst  Saladin  was  still  troubled 
with  the  treatened  revolt  on _±he  .  Euphrates,  left 
Ascalon  with  a  small  force  to  besiege  Darum.  That 
fortress  was  very  strong,  but  the  fleet  soon  arrived 
with  the  siege  train,  and  on  the  22nd  of  May  Darum 
surrendered  after  only  four  days'  siege.  Hardly  was 
the  fortress  taken  when  King  Henry  arrived  with  the 
French,  and  received  Darum  from  his  uncle  as  the 
first-fruits  of  his  new  realm.  Very  shortly  afterwards 
fresh  news  of  a  disquieting  nature  from  England 
made  Richard  think  once  more  of  returning  home. 
But  after  some  hesitation  he  pledged  himself  to  stay 
till  the  following  Easter,  and  ordered  preparations  to 
be  made  for  an  immediate  advance  to  Jerusalem.  At 
this  news,  "  all  began  to  rejoice  as  a  bird  at  dawn  of 
day,"  and  forthwith  made  themselves  ready  for  the 
journey,  crying  out :  "  We  thank  Thee,  O  God  L  be- 
cause we  shall  now  behold  Thy  city,  where  the  Turks 
have  dwelt  so  long." 

On  Sunday,  June  7th,  the  Crusaders  marched  out 
from  Ascalon,  and  after  a  few  days'  journey,  once 
more  pitched  their  tents  at  Beit-Nuba.  Here  they 
had  to  stay  a  month  till  King  Henry  brought  rein- 
forcements from  Acre.  This  delay  was  unfortunate 
for  the  Christians,  for  there  seems  little  doubt  that 
if  they  had  pushed  on  at  once  they  could  have 
taken  the  city.  Whether  they  could  have  held  it 
for  long  is  another  matter.      Probably  most  of  the 


THE  CAPTURE  OF   THE   CARAVAN-  343 

Crusaders,  after  paying  their  vows  at  the  Holy 
Sepulchre,  would  have  returned  home,  without 
further  care  for  the  land  they  had  so  hardly  v/oa 

Two  incidents  in  the  desultory  warfare  of  this 
tedious  month  deserve  notice.  One  day  in  June 
Richard  came  upon  a  party  of  Turks  near  the  foun- 
tain of  Emmaus  unawares,  and  slew  twenty  of  them. 
In  his  pursuit  of  the  remainder  along  the  hills  he 
advanced  so  far  that  as  he  chanced  to  raise  his  eyes, 
he  caught  a  glimpse  of  the  Holy  City  from  afar.  A 
little  latter  there  came  news  of  a  great  caravan  on 
its  way  up  from  Egypt.  Richard  with  characteristic 
generosity  invited  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  and  the 
French  to  share  in  the  spoil.  Marching  by  moonlight, 
the  king's  force  of  five  hundred  knights  and  a  thou- 
sand serving  men  came  out  to  Keratiyeh,  where 
during  a  short  halt  they  learnt  that  one  caravan  was 
already  marching  past  the  "  Round  Cistern."  The 
report  was  confirmed  by  Richard's  own  spies,  who 
were  sent  out  in  disguise  as  Bedouins.  Another 
night's  march  brought  the  Crusaders  within  a  short 
distance  of  the  caravan.  At  dawn  the  bowmen 
were  sent  out  in  advance,  and  the  king  with  his 
knights  followed  in  the  rear.  The  caravan  was  sur- 
prised while  resting,  and  its  escort  fled  before  the 
charge  of  the  Crusaders  like  hares  before  the  hounds. 
Besides  a  very  rich  spoil  of  spices,  gold,  silver,  silks, 
robes,  and  arms  of  every  kind,  there  were  captured 
no  less  than  four  thousand  seven  hundred  camels, 
besides  mules  and  asses  beyond  number. 

The  loss  of  this  caravan  "  was  an  event  most  shame- 
ful to  us,"  writes  Baha-ed  din  ;  "  not  for  a  long  time 


344  ^^^    THIRD   CRUSADE. 

past  had  such  a  disaster  befallen  Islam.  Never  did  any 
news  so  trouble  the  Sultan."  Saladin  was,  indeed, 
in  no  small  alarm  lest  the  Crusaders  should  advance 
forthwith  on  Jerusalem.  But  after  a  few  days  there  came 
the  welcome  news  that  the  Franks  were  in  retreat. 

The  causes  of  this  retreat  are  more  or  less  of  a 
mystery.  It  would  seem  that  about  a  fortnight  pre- 
viously, before  the  arrival  of  Kin^Heriry^vyith  the  rein- 
forcements, the"  Franks  were  very- eager  for  an  imme- 
diate advance.  Richard  declared  that  the  id  3a  was 
impossible,  and  that  he  would  not  take  the  responsi- 
bility for  an  enterprise  which  would  expose  him  to  the 
censure  of  his  enemies.  If  others  saw  fit  to  attack 
Jerusalem,  he  would  not  desert  them  ;  but  in  that 
case  he  would  follow,  and  not  lead.  He  pointed  out 
the  dangers  of  their  present  position,  and  urged  that 
the  Crusaders  should  follow  the  advice  of  the  native 
lords  as  to  whether  it  was  wiser  to  besiege  Jerusalem, 
or  march  against  Cairo,  Beyrout,  or  Damascus.  So 
at  Richard's  suggestion  the  plan  of  campaign  was 
referred  to  a  committee  of  twenty  sworn  jurors.  The 
twenty  decided  in  favour  of  attacking  Cairo.  At  this 
the  French  cried  out,  declaring  that  they  would  march 
only  against  Jerusalem  ;  Richard  in  vain  offered  the 
assistance  of  his  fleet  which  lay  at  Acre,  and  promised 
a  liberal  contribution  towards  their  expenses ;  his 
efforts  were  without  avail,  and  on  the  4th  of  July  he 
ordered  a  retreat  towards  Ramleh. 

Richard  now  withdrew  to  Acre,  and  reopened  ne- 
gotiations with  Saladin.  But  the  Sultan,  hearing  of 
an  intended  expedition  against  Beyrout,  determined  to 
divert  the  attack,  and  on  July  26th  appeared  before 


THE   RESCUE   OF  JAFFA.  345 

JafTa.  After  a  five  days'  siege  the  town  was  captured, 
and  the  remainder  of  the  garrison  in  the  tower  pro- 
mised to  surrender  if  aid  did  not  come  by  the  follow- 
ing day.  But  Richard  had  been  well  informed  of  the 
danger,  and  though  the  French  would  lend  him  no 
assistance,  had  already  left  Acre  with  a  few  galleys. 
Through  contrary  winds  he  only  reached  Jaffa  at 
midnight  on  the  31st.  When  day  dawned  it  seemed 
that  he  had  arrived  too  late,  for  S:iladin's  banners 
were  already  flying  on  the  walls.  Richard  was  in 
doubt  what  to  do,  until  a  priest  swam  out  to  the  ships 
with  news  of  the  peril  to  which  those  in  the  tower 
were  exposed.  The  king  delayed  no  longer,  but 
ordered  his  galleys  to  be  rowed  towards  the  shore, 
and  himself  led  the  Christians  as  they  waded  through 
the  water  to  the  land.  The  Turks  fled  before  them, 
and  the  royal  banner  was  soon  waving  from  the  walls. 
Richard  himself  was  foremost  in  the  fight:  "nevei 
did  warrior  bear  himself  so  nobly,  as  did  the  king  that 
day  ;  Saladin  fled  before  him  like  a  hunted  hare." 
For  more  than  two  miles  the  English  cross-bowmen 
pursued  the  Turks  with  terrible  carnage,  and  at  night 
Richard  pitched  his  tent  on  the  very  spot  where  Sala- 
din's  had  lately  stood.  Richard's  position  was  still  one  of 
considerable  peril.  He  had  with  him  but  fifty  knights, 
and  only  fifteen  horses  good  or  bad.  An  attempt  at 
a  surprise  was  only  frustrated  by  a  happy  accident. 
At  dawn  on  the  5th  of  August  a  Genoese,  who  was  out 
in  search  of  fodder,  heard  the  tramp  of  men  and 
caught  sight  of  their  helmets  gleaming  in  the  eastern 
sky.  Hurrying  back  he  roused  the  sleeping  camp, 
but  hardly  was  there  time  to  arm  or  even  dress  before 


346  THE   THIRD    CRUSADE. 

the  Turks  were  upon  them.  Richard  was  marshalling 
his  Httle  army,  when  a  messenger  came  up  crying  out 
that  they  were  all  lost,  and  that  the  enemy  had  seized 
the  town.  Sternly  ordering  the  man  to  hold  his 
peace,  Richard  bade  his  followers  be  of  good  cheer, 
and  to  show  his  own  confidence  rode  off  with  half-a- 
dozen  knights  to  discover  what  had  actually  taken 
place  in  Jaffa.  The  Saracens  who  had  gained  the 
town  fled  before  the  king  as  he  forced  his  way  into 
the  streets,  and  Richard  could  soon  rejoin  his  army 
outside.  There  the  enemy,  though  they  continually 
charged  close  up  to  the  Christian  line,  would  not  ven- 
ture to  attack.  At  last  in  the  afternoon  Richard 
advanced,  and  after  a  fierce  engagement  put  the 
Saracens  to  flight.  It  was  on  this  day  that,  according 
to  the  romantic  tale,  El-Adel,  hearing  Richard  had 
no  horse,  sent  him  two  Arab  steeds  ;  a  generous  gift, 
which  the  king  accepted  in  a  like  spirit,  and  after- 
wards splendidly  recompensed. 

After  this  battle  negotiations  were  once  more 
resumed.  The  French  would  render  no  help,  and 
sickness  was  playing  havoc  with  the  Christian  host. 
Richard  himself  fell  ill,  and  thought  it  better  to  ask 
for  a  truce  than  to  go  away  leaving  the  whole  land  to 
be  laid  waste,  as  did  others  who  departed  by  crowds 
in  their  ships.  By  the  mediation  of  El-Adel  terms 
were  at  length  arranged  on  the  2nd  of  September. 
Ascalon  was  to  be  left  unoccupied  for  three  years, 
during  which  time  the  Christians  were  to  have  peace- 
ful possession  of  Jaffa,  and  free  access  to  the  Holy 
Sepulchre ;  commerce  was  to  be  carried  on  over  the 
whole  land. 


TRUCE    WITH   SAL  A  DIN.  347 

Richard  warned  the  Sultan  frankly  of  his  intention 
to  return  and  renew  the  war.  If,  reph'ed  Saladin, 
he  was  to  lose  the  land,  he  would  rather  it  was  to 
Richard  than  to  any  other  prince  he  had  ever  seen. 
To  the  Christians  the  king's  departure  brought  great 
grief,  and  when  the  day  (October  9th)  arrived,  the 
people  cried  aloud  :  "  O  Jerusalem,  now  art  thou  in- 
deed helpless  !  Who  will  protect  thee  when  Richard 
is  away?"  Richard's  own  last  words,  as  the  Holy 
Land  faded  from  his  sight,  were  a  prayer  that  he 
might  yet  return  to  its  aid.  Of  that  other  fate  which 
awaited  him,  of  his  captivity,  of  his  warfare  with  his 
treacherous  ally,  and  of  his  death,  this  is  not  the 
place  to  speak. 

Before  their  departure  many  of  the  Crusaders  had 
availed  themselves  of  the  truce  to  go  up  to  Jerusalem. 
Richard  himself  would  not  visit  as  a  pilgrim  the  city 
which  he  could  not  rescue  as  a  conqueror.  The 
pilgrims,  chief  among-  whom  was  Hubert  Walter, 
were  treated  generously.  To  the  bishop  Saladin 
showed  much  courtesy,  and,  besides  inquiring  many 
things  concerning  his  master,  granted  him  permission 
for  Latin  priests  to  celebrate  divine  service  at  the 
Holy  Sepulchre,  and  in  Bethlehem  and  Nazareth. 

Romance  has  invested  the  Third  Crusade  with  a 
halo  of  glory,  altogether  incommensurate  with  its 
direct  results,  which,  if  less  disastrous  than  those  of 
the  Second,  were  in  no  wise  to  be  compared  with  the 
splendid  achievements  of  the  First  Crusade.  As  of 
old,  the  failure  of  the  Western  Crusaders  was  due 
more  to  divisions  amongst  themselves  than  to  the 
prowess  of  the  enemy.     Richard  alone  of  the  great 


34^  THE    THIRD    CRUSADE. 

princes  who  took  part  in  the  war  had  his  heart  in  the 
cause,  and,  save  for  Acre,  the  whole  of  the  acquisi- 
tions of  the  Christians  were  due  to  Jiis  efforts.  The 
French  were  mpfe3anxi*^ous^  to  j]B\'.artthe^  king 

than  to  further  -the  Holy  War,  and -Richard  would 
probably  have  benefited  if  Philip  Iraid  taken  all  his 
subjects  back  with  him.  As  things  went,  a  three 
years'  truce,  and  a  narrow  strip  of  coast  from  Acre 
to  Ascalon  were  the  sole  results  of  an  expedition  that 
had  drained  the  wealth  and  nobility  of  Western 
Europe.  Never  again  did  the  Syrian  Franks  behold 
sc^g^at-an^army,  under  so  valiant  a  leader  come  to 
their  aid  from  the  West  ;  but  the  mutual  jealousies 
and  personal  ambitions  that  had  wrought  the  ruin  of 
the  Third  Crusade  remained-^vith-theiji  always  as  the 
most  persistent  and  dangerous  foes  of  the  Latin  king- 
dom of  Jerusalem. 


XXIII. 

ARMS,  ARMOUR,  AND  ARMAMENTS. 

"  And  higher  on  the  walls, 
Betwixt  the  monstrous  horns  of  elk  and  deer, 
His  own  forefathers'  arms  and  armour  hung. 
And,  '  this,'  he  said,  '  was  Hugh's  at  Agincourt, 
And  that  was  old  Sir  Ralph's  at  Ascalon.'  " 

Tennyson,  The  Princess. 

Inasmuch  as  the  Crusades  were  in  a  sense  the 
greatest  military  achievement  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
and  since  they  influenced  profoundly  the  progress  of 
the  art  of  war  during  that  period,  the  present  volume 
would  be  incomplete  if  it  did  not  attempt  some 
description  of  the  mediaeval  warrior's  equipment. 
Yet  at  the  same  time  it  is  impossible  here  to  more 
than  briefly  discuss  a  subject  which  might  readily 
occupy  an  entire  work. 

Siege  operations  formed  so  large  a  part  of  Crusa- 
ding warfare,  that  it  does  not  seem  improper  to 
commence  with  some  description  of  them.  The 
engineering  science  of  the  Crusaders  was,  for  the 
most  part,  a  development  of  Byzantine  methods. 
The  most  formidable  weapons  of  attack  were 
machines  for  hurling  huge  stones  against  the  walls, 


350  ARMS,   ARMOUR,    AND   AKM.-.MENTS. 

known  as  petrariae  or  stone-casters,  mangonels,  and, 
most  formidable  of  all,  the  tribuchet  Mangonels 
and  stone-casters  were  used  by  the  Crusaders  in  their 
earliest  siege  operations,  as  at  Nicaea  in  1097.  Yet 
the  experience  requisite  for  their  successful  use  cannot 
have  been  very  common,  for  at  Tyre  in  11 24  it  was 


MILITARY   MACHINE. 


found  necessary  to  call  in  the  aid  of  an  Armenian 
engineer  from  Antioch.  But  much  of  a  great  leader's 
reputation  for  military  skill  depended  upon  his  capa- 
city to  construct  and  direct  these  formidable  machines, 
and  even  kings  did  not  think  it  beneath  their  dignity 
to  give  this  branch  of  warfare  their  personal  attention. 


5//iG£    OPERATIONS. 


35t 


At  the  siege  of  Acre  Philip  Augustus  had  a  famous 
stone- caster,  "  The  Bad  Neighbour,"  which  the  Sara- 
cens destroyed  by  means  of  a  h'ke  engine  called 
"  The  Bad  Kinsman."  Richard,  loo,  had  stone-casters, 
which  discharged  day  and  night  a  store  of  polished 
Sicilian  flints,  that  had  been  brought  on  purpose 
from  Messina  ;  these  stones  were  of  such  size,  that 
one  which  was   sent  out   of  the   city  for    Salad  in 's 


MILITARY    MACHINE. 


inspection  is  said  to  have  killed  twelve  men.  Hov/ 
Richard  rose  from  his  sick-bed  to  superintend  the 
use  of  these  engines  has  been  already  described. 
When  the  w^ajls  of  a  fortress  had  been  sufficiently 
battered  by  such  engines,  the  besiegers  would  ap- 
proach them  under  cover  of  a  "  testudo "  or  shed, 
sometimes  called  a  "sow,"  which  was  made  of  wicker- 
work  protected  with  hides.      Under  this  shelter  the 


352      ARMS,  ARMOUR,   AND   ARMAMENTS. 

moat  would  be  filled  up  with  stones  and  earth,  and 
^us  access  was  obtained  to  the  walls.  The  "testudo" 
was  often  used  to  cover  the  men  who  brought  up  the 
"  aries  "  or  ram,  a  heavy  beam  with  which  they  battered 
the  walls,  as  did  Bohemond's  men  at  Durazzo. 
At  other  times  the  besiegers,  under  cover  of  the 
"testudo,"  would  undermine  the  walls  by  picking 
out  the  loosened  stones.  To  such  labours  the  men 
were  encouraged  by  the  promise  of  abundant  rewards; 
Raymond  of  Toulouse  offered  a  denarius  for  every 
three  stones  cast  into  the  moat  at  Jerusalem,  and 
Richard  two  gold  pieces  for  every  stone  dislodged 
from  the  walls  of  'Acre.  Where  the  defence  was 
stubborn  the  besiegers  would  sap  the  walls,  propping 
them  up  for  a  time  with  wooden  beams,  which,  when 
a  sufficient  distance  had  been  excavated,  were  fired, 
and  by  this  means  a  breach  was  created. 

But  the  crowning  achievement  of  mediaeval  offen- 
sive engineering  was  the  "  belfry "  or  siege-castle. 
This  was  a  movable  tower,  built  of  wood,  and  of  such 
a  height  as  to  overtop  the  walls  of  the  town  which 
was  being  attacked.  It  was  constructed  in  several 
stories,  which  were  called  "coenacula"  or  "solaria." 
Godfrey's  great  "  Machina  "  at  the  taking  of  Jeru- 
salem had  three  stories,  while  that  used  by  Amalric 
I.  at  the  siege  of  Damietta  had  seven.  The  "  belfry  " 
was  moved  on  wheels,  sometimes  worked  by  men 
from  the  inside — sometimes  moved  from  the  outside 
on  rollers.  On  one  story  there  was  often  a  ram,  in  a 
higher  story  were  fitted  bridges,  which  could  be  lowered 
on  to  the  wall,  and  at  the  top  were  the  archers,  the 
mangonels,  and  other  missile  engines.     The  besieged 


SIEGE   CASTLES.  353 

would  attempt  to  keep  this  machine  from  approach- 
ing the  walls,  by  affixing  iron-pointed  beams  to 
resist  it,  and  if  this  proved  futile  they  could,  as  a 
last  resource,  pour  down  the  deadly  Greek  fire  upon 
the  enemy,  or  with  flaming  arrows  set  the  dreaded 
construction  ablaze.  Time  after  time  at  the  siege 
of  Arsuf  did  Baldwin  I.  find  himself  baffled  in  this 
way.  At  the  siege  of  Damietta  in  12 19  the  Saracens 
menaced  the  Christian  floating  siege-castle  with  five 
mangonels,  or  similar  engines,  from  the  wall.  To 
guard  against  the  effects  of  fire  or  stones,  the  machine 
was  covered  with  hides  steeped  in  vinegar,  and  with 
a  network  of  rope,  or  with  stuffed  sacks.  These  huge 
constructions,  costly  and  difficult  though  they  must 
have  been  to  erect,  were  not  in  any  sense  permanent 
engines,  but  seem  to  have  been  built  when  occasion 
required  from  whatever  material  was  procurable. 
The  famous  Matte  Griffin,  which  Richard  had  made 
in  Sicily,  and  brought  with  him  to  Acre,  was,  how- 
ever, an  exception. 

From  the  military  engines  we  turn  to  the  equip- 
ment of  the  soldier  himself.  During  the  Crusading 
age  and  the  following  half-century,  armour  underwent 
a  development  more  important  and  giore  marked 
than  in  any  other  period  of  the  world's  history 
It  passed  from  the  broigne^  a  loose-fitting  mail-coat 
of  steel-rings,  or  small  closely  set  plates  of  iron, 
through  the  grand  hauberk  to  the  mail  plate  of  the 
fourteenth  century.  Originally  the  Teutonic  warrior 
went  to  battle  in  the  tunic  of  ring-mail.  It  was  in 
such  array,  a  war  corslet,  whose  "  polished  iron  rang 
in   its    meshes" — that,   according    ^o    the   primaeval 


354     ARMS,   ARMOURy   AND  ARMAMENTS, 

English  battle-song,  Beowulf  entered  Hrothgar's 
hall  to  do  battle  with  the  fiend  Grendal.  At  the 
time  of  the  First  Crusade  we  may  picture  the  accoutre- 
ments of  Western  Europe  from  the  pictures  given 
in  the  Bayeux  Tapestry  and  from  the  "  Song  of 
Roland."  At  this  period  armour  seems  to  have  been 
made  either  of  linked  chains  or  of  plates  sewn  upon 
a  leather  back-ground,  or  welded  close  together.  If 
made  of  plates  the  garment  was  generally  long  and 
often  sleeveless,  if  of  chains  it  fitted  closely  to  the 
body  and  generally  covered  the  arms,  while  short, 
armoured  breeches  protected  the  thighs.  In  a  very 
few  cases  the  Norman  knight  seems  to  have  worn 
iron  shoes  and  leggings  distinct  from  his  upper  tunic, 
and  it  is  thus  that  William  I.  is  represented  in  the 
Bayeux  Tapestry. 

Soon  after  the  First  Crusade  a  change  set  in  which 
did  not  become  universal  for  nearly  a  century.  This 
consisted  in  the  introduction  of  the  hauberk,  which, 
in  its  final  form  as  the  grand  hauberk,  was  composed 
of  two  parts,  a  closely  fitting  chain  tunic  that  covered 
the  whole  body  to  the  knees,  with  an  under  garment 
protecting  the  legs  and  reaching  as  far  upwards  as 
the  waist.  This  grand  hauberk  was  not  sewn  upon 
any  ground,  but  simply  formed  of  interlocking  rings  r 
it  was  cloven  behind  so  as  to  facilitate  horsemanship. 
In  most  cases  the  grand  hauberk  seems  to  have  been 
fitted  with  a  ring-mail  hood  to  protect  the  neck  and 
head,  and  the  whole  accoutrement  was  crowned  with 
a  pointed  conical  helm,  laced  on  to  the  rest  of  the 
armour.  In  the  twelfth  century  the  small  conical 
helmet,   which   appears   everywhere   in   the    Bayeux 


356     ARMS,  ARMOUR,    AND  ARMAMENTS. 

Tapestry,  began  to  give  way  to  one  of  cylindrical 
shape  and  much  larger  proportions,  which  covered 
the  whole  head  and  face,  leaving,  when  the  visor  was 
down,  but  one  or  two  apertures  for  seeing  and  breath- 
ing. In  such  helmets  it  was  impossible  to  recognise 
friend  or  leader,  and  hence  it  is  no  wonder  that  Bald- 
win I.  was  refused  admission  to  Arsuf,  and  that  the 
later  chanson  represents  William  of  Orange  as  shut 
out  from  his  castle  by  his  warder  and  wife  till  he  had 
unbared  his  head. 

Just  as  the  Crusades  are  ending  we  may  trace  the 
faint  beginnings  of  plate  armour,  when  the  links  were 
displaced  by  large  pieces  of  metal.  Gradually  the 
two  simple  garments  gave  way  to  a  multitude  of 
detachable  pieces,  each  with  its  own  particular  use 
and  special  name.  But  this  development  does  not 
fall  within  our  period.^ 

The  mediaeval  warrior's  defensive  equipment  was 
completed  by  his  shield.  This  from  the  earliest  days 
had  been  made  of  linden- wood.  Such  was  the 
"  yellow  linden  shield,"  with  which  Wiglaf  went  to 
aid  his  lord  Beowulf  against  the  dragon.  It  was 
behind  the  shield-wall  of  linden-wood  that  the  Danes 
ranged  themselves  in  vain  against  Athelstan  at 
Brunanburgh.  In  the  twelfth  century  the  best 
shields  seem  to  have  been  made  of  elm,  and  it  is 
only  very  rarely  that  we  read  as  in  Beowulf  of  an 
iron  buckler.  The  mediaeval  shield  was  generally  kite 
shaped  as  in  the  Bayeux  Tapestry,  but  sometimes 
almost  oblong  or  circular.  It  was  covered  with 
leather  and  generally  had  a  raised  knob  in  the  centre. 

*  See  further  details  in  the  descriptive  list  of  illustrations. 


OFFENSIVE    WEAPONS,  357 

whence  bands  of  metal  ran  out  in  all  directions. 
When  not  in  use  it  was  carried  on  the  back,  but 
during  a  single  combat,  when  the  lance  was  in  rest, 
was  slung  round  the  neck  in  front  as  an  extra  pro- 
tection. 

The  offensive  weapons  most  in  use  were  the  sword, 
the  lance,  and  the  axe.  Early  English  poets  sing 
with  rapture  of  the  "  sword-play,"  and  invested  this 
weapon  with  something  of  a  human  personality.  All 
the  great  heroes  of  romance  have  names  for  their 
swords  as  though  they  were  something  more  than 
senseless  metal.  Roland's  sword  was  Durendal, 
Charlemagne's  Montjoie,  Arthur's  Excalibur.  So 
far  was  this  worship  carried  that  we  find  the  rusty 
weapon  furnished  to  Huon  of  Bordeaux  for  his  com- 
bat with  Galofre  described  as  Durendal's  sister.  The 
mediaeval  sword  was  sometimes  long  and  sometimes 
short,  from  three  to  four,  or  from  two  to  three  feet, 
as  the  case  might  be. 

The  spear  was  generally  of  ash-wood,  but  an 
alternative  was  the  wood  of  the  apple.  "  Ash- 
timber  with  tip  of  -grey,  seamen's  artillery,  stood 
stacked  together "  in  Hrothgar's  hall.  Of  ash 
too  was  Charlemagne's  spear  in  the  "  Chanson  de 
Roland."  The  head  was  of  various  shapes — leaf-like, 
as  it  appears  in  the  Bayeux  Tapestry,  or  "  squared," 
as  it  is  often  designated  in  mediaeval  poems.  Shaft 
and  tip  together,  the  weapon  seems  to  have  measured 
some  eight  feet.  When  used  overhand  as  a  kind 
of  missile,  the  shaft  must  have  been  rather  slender, 
and  hence  in  the  Tapestry  is  represented  by  a  single 
thread.     But  with  the  custom  of  tilting  lance  in  rest 


358     ARMS,.  ARMOUR,   AND  ARMAMENTS. 

it  must  have  assumed  larger  proportions,  and  so  in 
most  mediaeval  poetry  the  appropriate  epithets  are 
"stout"  or  "thick." 

The  axe  plays  but  a  small  part  in  the  Crusades, 
though  at  Constantinople,  in  1203,  it  was  still  the 
weapon  of  the  English  in  the  Varangian  guard,  and, 
nearly  fifty  years  later,  Joinville  tells  us  it  was 
carried  by  the  soldiers  of  the  Old  Man  of  the 
Mountain. 

The  one  other  weapon  of  the  first  importance  was 
the  bow  in  its  various  forms.  At  the  time  of  the  First 
Crusade  the  Westerns  seem  to  have  used  the  short 
bow  alone.  The  cross-bow  or  arbalest  is,  however,  of 
indefinite  antiquity,  and  under  the  latter  name  figures 
in  the  "  Chanson  de  Roland."  Bohcmond's  soldiers 
used  it  at  Durazzo,  for  Anna  Comnena  refers  to  it 
as  "  a  thoroughly  diabolical  device."  The  use  of  the 
arbalest  rapidly  spread  among  the  Crusaders.  It  was 
a  favourite  weapon  with  Richard,  who  was  very  skil- 
ful in  its  use,  and  who  is  said  to  have  re- introduced  it 
to  Western  warfare  to  be  himself  slain  by  an  arrow 
from  one.  Of  the  English  longbow  there  seems  to 
be  no  trace  throughout  the  whole  period  under  review. 

Three  animals  divided  the  attentions  and  shared 
the  affections  of  the  mediaeval  knight— his  hawk,  his 
hound,  and  his  horse.  Skill  in  hawking  and  the  chace 
was  the  chief  boast  of  Huon  of  Bordeaux,  and  a 
main  part  of  the  education  of  Richard  of  Normandy. 
Nor  does  art  fail  to  support  the  evidence  of  mediaeval 
song  and  history.  The  Bayeux  Tapestry  shows  us 
Harold  riding  out  with  his  hawks  upon  his  wrist, 
while  his  servants  may  be  seen  carrying  the  dogs  on 


THE  HAWK,   THE   HOUND,  AND    THE   HORSE.   359 

board  the  ship  which  was  to  bear  the  Saxon  earl  into 
the  hands  of  the  Norman  duke.  Even  in  the  supreme 
moment  of  life  the  passion  for  the  chace  did  not  leave 
the  mediaeval  knight.  We  have  seen  how  Roger  of 
Antioch  went  out  to  hunt  on  the  very  morning  of 
his  last  fatal  fight.  Of  the  kings  of  Jerusalem,  Fulk 
died  from  a  hunting  accident,  and  Baldwin  I.  received 
the  wound  which  eventually  hastened  his  death  whilst 
in  the  pursuit  of  his  favourite  sport.  Even  in  death 
the  mediaeval  sculptor  would  depict  the  armour-clad 
knight  with  his  feet  resting  on  the  effigy  of  the  faith- 
ful hound  that  had  been  his  comrade  in  life. 

But  the  horse  was  the  knight's  peculiar  friend. 
" '  O  my  steed,'  cries  William  of  Orange,  in  the  old 
Romance,  *thou  art  weary;  right  willingly  would  I 
charge  the  Saracens  again,  but  I  see  thou  canst  not 
help  me.  Yet  I  may  not  blame  thee,  for  well  hast 
thou  served  me  all  the  day  long.  .  .  .  Couldst  thou 
only  bear  me  to  Orange,  none  should  saddle  thee  for 
twenty  days,  thou  shouldst  feed  on  sifted  barley  and 
choicest  hay,  drinking  from  vessels  of  gold,  and  clad 
in  fine  silks.'  And  his  horse  hears  its  master's  words; 
its  nostrils  quiver,  and  it  understands  what  is  said  as 
though  it  were  a  man."  The  horse  is  indeed  almost 
the  hero  of  one  mediaeval  song,  "  Renaud  de  Montau- 
ban  " — where  Bayard,  the  offspring  of  a  fairy  ancestry, 
bears  Renaud  and  his  brothers  from  the  court  of 
Charlemagne  to  the  forest  of  Ardennes.  The  twelfth- 
century  horse  had,  however,  but  little  in  common 
with  our  modern  racer.  Now  and  again  we  do  find 
allusion  to  the  horse's  speed  as  in  the  "  Chanson  de 
Roland,"  where  horses  are  spoken  of  as  swifter  than 


360  ARMSf   ARMOUR,   AND   ARMAMENTS. 

sparrow  or  swallow,  and  in  some  incidents  of  Crusad- 
ing history,  as  Baldwin  I.'s  swift  mare  Farisia,  and 
the  intended  rescue  of  the  young  Baldwin  III.  on 
the  steed  of  John  Goman  in  1 145  ;  but  for  the 
most  part  strength  was  preferred  to  beauty  or  speed. 
Archbishop  Turpin's  horse  was  light  footed,  but  its 
legs  were  thick  and  short,  its  breast  broad  and  its 
flanks  long :  "  With  its  yellow  mane,  little  ears,  and 
tawny  head,  there  was  no  beast  like  unto  it."  In 
another  romance  we  are  told,  "  with  his  short  head 
and  gleaming  eyes,  small  ears  and  large  nostrils,  the 
horse  was  strong  and  stout,  a  better  steed  you  would 
nowhere  see."  So  also  Richard  I.'s  Spanish  horse, 
though  of  graceful  form,  with  pricked-up  ears,  and 
high  neck,  was  also  of  great  height,  with  broad 
breast,  solid  haunches,  and  wide  hoofs.  In  contrast 
to  the  ideal  knightly  steed,  broad  breasted,  thick 
ribbed,  and  short  flanked,  we  have  the  sorry  beast 
furnished  by  the  Saracens  to  Huon  of  Bordeaux  for 
his  combat  with  Galofre,  thin  ribbed  and  scraggy 
necked  that  had  not  tasted  oat  or  wheat  for  seven 
years. 

From  the  equipment  of  the  engineer  and  the  knight, 
we  must  turn  for  a  little  to  the  fortress,  which  was  at 
once  the  Crusader's  bulwark  against  the  enemy  and 
his  home.  The  fortification  of  cities  and  towns  was 
regarded  as  of  less  importance  than  that  of  isolated 
castles  or  the  citadels  which  protected  the  towns,  and, 
indeed,  the  warfare  of  the  age  did  not  well  lend  itself 
to  the  defence  of  an  extensive  system  of  fortifications. 
So  though  the  walls  of  the  important  towns  and  the 
great  ports   was  a   matter  of  particular  care,  and 


CASTLES  AND  FORTRESSES.  36 1 

especially  in  the  last  age  of  Crusading  history,  it  is 
in  the  great  castles  like  Kerak  or  Krak  des  Cheva- 
liers and  Markab  that  we  find  the  most  stupendous 
monuments  of  Prankish  enterprise.  The  care  of 
the  kings  and  military  orders  lined  the  Christian 
frontiers  with  numerous  powerful  fortresses  from 
Kerak  and  Montreal  on  the  south-east,  Darum,  Ibe- 
lin,  and  Blanche  Garde  on  the  south;  to  Beaufort, 
Chateauneuf,  Safed,  Chastellet,  and  Belvoir,  which 
guarded  the  Lebanon  ;  and  the  famous  Kerak  des 
Chevaliers,  Markab,  Tortosa,  and  others  in  the  terri- 
tory of  Tripoli.  The  Prankish  castles  in  Palestine 
followed  two  main  types,  of  which  the  first  had  for 
their  model  the  Prench  castles  of  the  eleventh  and 
twelfth  centuries,  whilst  the  other  class  borrowed 
more  from  the  Byzantines  and  Arabs.  Of  the  first 
the  finest  examples  are  found  in  the  castles  of  the 
Hospitallers,  and  especially  at  Kerak  des  Chevaliers 
and  Markab ;  to  the  latter  class  belong  the  buildings 
of  the  Templars  as  Safed  and  Tortosa.  Even  in  the 
first  class  there  were  certain  Eastern  characteristics  as 
the  double  enceinte  which  was  borrowed  from  the 
Byzantines,  and  the  huge  mass  of  masonry  specially 
adapted  to  meet  the  possibility  of  earthquake.  Mar- 
kab had  a  site  of  extraordinary  grandeur  overlooking 
the  Mediterranean,  and  from  its  position,  on  a  jutting 
spur  of  the  mountains,  impregnable  on  all  sides  but 
one.  Kerak  des  Chevaliers  preserves  to  this  day 
all  its  main  features  intact  as  they  were  when  the 
Hospitallers  abandoned  it  in  1271.  But  the  illustra- 
tions will  give  a  more  adequate  idea  of  their  grandeur 
than  is  possible  in  a  brief  description. 


362 


ARMS,   ARMOUR,  AND   ARMAMENTS. 


The  fortified  towns  of  Syria  were  many  of  them 
girt  with  twofold  walls,  and  the  space  between  was 
given  up,  at  all  events  in  large  measure,  to  gardens. 


[iir-ii'iiPFi'i'i, 


Jjti  -^^.^^cs 


On  the  bii^hcst  c^^round  there  usually  stood  a  castle 
of  surpassing  strength,  to  which  the  inhabitants  could 
retire  if  the  defences  of  the  town  proper  were  forced. 


MILITARY  ORGANISATION,  363 

The  walls  were  generally  broken  by  frequent  towers  ; 
of  these  the  fortifications  of  Antioch  boasted  no  less 
four  hundred  and  fifty,  which  were  eighty  feet  high. 

For  the  protection  of  all  these  towns  and  for- 
tresses, the  Assizes  of  Jerusalem  recorded  .a  most 
elaborate  system  of  military  organisation.  Every 
fief,  every  city  town  or  castle  was  bound  to  furnish 
so  many  knights  and  so  many  men-at-arms  for  the 
war.  The  lordships  of  Galilee  and  Sidon  had  to 
supply  one  hundred  knights  in  case  of  need  ;  from 
such  smaller  fiefs  as  Toron  and  Maron  fifteen  and 
three  were  demanded  respectively.  Among  the  towns 
and  cities  we  find  Jerusalem  assessed  at  forty  knights, 
Acre  at  eighty  ;  whilst  a  small  place  like  Darum  had 
to  supply  two  only.  In  addition,  they  had  to  furnish 
a  fixed  number  of  men-at-arms  from  the  five  hundred 
of  Acre  and  Jerusalem  to  the  fifty  of  Caesarea  and 
Haifa.  Not  even  the  prelates  and  great  ecclesiastical 
corporations  were  exempt,  but  had  each  to  furnish 
their  fixed  quota.  To  these  forces  we  must  add  the 
troops  of  the  military  orders,  the  Turcoples  and 
mercenaries  in  the  royal  pay,  and  the  European 
knights  who  came  with  every  spring  and  autumn  to 
fight  for  Christ  and  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  Still,  with 
it  all,  if  we  may  trust  William  of  Tyre,  the  largest 
army  ever  mustered  in  Palestine  since  the  days  of 
Godfrey  was  only  twenty  thousand  strong. 

If  in  many  respects  the  Crusades  mark  an  epoch 
in  military  progress,  they  are  of  hardly  less  interest 
in  naval  history.  In  the  First  Crusade  the  fleet  had 
been  supplied  by  the  Italian  republics,  and  during 
the  early  days  of  the  kingdom  in  particular,  valuable 


364  ARMSy  ARMOUR,   AND   ARMAMENTS.     ■ 

service  was  rendered  by  the  seamen  of  Venice,  Pisa, 
and  Genoa.  The  Latin  kings,  however,  estabh'shed 
a  naval  service  of  their  own,  and  maintained  arsenals 
at  Tyre  and  Acre.  But  it  may  be  that  they  still 
chiefly  depended  on  the  fleets  of  the  Italian  republics, 
of  northern  pilgrims  like  Sigurd,  or  whatever  other 
assistance  chance  might  afford  ;  at  any  rate,  there  is 
no  mention  of  the  office  of  admiral  in  the  history  of 
the  Cypriote  kingdom  till  towards  the  end  of  the 
thirteenth  century.  Still,  in  1 153,  we  find  Gerard  of 
Sidon  commanding  the  royal  fleet  at  Ascalon,  when 
he  had  fifteen  swift  vessels  ;  and  when  Saladin 
threatened  Bey  rout  in  1182,  Baldwin  IV.  was  able  to 
assemble  thirty-three  galleys  within  seven  days.  The 
two  great  orders  also  maintained  galleys  of  their  own, 
and  the  Count  of  Tripoli  and  Prince  of  Antioch  had 
each  their  own  fleet.  So  in  1 187  Tripoli  could  muster 
twenty  galleys  for  the  relief  of  Tyre  ;  and  even 
as  early  as  11 27  Bohemond  II.  had  ten  galleys  and 
twelve  transports.  In  addition  to  the  Mediterranean 
fleet  thus  maintained,  there  was,  at  least  for  a  short 
time,  also  a  Christian  armament  on  the  Red  Sea. 
The  Franks  held  Elim  from  11 16  to  11 70,  and  again 
in  1 1 82-3  ;  at  the  later  date,  Reginald  of  Chatillon 
equipped  five  galleys  and  a  large  number  of  smaller 
vessels  with  which  he  ravaged  the  whole  coast  of  the 
Hedjaz,  and,  in  the  absence  of  any  Mussulman  fleet 
that  could  oppose  him,  even  threatened  the  pilgrims 
on  their  way  to  Mecca.  This  success  was,  however, 
shortlived,  for  Saladin  had  a  fleet  prepared  which, 
in  the  early  months  of  11 83,  totally  destroyed 
Reginald's  armament. 


FLEETS   AND   SHIPS.  365 

The  most  important  class  of  ships  used  for  pur- 
poses of  war  were  galleys  ;  these  vessels  were  from 
a  hundred  to  a  hundred  and  twenty  feet  long,  and 
about  six  feet  wide,  with  but  a  single  bank  of  oars 
and  a  crew  of  one  hundred  men.  Other  vessels  of 
.,war  were  "  saeties  "  or  scouts,  *'  colombels,"  ''  gamells.''^ 
all  of  them  small,  swift  vessels  for  scouting  purposes. 
The  trading  and  transport  vessels  were  known  as 
dromonds,  busses,  salandres,  and  huissiers.  The 
dromond  was  the  largest  of  all,  and  was  used  to 
carry  pilgrims — as  the  great  vessel  wrecked  in  Egypt 
in  1 182,  which  had  fifteen  hundred  persons  on  board 
— or  merchandise.  Richard's  rich  prize,  after  leaving 
Cyprus  in  1 191,  was  a  Saracen  dromond.  In  war  the 
dromond  was  used  to  carry  arms,  food,  and  the  mili- 
tary machines.  Busses  and  salandres  were  smaller 
vessels.  The  huissiers  were  horse-transports  ;  those 
in  Manuel's  fleet,  in  1 169,  had  large  open  castles  in 
the  poop  for  the  carriage  of  the  horses,  with  gang- 
ways for  their  embarkation. 

None  of  these  vessel's  were  very  fast  sailing,  nor 
did  they  often  venture  far  from  land.  The  swiftest 
voyage  from  Marseilles  to  Acre  took  from  fifteen  to 
twenty  days,  but  was  indefinitely  lengthened  when 
made  by  the  Italian  coast  to  Messina,  then  succes- 
sively to  Crete  and  Cyprus,  and  so  to  Syria.  For 
the  longer  voyage  from  Northern  Europe,  Richard's 
fleet  took  nearly  six  months  to  reach  Messina,  whilst 
Sigurd's  piratical  expedition  extended  over  three  or 
four  years.  As  for  equipment,  one  of  Richard's  chief 
ships  had  "  three  rudders,  thirteen  anchors,  thirty  oars, 

^  Literally  "arrows,"  "pigeons,"  "camels." 


366 


ARMS,   ARMOUR,   AND   ARMAMENTS. 


two  sails,  and  triple  ropes  of  every  kind.  Moreover,  it 
had  everything  that  a  ship  can  want  in  pairs — saving 
only  the  mast  and  boat.  This  ship  was  laden  with 
forty  horses  of  price,  with  all  kinds  of  arms  for  as 
many  riders,  for  fourteen  footmen  and  fifteen  sailors. 
Moreover,  it  had  a  year's  food  for  all  these  men  and 
horses." 


XXIV 

THE     KINGDOM     OF      ACRE— THE      STRUGGLE      FOR 
RECOVERY. 

(l  192-1244.) 

"  A  brave  man  struggling  with  the  storms  of  fate, 
And  greatly  falling  with  a  falling  state." 

Pope. 

SaladiN  did  not  long  survive  the  conclusion  of 
the  Third  Crusade.  Early  in  November,  1192,  he 
left  Palestine  for  Damascus,  where,  despite  ill  health, 
he  spent  the  winter  in  hunting.  When  Baha-ed-din 
rejoined  him  in  February,  he  remarked  that  his 
master  had  lost  his  old  elasticity  of  spirit.  On 
lilebmary  j^th  _yie_inness^  took  a  serious  form,  and  a 
fortnight  later  termiriated -fatally.  "  Never  since  the 
death  of  the  first  four  Caliphs,"  writes  Baha-ed-din, 
"  had  religion  and  the  .  faithful  received  such  a 
blow."  Saladin  had  won  the  respectful  admiration 
of  Christian  and  Moslem  alike.  Both  in  history  and 
romance  his  name  has  always  been  coupled  with  that 
of  his  great  rival  Richard.  "  Could  each,"  said 
Hubert  Walter,  "  be  endowed  with  the  faculties  of  the 


368  THE  KINGDOM  OF  ACRE. 

Other,  the  whole  world  could  not  furnish  two  such 
princes."  A  Western  legend,  of  somewhat  later  date, 
is  so  eminently  characteristic  of  Saladin  that  it  de- 
serves repetition.  When  Saladin  lay  dying  he  charged 
his  standard-bearer,  saying :  "  As  thou  didst  bear  my 
banner  in  war,  bear  also  my  banner  of  death.  And 
let  it  be  a  vile  rag,  which  thou  must  bear  through  all 
Damascus  set  upon  a  lance,  crying,  '  Lo  !  at  his 
death  the  lord  of  the  East  could  take  nothing  with 
him  save  this  cloth  only.' " 

Saladin's  dominions  were  divided  at  his  death. 
His  sons,  El-Afdal,  El-Aziz,  and  Ez-Zahir,  became 
lords  of  r)arnasc4iSj~Egypt^nd  AJ^ppcL^  His  brother, 
El-Adel,  rujed_-a.t  Kerak,  and  his  great-nephews, 
Shffkuh  and  El-Mansur,  at  Emesa  and  Hamah. 
But  this  arrangement  did  not  long  subsist,  for  El- 
Adel  first  expelled  El-Afdal  from  Damascus,  and 
afterwards,  in  February,  I2(X>,  from  Egypt,  where 
the  latter  prince  had  become  guardian  for  his  infant 
nephew,  El-Mansur.  Two  years  later,  by  the  subjec- 
/  tion  of  Ez-Zahir,  El-Adel  became,  like  his  brother 
/  before  him,  lord  supreme  of  Syria,  Mesopotamia,  and 

/  Egypt.  At  hia_death,  on  August  31  j^  1 2j8j_the  Moslem 
lands  were  once  more  divided,  but  his  descendants 
reigned  as  sultans  of  Egypt  with  more  or  less  power 
for  thirty  years  afterwards. 

For  the  Franks  the  years  that  followed  on  the 
death  of  Saladin  were  disturbed  only  by  disputes 
between  the  military  orders  and  the  warfare  of 
Bohemond  of  Antioch  wTth  the  Christian, prince  of 
J  Armenia.  But  if  the  Syrian  Franks  were  content 
to  enjoy  what  they  still  possessed,  the  opportunity 


THE  GERMAN  CRUSADE.  369 

afforded  by  the  death  of  Saladin  did  not  pass  un- 
heeded   in    Western    Europe.      Pope-C^€stiae-  IIJ., 

renewed  h's  endeavours  in  the  cause  of  the  Holy 
War.  In  France  and  England  he  met  with  little 
success  ;  Philip  was  too  intent  on  his  ambitious 
projects,  arr<r~Richard  too  busy  counteracting  them, 
whilst  their  subjects  had  too  lively  a  recollection 
of  their  recent  sufferings.  But  in  Germany  the 
Pope's  appeal  accorded  with  the  Emperor's  designs 
on  Sicily  and  Constantinople.  In  1196  Henry 
entered  Italy  at  the  head  of  forty  thousand  men, 
intending  to  proceed  by  sea  to  Palestine  as  soon 
as  he  had  secured  his  authority  in  his  wife's  king- 
dom. He  was  destined  to  accomplish  only  the 
first  part  of  his  plan,  but  a  large  contingent  of 
Glemxan^  -Crusaders-  came  to  Acre  late  in  11 97, 
under  the  leadership  of  Conrad  of  Wurzburg.  Some- 
what against  the  will  of  the  native  lords,  the  war 
was  renewed  ;  El-Adel  at  once  retaliated  by  an 
attack  on  Jaffa  ;  before  the  Franks  could  come  to 
the  rescue  from  Acre,  Henry  of  Champagne  was 
killed  by  a  fall,  and  during  the  confusion  consequent 
on  his  death,  Jaffa  was  taken  by  the  Saracen. 

Isabella  now  bestowed  her  hand  and  kingdom  on 
Amalric  de  Lusfgnan,  who  two  years  previously 
Had  succeeded  his  brother  GuxasHruier  gf  j^yprus. 
Encouraged  by  the  arrival  of  a  fresh  force  of 
Crusaders  from  Northern  Germany,  the  new  king 
resolved  to  attack  Beyrout.  The  Saracens  aban- 
doned the  city  in  panic,  and  about  the  same  time 
a  Crusading  army  won  a  great  victory  over  El-Adel 
between   Tyre   and    Sidon.      These   successes    were 


370  THE   KINGDOM  OF  ACRE. 

followed  by  the  recovery  of  all  the  coast  towns,  and 
the  Crusaders  had  laid  siege  to  Toron,  when  in  Decem- 
ber, 1 197,  the  news^f  the  Emperor's  death  called  the. 
-Gennans  home.  The  partial  success  of  this  Crusade 
was  thus  marred  by  its  hasty  termination,  which  left 
the  recovered  territory  without  defenders  in  the  face 
of  an  embittered  foe. 

Next— year.  _(l?9^S)-^^  preaching  of  a  French 
priest,  Fulk  of  Neuilly,  stirred  up  a  new  Crusade. 
Fiilk  was  credited  with  strangely  miraculous  powers  ; 
he  cured  the  blind  and  the  lame,  at  his  bidding  the 
prostitute  forsook  her  calling  and  the  usurer  his 
treasure.  Even  before  kings  he  was  not  ashamed, 
and  in  God's  name  bade  Richard  of  England  provide 
for  his  three  daughters.  "  Liar ! "  said  the  angry 
king,  "  I  have  no  daughter."  "  Nay !  thou  hast 
three  evil  daughters — Pride,  Lust,  and  Luxury.'* 
With  mocking  words  Richard  turned  to  his  courtiers  : 
"  He  bids  me  marry  my  daughters.  I  give  Pride  to 
the  Templars,  Lust  to  the  Cistercians,  and  Luxury 
to  the  prelates."  Fulk's  efforts  were  aided  by  the 
new  Pope,  Innocent  III.,  who  mourned  over  the 
return  of  the  Germans  after  such  slight  achievements, 
and  endeavoured  to  make  peace  between  the  kings 
of  France  and  England. 

The  kings  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  priest  and  pope 
alike,  but  many  of  the  great  French  nobles  dic^^ 
under  Fulk's  influence,  take  the  Cross.  Foremost 
wer-e -Baldwin  of  Flanders  and__his  brother  Henry, 
Theobald  of  Champagne  and  His  cousin  Louis  of 
Blois,  the  Count  of  St.  Pol,  Simon  de  Montfort,  and 
John    de    Nesles.      But    the    expedition    was    long 


THE   FOURTH   CRUSADE.  37 1 

delayed,  and  only  started  in  1202.  Fulk  meantime 
had  died  of  grief^  and  though  the  treasure  he  had 
collected  was  sent  over  sea  to  Palestine,  his  projected 
Crusade  proved,  so  far  as  the  Holy  Land  was  con- 
cerned, a  miserable  failure.  The  great  part  of  the 
Crusaders  allowed  themselves  to  be  diverted  from 
their  proper  aim,  and  after  conquering  Zara  for  the 
Venetians,  sailed  against  Constantinople.  How  they 
captured  that  city,  chose  Baldwin  for  emperor,  and 
portioned  out  the^European  lands  of  the  Eastern 
Empire  amongst  themselves,  belongs  to  another 
story.i 

A  smaller  force,  however,  passed  through  the 
Straits  of  Gibraltar,  and  under  the  leadership  of 
Reginald  de_Dampierr€-reachcd  Palestine  in  .j. 203. 
Some  plundering  raids  were  followed  by  concessions 
on  the  part  of  El-Adel,  who  surrendered  Nazareth 
and  concluded  peace.  Reginald,  in  wrath,  went  off 
to  join  Bohemond  of  Antioch ;  on  his  way  he  fell 
into  an  ambush,  and  of  all  his  army  only  a  single 
knight  escaped.  When,  a  little  later,  John  de  Nesles 
reached  Acre  with  a  further  contingent,  he  also  went 
north  to  aid  the  Prince  of  Antioch  in  his  warfare 
with  Armenia. 

Duringjthe  last  years  of  the  twelfth  century  the 
power  of  the  Christian  princes  of.  Armenia  had  much 
increased.  After  long  disputes  between  the  kins- 
men of  Thoros,  a  prince  called  Rupin  secured  the 
throne  about  1175.  Rupin  acquired  Tarsus  from 
Bohembna''"nT.,  and  ruled  on  the  whole  prosperously 

^  See  Mr.  C.  W.  C.  Oman's  "  The  Byzantine  Empire,"  chapters  xxiL' 
and  xxiii.,  in  this  series. 


372  THE   KINGDOM  OP  ACRE, 

till  1 1 88.  His  successor  and  brother,  Leo,  though 
married  to  a  niece  of  Bohemond,  sought  to  secure 
the  independence  of  his  country,  which  up  to  this 
time  had  been  subject  to  the  princes  of  Antioch. 
Bohemond  treacherously  endeavoured  to  capture 
Leo  at  a  conference,  but  the  Armenian,  suspicious 
of  his  host,  had  taken  such  precautions  that  it  was 
Bohemond,  and  not  Leo,  who  became  the  prisoner. 
As  the  price  of  Bohemond 's  release,  Leo  was  con- 
firmed in  his  conquests  and  independence,  and  a  few 
years  later,  in  1 198,  was  anointed  king  by  the  German 
chancellor,  Conrad  of  Wurzburg.^  The  death  of 
Bohemond  IIL  in  1201  was  followed  by  further  wars, 
for  Leo  supported  the  claims  of  his  nephew  Rupin, 
the  child  of  the  late  prince's  elder  son,  Raymond, 
against  the  new  prince,  Bohemond  IV.  It  was  to 
aid  in  this  warfare  that  John  de  Nesles  went  north 
in  1203.2 

The  close  of  the  twelfth  century  had  been  grievous 
for  the  East.  Egypt  was  vexed  with  a  sore  famine, 
and  the  consequent  pestilence  spread  into  Syria,  so 
that  all  the  lands  from  the  Euphrates  to  the  Nile 
were  filled  with  mourning  and  desolation.  Next 
year  a  terrible  earthquake  ruined  almost  all.  th_e  cities 
of  Palestine,  with  the  exception  of  Jerusalem.  The 
treasure  collected  by  Fulk  of  Neuilly  now  proved 
of  timely  service  for  the  rebuilding  of  the  walls 
of  Acre. 

*  The  date  is  not  certain  ;  it  may  be  1199.  Another  account  makes 
Conrad  of  Mentz  perform  the  coronation.  Leo  seems  to  have  held 
his  crown  as  vassal  of  the  emperor  and  Pope. 

"  Rupin  contested  Antioch  till  his  death  in  1222,  when  Bohemond 
IV.  became  undisputed  prince. 


yOHN  DE  BRIENNE.  373 

The  pressure  of  these  calamities  did  not  avail  to 
enforce  observance  of  the  truce.  Amalric's  Cypriote 
subjects  were  vexed  by  piratical  Egyptian  galleys, 
and  when  El-Adel  would  make  no  restitution,  the 
king  retaliated  by  a  series  of  raids,  which  extended 
even  to  the  east  of  Jordan.  But  eventually  the  truce 
was  renewed  for  five  years.  A  little  later,  in  1205, 
Amalric  died,  leaving  an  infant  son,  Amalric  III. ; 
but  the  youthful  king  and  his  mother  both  died 
within  the  year.  The  throne  then  passed  to  Mary, 
Isabella's  eldest  daughter  by.  Conrad  of  Montferrat.- 
John  of  Ibelin  was  made  bailiff  for  the  little  queen, 
and  Philip  of  France  was  asked  to  recommend  a 
suitable  husband.  His  choice  fell  on  John  de  Brienne 
— an  experienced  warrior,  but  not  a  man  of  any 
great  rank.  John  accepted  the  proposal,  and  after 
some  delay,  with  the  aid  of  money  lent  him  by  the 
French  king  and  the  Pope,  equipped  three  hundred 
knights,  with  which  little  force  he  reached  Acre  on 
September  X4,..  1 2J0.'  On  the  following  da3^-fee-waS" 
married  to  the  young  Queen  Mary,  and  a  week  later 
was  crowned  with  his  wife  at  Tyre. 

Before  John's  arrival  in  Palestine  the  Christians 
had  refused  to  renew  the  truce.  .  But  though  the  new 
king  took  the  field  with  courage,  he  presently  found 
himself  unable  to  cope  with  his  powerful  foe,  the 
more  so  as  most  of  his  own  knights  had  soon  returned 
to  Europe.  Accordingly,  in  121 2,  he  appealed  to  the 
Pope  to  send  him  fresh  succour  from  the  West. 

Innocent   III.  had  long  desired  to  make  good  the 

^  This  date  is  almost  certainly  correct,  though  some  authorities  give 
1209,  or  even  1208. 


/ 


374 


THE   KINGDOM   OF  ACRE. 


unhappy  Crusade  of  1203,  but  the  intervening  years 
had  not  been  propitious.  The  death  of  Henry  VI. 
had  left  Sicily  with  a  child  ruler,  and  Germany  with 
a  disputed  succession.  Both  in  France  and  England 
the  Pope  was  involved  in  a  serious  .quarrel  with  the 
royal  power.  But  although  these  troubles. hampered 
the  execution  ^/__Innocent's -projects,,  he  did  not 
abandon  them.  At  the  Lateran  Coi+nei4~which  met 
-in  November,  121 5,  and  had  been  summoned  over 
two  years  previously,  four  hundred  and  twelve  bishops 
were    present,    including    the    Latin    patriarchs    of 


SEAL   OF  JAMES    DE   VITRY. 

Jerusalem  and  Constantinople.  Through  Innocent's 
influence  the  project  of  a  new  Crusade  was  adopted, 
and  preached  with  vigour  ;  James  de  Vitry,  the  future 
_bjshop  of  Acre  and  historian  of  the  Holy  Land,  and 
the  English  Cardinal,  Robert  de  Curzon,  who  died  in 
12 1 8  at  Damietta,  being  foremost  in  the  work.  Chief 
amongst  those  who  took  the  Cross  were  Andrew, 
King  of  Hungary  ;  Leopold,  Duke  of  Austria ; 
William,  Count  of  Holland;* and  the  English  Earl 
Ranulf  of  Chester. 

So  towards  the  autumn  of  12 17  there  were  gathered 


THE   FIFTH  CRUSADE. 


375 


at  Acre  the  four  kings  of  Hungary,  Armenia,  Cyprus, 
and  Jerusalem,  besides  many  nobles  and  men  of 
lesser  degree.  A  great  foray  was  made  to  Bethshan 
and  the  Saracen  castle  on  Mount  Tabor  besieged  ; 
but  the  Sultan  would  not  permit  his  son  Corradin 
to  offer  battle,  and  the  Crusaders  were  at  length 
forced  to  retire  after  effecting  but  little.  The  kings 
of  Hungary  and  Armenia  then  returned  to  their  own 
land,  whilst  Hugh  of  Cyprus  went  to  Tripoli,  where 
he  soon  fell  ill  and  died. 

During  the  winter  many  Crusaders  who  had  made 
the  long  sea  voyage  from  Northern  Europe  arrived  at 


BESANT   OF    HUGH    I. 


Acre.  John  deBrienne  now  proposed  an  expedition 
to  Damietta,  and  accordingly  in  May,  1218,  the  great 
iSsF set'  sail  with  a  fair  wind  for  Egypt.  Damietta 
was  well  fortified  with  towers  and  walls,  and  protected 
by  the  river  and  a  moat.  In  mid-stream  rose  an 
immense  tower  of  great  strength,  which  was  the  first 
point  for  attack.  An  assault  was  made  on  July  1st, 
but  without  success,  and  many  of  the  Crusaders  were 
drowned.  On  August  24th  (St.  Bartholomew's  Day), 
the  attack  was  renewed  ;  the  Saracens  poured  down 
fire  and  sulphur  on  their  assailants,  so  that  the  ladders 
were  set  ablaze,  and  the  Crusaders  reduced  to  despair. 


/ 


376  THE   KINGDOM   OF  ACRE, 

Suddenly  it  seemed  that  the  fire  was  extinguished, 
and  the  Christians  saw  the  banner  of  the  Holy  Cross 
waving  from  the  tower.  With  fresh  vigour  they 
returned  to  the  attack,  and  now  their  efforts  were 
crowned  with  success.  Men  soon  fabled  that  this  was 
due  to  no  earthly  prowess,  but  to  a  band  of  heavenly 
knights  in  white  armour,  the  brilliancy  whereof  had 
dazzled  the  eyes  of  the  Saracens,  whilst  their  leader, 
clad  in  red,  was  hailed  as  none  other  than  St.  Bar- 
tholomew himself. 

In  September  the  papal  legate.  Cardinal  Pelagius, 
reached  the  camp.  A  little  later  there  came  many 
French  and  English  knights — the  former  under  the 
Counts  of  Nevers,  and  Marche ;  the  latter  under  the 
earls  of  Chester,  Winchester,  and  Arundel.  But 
winter  was  now  coming  on,  the  camp  was  flooded, 
provisions  destroyed,  and  many  ships  lost.  With  the 
spring,  however,  the  Crusaders  renewed  their  efforts  ; 
by  crossing  the  river  on  February  5  th,  they  secy  red 
a  better  position  for  the  attack,  and  then  prepared 
their  engines  for  an  assault. 

Meantime  El-Adel  had  been  succeeded  by  his 
son,  El-Kamil.  The  new  Sultan  was  in  such  despair 
that  he  meditated  a  retreat  to  Yemen  ;  but  on  Palm 
Sunday,  after  reinforcements  had  come  from  Syria, 
he  made  a  fierce  though  unsuccessful  attack  on  the 
Christian  camp.  In  May,  Leopold  of  Austria  went 
home,  whilst  on  the  other  side,  on  Feb.  7,  El-Kamil's 
brother,  El-Muazzam,  or,  as  the  Crusaders  called 
him,  Corradin,  prince  of  Damascus,  arrived  with 
a  great  army  of  Saracens.  But  Pelagius  and  King 
John  had  made  a  Lombard  "  caroccio  "  to  bear  the 


THE   SIEGE   OF  DAMIETTA.  '      ^yy 

Christian  banner,  and  the  sight  of  this  novel  engine 
with  its  mysterious  emblem  scared  Corradin  from  a 
fresh  attack.  During  the  summer  famine  and  disease 
raged  within  the  city,  and  in  the  Saracen  camp  out- 
side. Nor  were  the  Crusaders  in  much  better  plight ; 
for  if  many  Saracens  sought  relief  and  baptism  in 
the  Christian  camp,  certain  evil  Spaniards  and  English 
fled  to  the  Moslem  and  denied  Christ.  At  last  the 
Saracens  sent  envoys  offering  to  deliver  up  the  land, 
"  because  the  power  of  God  was  against  them."  But 
meantime  El-Kamil  succeeded  in  throwing  reinforce- 
ments into  the  town,  thanks  to  the  departure  of  the 
Count  of  Nevers,  whose  name  became  a  by-word 
among  the  Christians.  The  Crusaders  then  broke 
off  the  negotiations,  and  on  November  5th,  at  mid- 
night— the  hour  when,  according  to  the  mediaeval 
belief,  Christ  harrowed  Hell,  the  Crusaders  forced  their 
way  within  the  walls.  The  credit  of  this  achieve- 
ment belongs  to  certain  "  Latins  and  Romans,"  who, 
taking  one  of  the  towers  by  stealth,  thundered  out 
the  "  Kyrie  Eleeson,"  as  a  sign  of  success  to  their  com-  P 
rades  below.  Then  the  Templars  and  Hospita.lIers 
forced  their  way  into  the  city,  and  so  Damietta  was 
—captured.  ^  "" 

Scarcelv  was  the  city  taken  when  a  quarrel  broke 
out  between  John  and  Pelagius.  John  was  angry 
because  the  legate  had  lordship  over  him,  and  seeing 
that  Leo  of  Armenia  was  now  dead,  departed  to 
prosecute  his  wife's  rights  to  that  kingdom.  John 
was  absent  for  a  whole  year,  during  which  time 
Pelagius  vainly  endeavoured  to  keep  the  Christian 
host    from    melting   away.      The    Saracens    in   their 


378  THE   KINGDOM   OF  ACRE. 

de-pair  offered  extravagant  terms  for  the  recovery  of 
Damietta — the  whole  land  of  Jerusalem  excepting 
Kerak,  and  all  their  Christian  prisoners.  This  the 
Crusaders  refused  because  they  hoped  that  if  the 
Emperor  Frederick  came  on  his  long-promised  expe- 
dition, they  might  then  conquer  all  Egypt.  Thus  in 
their  folly  they  threw  away  the  best  chance  of 
recovering  the  Holy  City.  Philip  of  France  said 
with  reason  that  they  must  have  been  daft  to  prefer  a 
town  to  a  kingdom. 

When,  however,  Frederick  did  not  come,  it  was 
decided  to  advance  against  Cairo.  Pelagius  was 
reduced  to  appeal  to  John  de  Brienne  for  his  assis- 
tance, but  the  king  would  not  leave  his  own  land  till 
a  liberal  sum  had  been  promised  for  his  services. 
Wherujehn  arrivedrjun€-29,_i22.i,  the  Crusaders  had 
already  started.  Two  months  later  he  found  the  host 
in  a  perilous  position,  for  the  Saracen  galleys  prevented 
provisions  from  being  brought  up  from  the  sea,  whilst 
the  Nile  was  already  rising.  The  Sultan  ordered  the 
dykes  to  be  cut,  and  the  waters  rose  so  high  that  it  was 
impossible  to  advance  or  to  retreat.  The  Crusaders 
were  at  the  mercy  of  the  Saracens,  and  John  had  to 
make  the  best  terms  he  could.  El-Kamil,  in  pity  for 
the  Christians,  offered  to  let  them  go  free  if  Damietta 
was  restored.  There  was  no  alternative  but  to 
consent,  and  the  Sultan  further  promised  to  release 
all  his  prisoners,  restore  the  Holy  Cross,  and  grant  a 
truce  for  eight  years.  J[ohn^^ri^mi^^d  James  de 
Vitry  became  hostages  foi  meTuTiTTment  of  the  treaty. 
It  is  related  that  as  John  sat  before  the  Sultan  he 
wept  {^r  thought  of  his   starving  companions.     El- 


FREDERICK   II.  379 

Kamil,  on  learning  the  cause  ofjiis  tears,  was  moved 
to  compassion,  and  sent  enough  store  of  food  for  all 
the  people. 

After  his  release  John  appointed  Eudes  de  Mont- 
beliard  his  bailiff  at  Acre,  and  went  over  sea  to  ask 
aid  for  his  unhappy  kingdom.  He  visited  Rome, 
France,  England,  and  Spain,  where  he  married  the 
King:— of-Gastirle^ -sister.  Later  he  joined  the  Em- 
peror in  Apulia,  and  gave  his  daughter,  Isabella  or 
Yolande,  in  marriage  tp_  ^Frederick.  .  After  a  time 
John  quarrelled  with  the  Emperor,  and  took  service 
\^th  the  Pope  ;  but  he  does  not  again  appear  in 
Crusading  history. 

The  Emperor  Frederick,  who,  by  this  marriage 
became  lord  of  Palestine,  was  certainly  the  greatest 
prince,  and  in  some  respects  also  the  most  remarkable 
man  of  his  time  ;  it  was  not  without  justice  that  an 
English  chronicler  called  him  the  "  Wonder  of  the 
World."  His  natural  gifts  and  acquired  accomplish- 
ments were  alike  extraordinary  ;  he  was  not  only  a 
great  ruler,  but  a  poet,  and  lover  of  art  and  all  intel- 
lectual pursuits  ;  the  many  tongues  of  his  wide 
dominions — German,  Italian,  Greek,  Latin, and  Saracen 
— were  alike  familiar  to  him.  But  among  men  of 
the  next  generation  he  was  remembered  best  as  the 
foe  of  ihe  papacy,  and  a^  the  rumoured  scoffer  at  all 
things  holy.  His  relations  with  the  Roman  see  can 
hardly  have  disposed  him  to  reverence  for  the  faith 
of  which  it  was  the  centre,  and  his  attitude  to  religion 
was  no  doubt  one  of  indifference.  It  was  even  fabled 
that  he  had  written  a  book  of  extreme  blasphemy  on 
the  Three  Impostors — Moses,  Christ,  and  Mohammed. 


380  THE   KINGDOM   OF  ACRE. 

False  though  this  accusation  was,  there  is  something 
almost  grotesque  in  the  fate  which  made  him  the 
leader  of  Christendom  in  its  Holy  War. 

After  his  coronation  by  Honorius  III.  in  1220, 
Frederick  publicly  renewed  his  vow  of  a  Crusade. 
Year  after  year  the  Christians  had  hoped  for  his 
coming,  and  still  he  had  never  come — not  even  on 
the  conquest  of  Damietta,  when  it  would  seem  that 
the  very  rumour  of  his  coming  would  suffice  to  lay 
the  whole  East  at  his  mercy.  Four  months  before  his 
marriage  to  Yolande,  in  November,  1225,  Frederick 
oncelrfore  promised  to  cross  the  sea  for  two  years  ;  if 
he  failed  to  fulfil  his  covenant  he  would  fall  under  the 
interdict  of  the  Church.  Before  the  appointed  time 
had  elapsed,  Honorius  HI.  had  been  succeeded  by 
Frederick's  destined  foe  Gregory  IX.  But  although 
one  of  Gregory's  earliest  acts  was  to  urge  Frederick  in 
a  somewhat  imperative  letter  to  fulfil  his  vow,  the 
relations  of  the  new  Pope  with  the  Emperor  were  not 
at  first  unfriendly.  Frederick,  indeed,  had  made  his 
preparations  in  all  sincerity,  and  in  the  appointed 
month  of  August,  1227 ,_a  large  host  had  assembled 
at  Brindisi.  The  Emperor  embarked,  and  the  fleet 
set  sail  ;  but  three  days  later  the  former  entered  the 
harbour  of  Otranto,  whilst  the  latter  dispersed. 
Frederick  pleaded  sickness  as  the  excuse  for  his 
return,  but  Gregory  nevertheless  pronounced  the 
excommunication  which  the  Emperor  had  incurred 
under  his  oath  two  years  before.  The  sentence  and 
its  subsequent  confirmations  were  treated  with  con- 
tempt by  Frederick,  who  determined  to  prove  his 
sincerity  by  starting  on  the  Crusade  in  the  spring. 


PREbERtCk  IN  PALESTINE.  3S1 

The  hostility  of  the  Pope  caused  the  desertion  of 
many  who  had  intended  to  join  the  Crusade.  But 
Frederick  probably  counted  more  on  the  negotiations, 
which  for  some  time  past  he  had  maintained  with 
El-Kamil,  than  on  the  strength  of  his  arms.  So  it 
was^  with  only  six  hundred  knights — more  like  a 
pirate  tha  n  a  great  king,  as  Gregory  declared — that 
he  landed  at  Acre  on  September  7,  1228.  Frederick 
was  received  with  hostility  not  only  by  the  clergy,  but 
also  by  the  military  orders,  who  presently  refused  to 
serve  under  his  commands.  El-Kamil,  not  unaware 
of  the  Emperor's  difficulties,  endeavoured  to  renew 
their  old  amity,  and  made  overtures  for  a  com- 
promise. The  negotiations  proceeded  slowly,  but 
meanwhile  there  was  much  friendly  intercourse 
between  the  two  monarchs.  Frederick's  first 
demands  were  for  the  restoration  of  the  kingdom"  in 
its  fullest  extent,  together  with  liberal  privileges  for 
his  merchants  in  the  ports  of  Alexandria  and  Rosetta. 
But-El-Kamil  would  not  surrender  Jerusalem  entirely 
since  the  Saracens  held  the  Temple  in  no  less  esteem 
than  did  the  ^hri^stians  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  At  first 
Frederick  was  disposed  to  war,  but  the  news  that 
Gregory  and  John  de  Brienne  were  capturing  his 
Italian  cities  made  hirn.  anxious  to  return  at  any  cost. 
He  therefore  came  to  terms  with  El-Kamil,  who 
aj^reedL__to — surrender  Jerusalem,  Bethlehem,  and 
jiaizareth,  if  the  site  of  the  Temple,  whereon  stood 
the  Mosque  of  Omar,  was  left  to  the  Saracens.  As 
soon  as  the  treaty  was  arranged  Frederick  and  his 
Germans  went  up  to  Jerusalem  on  March  18,  1229. 
Next  day — it  was  Sunday  in  Mid-Lent — he  took  the 


382 


THE    KINGDOM   OF   ACRE. 


crown  from  the  high  altar  in  the  Church  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre,  and  with  his  own~hands  placed  it  on  his 
liead'T'^*~birr^Eliere  was  no  prelate,  nor  priest,  nor 
clerk,  to  sing  or  speak."  His  pilgrimage  to  the 
Sepulchre   over,    and    his    coronation    accomplished, 


SEAL  OF  FREDERICK    II.    AS   KING   OF  JERUSALEM. 

Frederick  displayed  his  strange  catholicity  by 
visiting:.ab€-^t€>sque  of— Omar  also.  So,  likewise, 
when  the  Cadi  out  of  regard  to  the  Emperor's 
feelings,  forbade  the  .muezzin_to_give  the  usual  call 
fir  prayer,  ^ederick  rebuked  him  :-~  You  were  wrong 
to   fail  in  duty  to  your  religion  for  my  sake.     God 


yOHN  OF  IBELIN  AND   RICHARD   FILANGIER.   383 

knows,  if  you  were  to  come  to  my  country,  you  would 
find  no  such  respectful  deference." 

After  a  pretence  of  refortifying  Jerusalem,  Frederick 
suddenly  went  back  to  Acre,  and  thence  set  sail  for 
Europe.  The  peace  which  he  had  secured  was 
extremely  distasteful  to  his  foes  the  Templars,  whose 
great  church  at  Jerusalem  was  left  in  the  hands  of 
the  Moslem.  Frederick  announced  his  treaty  in 
Western  Europe ,  as  a  great  achievement.  Gerold 
the  Patriarch,  on  his  part,  wrote  a  letter  condemning 
it  as  a  betrayal  of  religion  and  the  Church.  Gregory 
had  already  described  it  as  a  monstrous  reconciliation 
of  Christ  and  BeHal.  But  with  the  effect  of  this 
treaty  on  its  author's  subsequent  fortunes  we  have 
nothing  to  do.  Frederick  did  not  again  visit  his 
Orientaf  kingdom.— ile~die^  in  1250  the  victim  of  a 
strange  and  novel  crusade.  By  his  will  he  left  a 
large  sum  of  money  for  the  succour  of  the  Holy  Land. 

On  his  way  to  Palestine  Frederick  had  stopped  at 
Cyprus.  The  king  of  the  island,  Henry  I,^  was  then 
a  child  of  eleven  ;  the  Emperor  claimed  the  right  of 
wardship,  and  forced  the  bailiff,  John  of  Ibelin,  to 
do  him  homage.  John  accompanied  Frederick  to 
I'alestine,  but  after  his  departure  returned  to  Cyprus 
in  June,  1229,  and  besieged  the  Emperor's  officers  in 
the  fortress  of  Dieudamour.  His  enterprise  had  just 
met  with  success  when  the  arrival  of  a  German  fleet 
led  to  a  new  series  of  troubles. 

The  Saracens  had  not  long  kept  the  peace.  Within 
little  over  a  year  thqy -began  to  harass  the  pilgrims, 

^  He  was  son  of  Hugh  I.,  by  Alice,  daughter  of  Henry  of  Champagne 
and  Isabel'a. 


3^4  THE   kWGDOM  OF  ACRE. 

and  declaring  that  they  would  no  longer  suffer  the 
Holy  City  to  remain  in  Christian  hands,  broke  into 
Jerusalem  itself.  Frederick's  representatives  were 
able  to  expel  the  intruders,  and  the  Emperor  on 
hearing  of  the  violation  of  the  truce  at  once  des- 
patched a  fleet  to  Palestine  under  Richard  Filangier^ 
whom  he  appointed  bailiff  of  the  kingdom.  An  order 
to  Henry  de  Lusignan  to  dismiss  John  of  Ibelin  was 
met  with  a  refusal,  and  an  attempt  to  dispossess  that 
noble  of  Beyrout  was  no  more  successful.  The 
native  lords  declared  that  Frederick  was  violating  the 
ancestral  customs  of  their  land,  and  together  with 
John  of  Ibelin  appealed  to  the  king  of  Cyprus  for 
assistance.  Henry  and  his  lords  responded  readily; 
but  even  with  their  aid  John  could  not  venture  to 
take  the  field  against  the  bailiff  Richard,  who  was 
besieging  Beyrout. 

Some  time  later,  on  May  3,  1232,  Richard  surprised 
the  Cypriot  lords  near  Casal  Imbert,  whilst  John  of 
Ibelin  chanced  to  be  absent  at  Acre.  Though  the 
young  king  managed  to  escape,  his  followers  were 
utterly  routed,  and  the  disaster  was  fatal  to  John's 
ambitions.  Richard  was  even  able  to  carry  the  war 
into  Cyprus,  and  for  a  time  held  possession  of  the 
greater  part  of  that  island,  until  John  expelled  him  in 
1233.  The  Imperial  power  on  the  mainland  did  not 
last  much  longer,  and  when  John  of  Ibelin  died  in 
1236,  Queen  Alice  of  Cyprus  persuaded  the  barons  to 
accept  her  third  husband,  Ralph  of  Soissons  as  bailiff, 
since  Yolande  had  long  been  dead  and  Frederick 
would  not  send  her  young  son  Conrad  to  take  her 
place. 


QUARRELS   OF  THE  AY U BITES.  385 

Whilst  these  feuds  weakened  the  Christian  cause 
in  the  kingdom,  similar  troubles  were  working  mis- 
chief in  the  principalities  further  north,  where  the 
Prince  of  Antioch  endeavoured  to  reap  advantage 
from  the  weakness  of  the  infant  daughter  of  Leo  the 
Armenian.  Such  a  state  of  affairs  gradually  wore 
away  whatever  powers  of  resistance  the  Syrian  Franks 
might  yet  possess,  and  so  when  a  new  source  of 
danger  made  its  appearance  they  proved  quite  incap- 
able to  cope  with  it. 

Meantime  there  had  been  great  changes  in  the 
lands  of  the  Ayubites.  At  the  death  of  El-Adel  on 
August  31,  12 18,  his  son  El-Kamil  had  succeeded 
him  at  CaimTwith  the  title  of  Sultarrand'Fome  T<ind 
of  supremacy  over  his  brothers  who  ruled  in  the 
various  cities  of  Syria.  El-Kamil  reaped  some 
advantage  from  the  dissensions  of  his  kinsfolk,  but 
his  rule  in  Syria  was  not  altogether  prosperous,  and 
his  last  years  were  troubled  by  the  dangers  which 
threatened  from  the  Turks  of  Iconium  in  the  north, 
and  the_advancing  Tartars  to  the  east.  His  sudden 
death  at  the  beginning  of  1238  was  the  signal  for 
general  warfare  amongst  the  Ayubite  princes  of  Syria. 
Eventually  Es-Saleh  Ayub,  El-Kamil's  eldest  son, 
became  lord  of  Damascus  ;  with  the  support  of  his 
cousin  Dawud,  the  son  of  Corradin,  he  invaded  Egypt 
and  overthrew  his  brother  El-Adel,  in  May,  1240. 
But  the  new  Sultan  soon  quarrelled  with  his  powerful 
kinsman  Dawud,  and  the  troubles  of  the  Ayubites 
were  still  unsettled,  when  the  landing  of  a  new 
Crusade  marked  the  termination  of  the  ten  years* 
truce  concluded  by  the  Emperor  Frederick. 

26 


386  THE  KINGDOM  OF  ACRE, 

In  the  midst  of  his  conflict  with  Frederick  II., 
Gregory  IX  was  not  unmindful  of  his  fellow  Christians 
in  the  East.  As  the  conclusion  of  the  ten  years' 
truce  made  by  Frederick  II.  drew  near  he  issued 
a  summons  to  a  new  Crusade.  The  time  was  op- 
portune for  a  fresh  effort ;  the  feuds  of  the  Ayubites 
within,  and  the  pressure  of  the. Tartars  from  without, 
had  much  shaken  the  power  of  Islam.  The  chief  re- 
sponse to  Gregory's  appeal  came  from  France  and 
Spain.  King  Louis  being  unable  to  go  in  person  sent  his 
constable  Amalric,  Count  of  Montfort ;  other  French 
nobles  were  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  and  the  Counts 
of  Bar  and  Nevers,  whilst  tlie  leader  of  the  expedition 
was  Theobald,  King  of  Navarre.  The  host  mustered 
at  Marseilles,  and  refusing  to  wait  a  year  for  the 
Emperor  to  join  them,  sailed  for  Palestine  in  August, 
1239.  After  landing  at  Acre  they  resolved  on  an 
expedition  for  the  recovery  of  Ascalon,  and  with  this 
purpose  marched  out  towards  Jaffa  on  the  2nd  of 
NQvember.  Whilst  halting  in  this  town,  the  Count 
of  Brittany  made  a  successful  raid  on  the  Saracens. 
Emulous  of  this  good  fortune  the  Count  of  Bar  and 
other  nobles  determined  to  make  a  raid  towards 
Ascalon.  Theobald  expostulated,  but  to  no  purpose  ; 
the  knights,  bent  on  gain,  declared  that  at  least  they 
would  ride  to  Gaza  and  return  on  the  morrow.  So 
they  went  along  the  coast  ^  till  they  reached  the  brook 
that  divided  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  from  Egypt. 
Here  Count  Walter  of  Jaffa  advised  that  they  should 
rest,  but  his  comrades  insisted  on  proceeding  further. 
At  length  they  halted  in  a  place  shut  in  by  mountains, 

*  Sunday,  the  13th  of  November. 


RICHARD   OF  CORNWALL.  387 

and  prepared  to  feast  on  the  delicate  provisions  they 
had  brought  with  them.  Whilst  thus  engaged  the 
Saracens  of  Gaza  came  upon  them.  Count  Walter, 
at  their  approach,  rode  off  with  the  Duke  of  Burgundy, 
knowing  that  it  was  hopeless  to  fight  in  such  a  posi- 
tion. But  the  Counts  of  Bar  and  Montfort  persisted 
in  giving  battle  ;  they  and  all  their  followers  were 
captured  or  slain  before  Theobald,  who  had  now 
advanced  to  Ascalon,  could  come  to  their  aid.  On 
the  news  of  this  disaster  Theobald  withdrew  in  haste 
to  Acre.  Next  year  he  sought  for  the  release  of 
the  prisoners  by  making  a  truce  with  the  Sultan, 
but  before  the  treaty  was  completed  went  home  by 
stealth  and  most  of  his  host  with  him.  Shortly  after- 
wards Earl  Richard  of  Cornwall  reached  Acre,  and 
the  release  of  the  prisoners  was  finally  secured  through 
the  assistance  of  his  wealth.  With  Richard  came 
Simon  de  Montfort,  Amalric's  more  famous  brother, 
whom  a  year  or  two  later  the  Syrian  barons  begged 
Frederick  to  appoint  as  bailiff  of  the  kingdom  during 
the  minority  of  Conrad.  The  quarrels  of  the  military 
orders  rendered  any  active  warfare  inipracticable, 
and  the  English  earls  shortly  went  home  after  accom- 
plishing no  more  than  the  release  of  the  prisoners. 

The  Christians  soon  found  that  the  Sultan  had 
only  granted  a  truce  to  gain  time  for  the  conquest  of 
his  rivals.  So  in  1243  or  1244  they  negotiated  with  ^ 
the  lords  of  Kerak  ^  and  Damascus,  who  promised  the 
Franks  all  the  land  west  of  Jordan  save  PW^ron, 
Nablus,  and  Bethshan.  By  this  means  Jerusalem  was 
restored  to  the  Christians,  and  in  the  words  of  a  letter 

^  This  was  Dawud,  son  of  El  Muazzam,  or  Corradin. 


388  THE   KINGDOM  OF  ACRE. 

of  the  time,  "  all  the  Saracens  were  expelled,  and  the 
sacred  mysteries  celebrated  daily  in  all  the  holy 
places,  wherein  for  fifty-six  years  the  name  of  God 
had  not  been  invoked."  But  hardly  had  the  Christians 
in  Europe  time  to  rejoice  over  this  news,  when  they 
heard  that  Jerusalem  was  lost  again. 

Es-Saleh  Ayub,  in  need  of  aid  to  reassert  his  power, 
called  in  strangers  from  outside.  His  new  allies  were 
the  Charismians,  an  eastern  tribe,  who,  driven  from 
their  •  own  land  bjTTjenghis  Khan,  had  conquered 
themselves  a  new  home  on  the  Euphrates.  They 
offered  their  services  to  the  highest  bidder,  and  so 
fought  first  for  one  and  then  for  another  of  the 
Ayubite  princes.  As  the  Charismians  marched 
south  to  join  Es-Saleh  they  fell^Upon  the  city  of 
Jerusalem,  and  slew  its  inhabitants,  men,  women,  and 
children,  to  the  number  of  thirty  thousand.  Moham- 
medans and  Christians  united  in  face  of  a  common 
danger.  Ismail  of  Damascus  sent  an  army  under  El- 
Mansur  of  Hamah  to  help  the  muster  of  the  military 
orders,  which  had  marched  out  from  Acre.  Count 
Walter  de  Brienne  joined  them  at  Jaffa,  and  by  the 
time  the  army  reached  Ascalon  it  mustered  six 
thousand  knights  without  counting  the  men-at-arms, 
both  horse  and  foot.  El-Mansur  advised  that  they 
should  abide  safely  in  a  place  well  stored  with  food 
till  the  inevitable  time  when  a  savage  horde  with  no 
settled  base  must  melt  away.  Some  of  the  Christians 
app^ed,  but  others  distrusted  an  infidel's  advice. 
The  latter  prevailed,  and  the  army  marched  out  to 
encounter  the  Charismians  near  Gaza  on  October  14, 
1244.      The  battle  was~short  but  fierce ;  El-Mansur 


THE   CHARISMIAN  INVASIOT^,  389 

and  his  host  fled  from  the  field  ;  the  Christian  army 
was  almost  annihilated.  Of  the  Templars,  who 
numbered  three  hundred,  only  four  knights  survived, 
and  of  the  Hospitallers  only  nineteen,  and  but  three 
men-at-arms  of  the  Teutonic  order.  The  grand 
masters  of  the  Temple  and  Hospital,  and  Count 
Walter  were  taken  prisoners — the  last  two  died  in 
captivity.  This  disaster  was  fatal  to  the  power  of 
the  Franks  in  Palestine,  and  from  this  moment 
even  the  semblance  of  the  Christian  kingdom  began 
to  fade  away. 


XXV. 

THE  CRUSADES  OF  ST.   LOUIS  AND  EDWARD  I. 

**  Some  grey  Crusading  knight  austere 
Who  bore  St.  Louis  company." 

M.  Arnold. 

It  might  have  been  expected  that  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem  would  send  a  shock  of  horror  throughout 
Christendom,  and  rouse  all  Christians  to  the  rccon- 
quest  of  the  Holy  Land.  Just  one  hundred  years 
previously  the  loss  of  Edessa,  far  removed  as  that 
city  was  from  the  interests  of  the  European  west, 
had  been  a  trumpet  call  to  king  and  noble  and 
peasant.  But  things  were  not  in  the  thirteenth 
century  as  they  had  been  in  the  twelfth.  The  new 
era  had  different  ideals,  different  hopes,  and  different 
aims ;  the  political  energy  of  the  West  was  being 
transfused  into  new  channels.  The  great  cities  were 
winning  privileges  at  the  expense  of  lords  and 
Emperor ;  new  kingdoms  were  rising  into  promi- 
nence or  developing  into  strength.  Here  the  king 
was  gathering  all  power  more  and  more  into  his 
own   hands ;  there   the   nobles  were   asserting   their 


FLAGGING   ENTHUSIASM.  39I 

rights  to  his  detriment.  But  in  the  fervour  and 
industry  of  a  new  age,  that  was  building  the  noblest 
churches  ever  seen,  inventing  fresh  heresies,  open- 
ing out  new  studies,  there  was  little  place  for  true 
religious  enthusiasm.  The  age  of  Roger  Bacon  and 
Albertus  Magnus  was  beginning,  that  of  Anselm 
and  Peter  the  Hermit  dying  out.  Religion  was  no 
longer  a  matter  for  the  emotions  only ;  but  was 
more  and  more  a  thing  for  philosophers  to  wrangle 
over,  not  one  that  a  practical  man  need  trouble 
himself  about. 

But  above  all  else  the  thirteenth  century  had  no 
St.  Bernard  to  rouse  it  to  the  service  of  God.  Such 
religious  zeal  as  remained  was  frittered  away  in 
internecine  crusades  against  the  Albigeois  and  a 
heretic  emperor,  or  diverted  its  energies  from  war- 
fare with  the  infidel  abroad,  to  the  rescue  of 
afflicted  Christians  at  home.  The  Templar  and 
Hospitaller  had  warred  in  Palestine  for  the  Holy 
Sepulchre,  the  followers  of  St.  Francis  and  St. 
Dominic  toiled  in  the  crowded  cities  for  the  poor, 
the  friendless,  and  the  sick. 

Europe  was,  moreover,  confronted  by  a  danger 
unknown  for  many  centuries  past.  The  Tartars 
threatened  to  sweep  away  all  civilisation  from  the 
Volga  to  the  Atlantic.  Frederick,  even  had  he 
not  been  excommunicate,  was  too  busy  with  this 
grave  trouble  to  undertake  a  new  Crusade.  In  the 
west  the  kings  of  Spain  were  still  waging  theii 
perpetual  crusade  with  the  Saracens  of  their  own 
peninsula,  and  the  King  of  England  in  the  pressure 
of  incident  at  home  could  spare  no  time  for  Jerusa- 


392       CRUSADES   OF  ST,   LOUIS   AND  EDWARD  /. 

lem  and  the  East  Ital}^  was  distracted  by  the  feuds 
of  emperor  and  pope.  To  France  alone  could  the 
Latin  Christians  of  the  East  look  for  help. 

Louis  IX.  of  France  was  now  about  twenty-seven 
years  old.  The  great-grandson  of  our  English  Henry 
II.  and  the  grandson  of  Philip  Augustus,  he  had  been 
left  an  orphan  at  the  age  of  ten,  but  through  the 
prudence  of  his  mother  Blanche  the  troubles  of  his 
minority  had  been  averted.  About  the  end  of  1244 
Louis  fell  so  ill  that  his  life  was  despaired  of;  as 
he  lay  unconscious,  his  nurse  thinking  all  was 
over,  was  about  to  draw  the  sheet  across  his  face, 
when  a  companion  stayed  her  hand.  At  the  sound 
of  their  voices  the  king  roused  from  his  trance,  and 
calling  for  a  cross  vowed  himself  to  God's  service 
for  the  recovery  of  Jerusalem.  It  was  not,  however, 
for  more  than  three  years  that  Louis  sailed  from 
Marseilles  on  the  25th   of  August,    1248. 

Louis  was  perhaps  the  most  truly  religious  king 
that  ever  lived.  His  whole  life  was  a  prayer  ;  his 
whole  aim  to  do  God's  will.  His  horror  of  sin  was 
deep  and  unaffected.  "  Would  you  rather  be  a  leper, 
or  commit  a  deadly  sin  ? "  he  once  asked  Joinville. 
The  seneschal  bluntly  blurted  out  that  he  would 
rather  commit  thirty  deadly  sins  than  have  his  body 
covered  with  leprosy.  Louis  reproved  his  choice : 
for  the  leprosy  of  the  body  would  disappear  at 
death,  but  the  leprosy  of  sin  last  hereafter.  Every- 
thing about  the  king  is  charming  from  the  "  As-you- 
Like-it"  scene  where  he  administered  justice  beneath 
the  great  oak  at  Vincennes,  to  his  washing  of  the 
icct  of  the  poor  in  imitation  of  Christ.     Nor  was  he 


A    SAINTLY  KING. 


393 


regardless  of  learning,  even  though  he  commended 
the  knight  who  closed  an  unsuccessful  disputation 
with  a  Jew  by  a  blow  from  his  stick.  He  had  a 
great  library  of  books  at  Royaumont,  was  the 
patron  of  Robert  of   Sorbonne,  and    chose  Vincent 


;eal  of  LOUIS  IX. 


of  Beauvais,  the  greatest  scholar  of  his  day,  to  be 
his  reader  and  the  teacher  of  his  sons.  But  with 
all  this  he  was  no  weakling  or  do-nothing.  All 
nen  trusted  him,  and  the  English  barons  accepted 
him  as  arbiter  in  their  disputes  with  Henry,  knowing 


394       CRUSADES   OF  ST.   LOUIS   AND  EDWARD  I. 

that  he  would  never  seek  his  own  advantage  from 
quarrels  among  his  neighbours.  But  that  which  most 
struck  his  contemporaries  was  his  extreme  sobriety 
of  language  ;  Joinville,  who  was  with  him  constantly 
for  two  and  twenty  years,  declares  that  he  never 
heard  him  utter  a  word  of  blasphemy  though  this 
was  the  commonest  fault  of  that  age. 

Such  was  the  king  who  now  started  on  the  last 
Crusade  but  one.  With  him  though  not  in  his 
immediate  following,  went  Jean  de  Joinville  his 
biographer.  All  history  might  be  racked  in  vain 
for  a  passage  of  more  simple  pathos  than  that 
in  which  the  great  French  noble  tells  how  on  his 
way  to  Marseilles  he  passed  beneath  the  walls  of 
his  own  castle,  and  dared  not  cast  a  look  upon 
them  lest  his  heart  should  melt  at  the  thought  of 
his  little  children,  who  there  lay  all  unconscious  of 
the  perils  on  which  their  father  was  embarking. 
Louis  reached  Cyprus  towards  the  end  of  1248,  and 
remained  there  till  the  following  May.  Great  pre- 
parations had  been  made  in  the  island  long  before- 
hand, and  Joinville  remarks  on  the  great  heaps  of 
corn  that  were  turning  green  upon  the  top  where 
the  grain  was  sprouting  into  active  life,  with  the 
wine  casks  piled  up  into  "  houses  "  as  it  seemed — 
all  in  readiness  for  the   start  to  Syria  or  Egypt. 

Joinville,  whose  own  money  was  now  spent, 
took  service  with  the  king,  and  on  the  21st  of  May 
the  French  host  set  forth  in  eighteen  hundred  vessels, 
whose  white  sails  made  a  very  fair  sight.  A  sudden 
storm,  however,  dispersed  the  fleet ;  but  on  Whit- 
Monday  the  wind  fell,  and  Louis  reached  Damietta 


THE   EXPEDITION   TO   EGYPT,  395 

three  days  later  on  the  27th  of  May^  with  seven 
hundred  ships.  He  had  scarcely  landed  when  the 
Saracens  fled  in  terror  from  the  city,  and  the  French 
became  masters  of  this  great  port  without  striking 
a  serious  blow. 

For  six  months  the  army  lay  in  or  near  Damietta, 
until  the  remainder  of  the  fleet  under  the  king's 
brother,  the  Count  of  Poitiers,  could  arrive  from  Syria. 
This  was  not  till  October,  and  then  a  council  de- 
termined to  waste  no  time  in  attacking  Alexandria, 
but  to  push  on  boldly  for  Cairo  itself;  for  said  the 
Count  of  Artois  it  were  better  if  they  wished  to  kill 
the  serpent  to  crush  him  on  the  head.  Accordingly, 
at  the  end  of  November,  the  army  marched  south  ; 
but  at  the  Delta,  or  to  use  the  mediaeval  expression 
"  The  Island,"  formed  by  the  Damietta  branch  of  the 
Nile  and  one  of  the  other  numerous  river  channels,^ 
their  further  advance  was  stayed  ;  for  they  could  not 
cross  the  river  in  the  face  of  the  great  army  that 
opposed  them  on  the  southern  side.  The  French 
determined  to  construct  a  causeway  to  enable  them 
to  pass  over,  but  whenever  the  work  seemed  to  be 
making  progress  the  enemy  managed  to  destroy  it. 
The  Saracen  stone-casters,  and  other  military  engines 
troubled  the  labourers  incessantly,  whilst  the  wooden 
towers  or  belfrys  which  the  Crusaders  had  erected 
for  their  protection  were  twice  destroyed  by  Greek 

*  So  Joinville  ;  William  of  Nangis  puts  the  capture  of  Damietta  a  week 
or  two  later. 

''Joinville  says  the  "  Rexi "  or  Rosetta  branch,  which  is  clearly 
impossible  ;  other  writers  come  nearer  the  truth  in  saying  the  Tanis 
branch  ;  no  doubt  it  was  the  canal  of  Ashmun.  , 


396        CRUSADES    OF   ST.   LOUIS   AND   EDWARD   I. 

fire.  Louis  was  now  in  a  most  perilous  position,  for 
a  hostile  force  which  had  crossed  the  Damietta 
branch  into  ''  the  Island  "  threatened  his  rear.  In 
this  emergency  he  accepted  the  offer  of  a  Bedouin 
who  agreed  for  five  hundred  besants  to  guide  the 
French  to  a  secret  ford.  On  Shrove  Tuesday, 
February  8,  1250,  Louis  marched  out  for  the  ford, 
leaving  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  to  guard  the  camp. 
In  the  van  went  the  Templars,  with  the  Count  of 
Artois  in  the  centre,  and  the  king  in  the  rear. 

Amongst  the  few  English  who  took  part  in  this 
Crusade,  the  most  distinguished  was  William  Long- 
sword,  second  earl  of  Salisbury,  the  grandson  of 
Henry  II.,  and  in  all  probability  of  Rosamond  Clif- 
ford. Though  the  king's  cousin  and  titular  earl  of 
Salisbury  he  was  a  poor  man,  and  had  been  obliged 
to  collect  money  for  his  expedition  to  the  East,  by 
what  practically  amounted  to  the  sale  of  dispensa- 
tions to  the  timid  or  the  old,  who  at  the  last  moment 
lacked  courage  for  the  journey.  In  the  earlier  days 
of  the  expedition  he  had  succeeded  in  capturing  an 
Egyptian  caravan  on  its  way  with  spices  to  Alexan- 
dria. Of  this  spoil,  however,  so  says  a  contemporary 
English  writer,  the  French  had  robbed  him  ;  William 
appealed  to  Louis  for  justice,  but  the  king  though 
admitting  his  wrong  declared  himself  powerless  to 
grant  redress.  The  angry  earl  forswore  the  authority 
of  so  weak  a  prince  and  withdrew  to  Acre.  There 
he  awaited  the  coming  of  the  main  body  of  the 
English,  but  in  vain,  for  the  Pope  at  King  Henry's 
request  forbade  their  passage.  Eventually  at  Louis' 
wish,  probably    when    the   army    was    marching   on 


THE  TWO  WILLIAM   LONGSWORDS. 


3g8        CRUSADES   OF  ST.   LOUIS   AND    EDWARD  L 

Cairo,    Earl    William    returned    to    Egypt,    and    was 
thus  present  on  this  fatal  day. 

The  Templars  and  the  Count  of  Artois  crossed  the 
river  with  such  ease  that  the  count  was  for  moving  on 
Mansurah  in  the  first  flush  of  their  success.  To  this 
rash  project  the  Master  of  the  Templars  objected, 
advising  that  they  should  wait  for  the  king.  But  the 
fiery  temper  of  the  French  prince  would  brook  no 
delay.  He  accused  the  Grand  Master  roundly  of 
treachery,  and  of  a  desire  to  avoid  any  decisive 
victory  since  the  power  of  the  military  orders 
depended  on  the  preservation  of  something  like 
equality  between  the  Eastern  Christians  and  the 
Saracens.  The  intervention  of  the  Earl  of  Salisbury 
only  aggravated  the  dispute.  *'  See  how  timid  are 
these  tailed  English  !  "  cried  the  angry  count  ;  "  it 
would  be  well  if  the  army  were  purged  of  such  folk." 
This  taunt  stung  the  English  earl  to  the  quick.  "  At 
least,"  he  retorted,  "  we  English  to-day  will  be  where 
you  will  not  dare  to  touch  our  horses'  tails." 

All  prudent  thoughts  were  now  cast  aside,  and  the 
whole  van  charged  into  Mansurah.  The  wisdom  of 
the  Templar  and  the  boast  of  Longsword  were  alike 
justified.  The  earl  was  slain  refusing  to  fly,  while 
the  Count  of  Artois,  in  his  endeavour  to  escape,  was 
either  killed  or  drowned  in  the  river.  The  French 
were  only  saved  from  annihilation  by  the  arrival  of 
the  king,  and  by  the  valour  of  Joinville,  who  held,  at 
all  hazards,  a  small  bridge  that  led  from  Mansurah. 

After  this  battle  Louis  remained  on  the  south  bank 
of  the  stream  for  several  weeks,  till  the  news  came 
that  the  Saracens  had  blocked  the  Damietta  stream. 


RUIN  OF   THE   FRENCH  ARMY.  399 

As  he  was  now  on  the  verge  of  starvation  he 
reluctantly  ordered  a  retreat  into  "  the  Island,"  and 
commenced  negotiations  with  the  Sultan  for  the 
exchange  of  Damietta  against  the  kingdom  of  Jeru- 
salem. But  on  the  29th  of  March  matters  had  become 
so  intolerable  that  the  order  was  given  for  a  further 
retreat  towards  Damietta.  Then  the  Saracens  seeing 
what  plight  the  French  were  in,  refused  to  abide  by 
the  terms  they  had  been  discussing.  They  threw 
themselves  on  the  sick,  and  began  to  murder  them  as 
they  were  warming  themselves  by  the  fires.  Louis 
himself,  despite  the  desperate  valour  of  his  attendant, 
Sir  Geoffrey  de  Sergines,  was  taken  prisoner  as  he 
was  attempting  to.  guard  the  river.  Joinville  had 
already  gone  on  board  his  ship,  and  reached  the  place 
where  the  Sultan's  galleys  blocked  the  river.  Four  of 
these  Saracen  vessels  bore  down  on  him,  and  his  life 
vas  only  saved  by  the  generous  deceit  of  a  Saracen, 
who  swore  that  he  was  the  king's  cousin.  The  good 
knight,  though  he  would  not  tell  a  lie  himself,  did  not 
scruple  to  take  advantage  of  his  protector's  falsehood. 
Nor  is  it  unpleasing  to  find  that  afterwards  the  same 
Saracen,  as  he  led  Joinville  away,  slipt  into  his  hand 
that  of  a  little  lad,  Bartholomew  de  Montfaucon, 
bidding  him  never  let  himself  be  parted  from  him,  or 
the  child's  life  would  be  sacrificed. 

Such  was  the  end  of  the  French  army.  After  pro- 
tracted negotiations  Louis  was  set  free.  In  spite  of 
many  tortures  with  which  he  was  threatened  the  king 
refused  to  surrender  the  Christian  fortresses  in  Pales- 
tine, or  to  forswear  his  faith,  but  agreed  to  purchase 
his  freedom  and  that  of  his  army  by  the  payment  of 


400       CRUSADES  OP  ST.   LOUIS  AND  EDWARD  1, 

one  hundred  thousand  livres  and  the  surrender  of 
Damietta.  In  the  midst  of  the  negotiations  the  Sultan 
Turan  Shah  ^  was  murdered  by  his  Mamluks  on  the 
4th  of  May,  and  Louis  had  once  more  to  display  his 
constancy  in  the  presence  of  danger.  But  after  the 
payment  of  an  increased  ransom,  Louis  and  the 
remains  oif  his  host  were  able  to  sail  for  Acre  in  the 
middle  of  the  month. 

After  the  murder  of  Turan  Shah  the  power  in 
Egypt  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  widow  of  Es-Saleh, 
who  ruled  in  the  name  of  her  son  Khalil ;  but  after 
a  little  the  emirs  displaced  her  in  favour  of  Musa,  a 
great-grandson  of  El-Kamil.  2  The  Mohammedan 
princes  of  Aleppo  and  Damascus  were  offended  at 
the  ransom  of  Louis ;  such  a  prince,  they  said, 
should  have  been  kept  in  perpetual  captivity  and 
not  set  free  for  money.  They  placed  themselves 
at  the  head  of  a  great  league,  and  marched  against 
Musa,  to  be  utterly  routed  on  February  3,  1251. 
Musa,  in  the  stress  of  his  contest  with  his  kins- 
men entered  into  communications  with  the  French 
king,  and  concluded  a  truce  for  fifteen  years.  In  the 
West  men  spoke  of  Musa  as  a  possible  convert,  and 
whispered  that  Louis  had  sworn  to  spend  the 
remainder  of  his  life  in  the  Holy  Land.  The  king 
had  sent  home  his  brothers  to  collect  the  remainder 
of  his  ransom  ;  they  had  urged  the  Pope  to  compose 

*  Turan  Shah  succeeded  his  father,  Es-Saleh  Ayub,  on  November 
23,  1249;  but  he  only  reached  Egypt  on  February  24,  1250,  for  he 
was  at  Hisn  Keifa  when  his  father  died. 

^  Musa  was  deposed  in  1254,  and  with  him  the  line  of  the  Ayubite 
sultans  in  Egypt  came  to  an  end. 


LOUIS  IN  PALESTINE.  4OI 

his  quarrel  with  the  Emperor  in  the  interests  of 
Christendom,  and  lend  them  his  aid  ;  but  Innocent 
remained  immovable  in  the  pursuit  of  his  feud  with 
Frederick  and  his  sons.  So  the  time  wore  on  with 
nothing  done,  for  though  Henry  of  England  took  the 
cross  his  motives  were  seemingly  sinister.  A  little 
later  the  regent  of  France,  Louis'  mother  Blanche, 
died,  and  this  event  appears  to  have  called  the  king 
home.  Louis  had  spent  nearly  four  years  in  the 
Holy  Land,  busy  with  the  fortification  of  the  great 
seaports.  Caesarea,  Jaffa,  Sidon,  were  all  rebuilt 
during  these  years,  and  it  was  not  till  the  spring  of 
1254  that  the  king  departed  reaching  his  own  country 
about  July  nth. 

Sixteen  years  later  King  Louis  embarked  upon  a 
second  Crusade.  In  the  interval  he  had  always 
remained  a  Crusader  at  heart,  and  amidst  all  the 
troubles  of  his  home  life  his  real  ambition  was  set 
upon  the  Holy  Land,  though  the  duties  of  his  position 
forced  him  to  remain  in  France.  It  was  not  till  July, 
1270,  that  the  king  started  on  his  second  expedition 
from  Aigues  Mortes.  Despite  Louis's  earnest  request 
Joinville  would  not  accompany  him,  pleading  that 
his  first  duty  was  to  his  own  vassals,  who  suffered 
so  many  wrongs  during  his  absence  on  the  previous 
Crusade. 

Louis,  who  was  accompanied  by  his  eldest  son 
Philip,  and  the  kings  of  Navarre  and  Aragon,  was 
induced  to  turn  aside  to  Tunis  in  the  hope  of  convert- 
ing its  ruler  to  Christianity.  Whilst  encamped  near 
this  city  he  was  seized  with  dysentery.  On  Sunday, 
the  24th  of  August,  he  crept  from  bed  to  confess  his 


DEATH  OF  ST.  LOUIS.  4O3 

sins  and  receive,  the  last  sacrament  from  the  hands  of 
Geoffrey  de  BeauHeu,  to  whom  we  owe  most  of  our 
knowledge  of  this  expedition.  In  the  night  as  he  lay 
on  his  ash-sprinkled  couch  the  words  "Jerusalem! 
Jerusalem  ! "  showed  in  what  direction  his  thoughts 
were  turning.  As  marning  drew  on  the  watchers 
caught  fragments  of  the  good  king's  prayer  for  his 
people,  and  a  little  later  heard  his  last  cry,  "  Domine 
in  manus  tuas  animam  meam  commendavi ; "  shortly 
afterwards,  about  the  hour  of  nones,  St.  Louis  expired. 


SEAL   OF   PHILIP    III.    OF   FRANCE. 


With  him  may  be  said  to  have  perished  the  last  hope 
of  the  Latin  kingdom  in  the  East  For  over  a  century 
the  French  kings  had  been  the  recognised  defenders 
of  this  outpost  of  the  Christian  religion  and  French 
culture.  But  the  old  spirit  of  piety  was  dying  out  ; 
the  new  king,  an  illiterate  warrior,  had  little  care  for 
a  distant  land,  and  after  a  few  years  the  complex 
problems  of  a  new  age  forced  the  grandson  of  St. 
Louis  into  a  very  different  line  of  policy.  In  his  life 
St.  Louis  afforded  the  most  perfect  illustration  of  the 


404       CRUSADES   OF  ST.    LOUIS   AND   EDWARD  I, 

aspiration  of  two  centuries  towards  an  impossible 
ideal,  and  his  death  tolled  the  knell  of  hopes,  which  if 
essentially  futile  were  no  less  essentially  sublime. 
The  good  king  did  not  leave  his  peer  behind,  and  the 
dream  of  a  united  Christendom  mustering  its  forces 
for  the  subjugation  of  a  common  foe  was  destined 
to  fade  away  among  the  ruder  visions  of  national 
integrity  and  feudal  dissolution. 

Amongst  those  who  had  taken  the  cross  at  the 
same  time  as  St  Louis  was  Edward,  the  eldest  son  of 
Henry  of  England.  In  his  company  went  many  of 
the  great  English  nobles — especially  those  of  the 
younger  generation,  whom  he  is  said  to  have  taken 
with  him  to  divert  them  from  the  wars  at  home. 
Edward  reached  Tunis  about  the  9th  of  October 
with  his  cousin  Henry  of  Almaine.  He  found  the 
French  barons,  who  had  been  victorious  in  more  than 
one  engagement,  bent  on  enforcing  the  tribute  which 
they  said  was  due  from  Tunis  to  the  King  of  Sicily. 
After  exacting  a  great  treasure  the  Crusading  host  set 
sail  for  Sicily,  meaning  to  winter  there  ;  but  a  storm 
fell  upon  them  outside  the  harbour  of  Trapani,  and 
the  tribute  of  the  Mohammedan  prince  was  lost  in 
the  sea.  Next  spring  Edward,  finding  the  French 
princes  unwilling  to  accompany  him,  set  sail  with  his 
English  followers  and  reached  Acre  fifteen  days  after 
Easter,^  just  in  time  to  save  the  city  from' the  Saracens. 
After  a  month's  rest  he  made  a  raid  to  the  casal  of  S. 
George  between  Acre  and  Safed,  and  at  the  end  of 
November  led  another  expedition  as  far  as  Chaco 
(Kakoun),  and  Castle  Pilgrim  or  Athlit  on  the  south. 

*  On  May  9th,  according  to  the  Templar  of  Tyre. 


EDWARD  IN  PALESTINE.  405 

These  trifling  successes  were  probably  intended  to 
pave  the  way  to  greater  achievements.  At  his  re- 
quest the  barons  of  Cyprus,  who  had  refused  the 
summons  of  their  own  lord,  the  King  of  Jerusalem, 
came    over    with    a    great    following   and    declared 


SEAL  OF  EDWARD   I.    OF  ENGLAND. 

themselves  the  faithful  servants  of  the  English  king, 
whose  predecessor  had  won  their  island  for  the 
Latin  Church  ;  ^  it  was  only  on  their  coming  that 
Edward    had    ventured    so    far    afield.      After    his 

*  This  is  the  statement  of  an  English  writer  and  as  such  must  be  dis- 
counted. Edward  seems  to  have  been  called  on  to  decide  as  to  the 
rival  claims  of  Hugh  III.  of  Cyprus,  and  Mary  of  Antioch,  see  pp.  409-10. 


406       CRUSADES   OF  ST.   LOUIS   AND   EDWARD   I. 

return  to  Acre  Edward  commenced  negotiations 
with  a  Saracen  emir  who  professed  himself  ready  to 
become  a  Christian.  His  messenger  was  admitted 
time  after  time  to  Edward's  presence  and  all  sus- 
picion was  lulled  asleep.  At  last,  on  his  fifth  visit, 
on  June  i8,  1272,  the  assassin  found  his  opportunity. 
After  a  cursory  examination  for  arms  he  was  per- 
mitted to  pass  into  the  prince's  presence.  The  day 
was  hot  and  Edward,  clad  in  a  tunic  only,  was  resting 
on  a  couch ;  he  took  the  emir's  letter  from  the  mes- 
senger who,  as  he  bent  in  Eastern  fashion  to  answer 
the  prince's  questions,  drew  a  knife  from  his  belt  and 
struck  a  blow  at  his  intended  victim.  Edward  caught 
the  blow  on  his  arm,  and  tripping  the  villain  to  the 
ground  with  his  foot  wrenched  the  dagger  from  his 
grasp  and  stabbed  him  as  he  lay.  The  English  ser- 
vants coming  in  found  the  would-be  murderer  dead, 
but  to  make  assurance  doubly  sure,  battered  out  his 
brains  with  a  footstool.  Edward's  life  was  in  much 
danger,  for  the  weapon  was  poisoned,  and  though  the 
Master  of  the  Temple  gave  him  what  was  declared  tc 
be  a  certain  antidote,  the  wound  grew  daily  worse. 
At  last,  an  English  doctor  pledged  himself  to  effect  a 
perfect  cure.  He  bade  the  nobles  lead  the  weeping 
Eleanor  ^  from  her  husband's  presence  ;  then  he  cut 
away  the  poisoned  flesh,  and  thus,  under  his  care, 
Edward  was  within  fifteen  days  able  to  appear  on  his 
horse  in  public.  Very  shortly  afterwards  Edward 
concluded  a  ten  years'  truce  with  the  Sultan.  His 
departure   was   accelerated    by   a   letter   from    King 

*  The  romantic  story  of  her  devotion  is  first  related  by  Ptolemy  of 
Lucca  fifty  years  later. 


b 


ATTEMPTED   ASSASSINATION. 


407 


Henry  urging  his  son  to  return  immediately  since  his 
health  was  failing,  Edward  left  Palestine  on  the  14th 
of  September,  but  did  not  reach  England  till  two 
years  later,  long  after  his  father's  death.  Through- 
out his  life  he  cherished  the  hope  of  completing  the 
exploits  of  his  earlier  manhood,  and  at  the  very  cjose 
of  his  career  vowed  himself  once  more  to  the  service 
of  God,  if  He  would  but  grant  him  vengeance  on 
his  enemy  Bruce. 


XXVI. 

THE  KINGDOM   OF  ACRE — ITS  DECAY  AND 
DESTRUCTION. 

(1244-I291.) 

fcff  SvSev  ioTiv  oyyc  TTvpyog  oj^e  vavg  ' 

ipTjfiog  dvdpujv  fiij  ^vvoikovvtmv  tmo. 

Sophocles. 

(*'  Worthless  each  tower  and  worthless  every  ship, 
Reft  of  the  people  that  should  dwell  therein.") 

We  must  now  turn  back  thirty  years  to  trace  the 
last  fortunes  of  the  Latin  colonies  in  Syria.  After 
the  departure  of  Frederick  II.  Jerusalem  was  to  all 
intents  and  purposes  a  kingless  realm,  and  during 
the  greater  part  of  this  period  even  the  bare  tenure 
of  the  title  of  king  was  not  allowed  to  go  undisputed. 
It  may  seem  strange  that  under  such  circumstances 
the  Prankish  rule  should  have  dragged  out  even  a 
moribund  existence  for  so  many  years.  But  a  variety 
of  circumstances  contributed  to  delay  its  dissolution. 
Chief  among  these  we  must  place  the  extreme  weak- 
ness of  the  Ayubite  Sultans  during  the  sixteen  years 

408 


A    KING  LESS   REALM.  409 

that  elapsed  between  the  death  of  El-Kamil  and  the 
final  destruction  of  their  power  by  the  Mamluks  in 
1254  ;  and,  in  the  second  place,  we  have  the  fact  that 
the  very  existence  of  a  Mussulman  empire  was 
threatened  by  the  rise  of  a  new  power  in  the  person 
of  the  Tartar  Khans.  No  credit  can  be  placed  to  the 
continuance  of  any  vitality  in  the  Franks  themselves  ; 
for  saddest  of  all  features  in  these  fifty  years  of 
Crusading  history  is  the  presence  of  perpetual  feuds 
among  the  Christians  in  the  East. 

After  Frederick's  death  in  1250  his  rights  should 
have  passed  to  Yolande's  son  Conrad,  but  the 
Emperor,  in  bequeathing  his  own  dominions  to  his 
eldest  son,  expressly  stipulated  that  Jerusalem  should 
go  to  Henry,  the  offspring  of  his  marriage  with 
Isabella  of  England.  But  both  Conrad  and  Henry 
died  within  a  few  years,  and  the  title  passed  to 
Conradin,  the  youthful  son  of  the  former,  on  whose 
tragic  death  in  1267  the  line  of  Yolande  came  to  an 
end.  Meantime  in  Palestine  the  office  of  bailiff  was 
held  for  the  most  part  by  one  member  or  another  of 
the  house  of  Ibelin.  Henry  of  Cyprus  died  in  1253, 
leaving  an  infant  son  Hugh  by  his  wife  Plaisance 
of  Antioch.  The  claims  of  this  child  were  asserted 
by  his  uncle  Bohemond  VI.  of  Antioch  in  1258, 
but  resisted  by  the  Hospitallers  and  Genoese,  who 
supported  Conradin.  Hugh  died  in  1267,  ^^^  his 
cousin  and  namesake,  who  had  been  warden  of 
Cyprus  in  the  boy-king's  name,  then  asserted  his 
right  to  succeed  him  both  in  Cyprus  and  Jeru- 
salem. Hugh  III.  of  Cyprus  was  actually  crowned 
King    of    Jerusalem     at    Tyre    on     September    24, 


410  THE   KINGDOM  OF  ACRE. 

1269;  but  though  he  maintained  a  more  or  less 
shadowy  authority  on  part  of  the  mainland  during 
seven  years,  his  claims  were  disputed  by  his  aunt 
Mary  of  Antioch.  At  last,  in  1276,  the  opposi- 
tion of  the  Templars  drove  Hugh  to  leave  Acre  ; 
the  knights  of  the  other  orders  and  the  Genoese 
would  have  supported  him,  and  were  anxious  for 
his  return.  But  the  Templars  declared  :  "  If  he 
wants  to  come  he  can  come,  and  if  he  does  not,  let 
him  stay  away."  Hugh  contented  himself  with  a 
declaration  to  the  Western  Powers  that  he  could  not 
maintain  justice  or  order  in  the  strife  of  contending 
parties  at  Acre ;  whilst  Mary,  his  opponent,  went  to 
Europe  in  person,  and  there  sold  her  rights  to  Charles 
of  Anjou,  whom  the  Pope  had  made  king  of  Sicily. 
Charles  sent  Roger  of  St.  Severin  as  his  bailiff  to 
Acre  next  year,  but  though  Roger  had  the  support 
of  the  Templars  there  was  no  longer  any  pretence  of 
a  supreme  authority  in  the  Prankish  possessions. 

The  divisions  among  the  Latins  in  the  East 
had  a  twofold  origin  ;  on  the  one  side,  there  was 
the  commercial  rivalry  of  the  Venetians,  the  Pisans, 
and  the  Genoese  ;  on  the  other,  the  military  jealousy 
of  the  two  great  orders.  In  1249  the  Pisans  and 
Genoese  had  fought  against  one  another  at  Acre 
for  eight  and  twenty  days  with  two  and  twenty 
kinds  of  engines,  stone -casters,  tribuchets,  and 
mangonels.  Louis  IX.,  during  the  four  years  of 
his  residence  in  Palestine,  was  able  through  the 
preponderance  of  his  authority  to  maintain  some 
sort  of  peace.  At  his  departure  he  left  Geoffrey  de 
Sergines  as  his  lieutenant  with  a  force  of  one  hundred 


CHRISTIAN   JEALOUSIES. 


411 


knights.  Geoffrey  fought  with  some  success  before 
Jaffa,  which  was  excepted  from  the  truce,  but  it  was 
not  long  before  these  old  jealousies  broke  out  with 
new  force,  and  "  the  Christians  waged  war  with  each 
other  villainously."  On  the  one  side,  were  the  Vene- 
tians, the  Pisans,  and  Pullani,  or  Syrian  Franks,  sup- 
ported as  it  would  seem  by  the  Templars  ;  on  the 
other  side,  the  Genoese,  the  Spaniards,  and  the  Hos- 
pitallers.   It  was  in  the  midst  of  this  war  in  1258  that 


SEAL   OF  JOHN    DE    MONTFORT. 


Bohemond  VI.  paid  his  visit  to  Acre,  and  endeavoured 
without  success  to  make  peace.  The  struggle  con- 
tinued during  two  years  till  at  last,  in  a  great  sea 
fight  off  Acre,  a  fleet  of  fifty  Genoese  galleys  was 
defeated  by  forty  Venetians  with  a  loss  of  seventeen 
hundred  men.  A  little  later  the  Templars  were 
disastrously  defeated  in  a  pitched  battle  with  their 
rivals.  Much  of  this  warfare  had  been  conducted  in 
the  streets  of  Acre,  where  the  contending  parties 
battered  each  other's  quarters  and  towers  till  a  great 


412  THE   KINGDOM   OF   ACRE. 

portion  of  the  city  was  utterly  destroyed.  In  the 
end  the  Genoese  had  to  abandon  their  quarter  and 
withdraw  to  Tyre.  There  was  no  such  open  and 
prolonged  war  after  this,  but  the  continued  dissensions 
of  the  Christians  lasted  till  the  very  day  when  Acre 
was  taken. 

It  was  at  the  time  of  this  warfare  among  the 
Christians  that  the  Tartars  began  to  threaten  Syria. 
In  the  early  years  of  the  thirteenth  century  Genghis 
Khan  had  established  his  authority  over  the  Mongols 
and  laid  the  foundations  of  an  empire,  which  within 
a  {g:w  years  extended  from  the  most  eastern  confines 
of  Asia  to  the  borders  of  Germany.  The  sons  of 
Genghis  held  rule  in  China,  Persia,  and  Russia  ; 
Europe  was  with  difficulty  preserved  by  the  valour 
of  Conrad  ;  and  when  at  length  in  1258,  Bagdad  was 
taken  and  the  orthodox  Caliphate  extinguished  by 
Hulagu  Khan,  the  son  of  Genghis,  it  seemed  as 
though  the  very  existence  of  Islam  was  at  stake. 
Despite  the  terror  which  the  first  invasions  of  the 
Tartars  had  inspired,  the  eyes  of  the  Christians  had 
already  been  turned  towards  the  new  power  as. a 
possible  ally  for  the  destruction  of  the  Moslem. 
From  the  council  of  Lyons,  in  1245,  Innocent 
IV.  despatched  Dominicans  on  a  mission  to  the 
great  Khan  ;  and  four  years  later  Louis  IX.  received 
at  Cyprus  an  embassy  from  Ilchikadai,  a  Tartar 
Khan,  with  promises  of  assistance.  In  response  the 
king  sent  certain  friars,  who,  returning  after  an 
absence  of  two  years,  found  Louis  at  Ca^sarea ; 
afterwards  Louis  despatched  the  Franciscan  Rubru- 
quis,  who  has  left  us  a  graphic  account  of  his  long 


THE    TARTARS  AND   MAMLUKS.  413 

journey,  and  of  the  court  of  the  great  Khan.  It  was 
no  doubt,  therefore,  with  mingled  feeh'ngs  of  hope 
and  dread  that  the  Franks  beheld  the  Tartars  enter 
Syria  in  the  year  after  the  fall  of  Bagdad.  Aleppo, 
Hamah,  and  Damascus  fell  before  them.  The  Sultan 
appealed  to  the  Franks  for  assistance,  but  through 
the  counsel  of  the  Hospitallers  and  Teutonic  knights 
the  proffered  alliance  was  refused.  On  September 
3,  1260,  the  Sultan  Kutuz  met  and  defeated  the 
Tartar  host  at  Ain  Talut  ;  it  was  one  of  the  decisive 
battles  in  the  world's  history,  for  not  only  w^as  the 
tide  of  Tartar  conquest  stemmed,  but  the  fate  of 
Palestine  was  settled.  The  fruits  of  the  victory  did 
not,  however,  fall  to  Kutuz,  for  as  he  was  returning 
to  Cairo  he  was  murdered  on  October  24th  by  his 
Mamluks,  and  the  throne  of  Egypt  passed  to  Bibars 
Bendocdar. 

Bibars  was  the  true  founder  of  the  Mamluk  rule 
in  Egypt,  and  was  the  most  formidable  and  relentless 
foe  that  the  Christians  had  had  to  encounter  since 
the  death  of  Saladin.  The  first  year  of  his  reign  was 
signalised  by  the  discomfiture  of  the  Tartars  in  a 
s  cond  battle  near  Emesa ;  from  this  moment  Bibars 
was  able  to  turn  his  arms  against  the  Franks,  and 
\\  in  for  himself  the  titles  of  the  Pillar  of  Religion  and 
Father  of  Victories. 

The  lax  authority  among  the  Franks  gave  Bibars 
an  easy  opportunity  to  disregard  the  truce,  which 
nominally  subsisted  between  the  Christians  and 
Mohammedans  in  Syria.  In  1263,  he  appeared  for 
the  first  time  before  the  walls  of  Acre,  and  two  years 
later  commenced  his  career  of  conquest  by  the  cap- 


4t4  THE  KINGDOM   OF  ACRE. 

ture  of  Arsuf.  The  next  year  was  marked  by  the  fall 
of  Safed  and  massacre  of  all  its  defenders,  and  in 
1267,  whilst  the  Venetians  and  Genoese  were  con- 
tending for  the  mastery  outside  the  harbour  of  Acre, 
Bibars  was  plundering  the  gardens  beneath  its  very 
walls.  In  1268,  the  victorious  Sultan  appeared  once 
more  in  Palestine,  Jaffa  was  taken  on  March  2nd, 
and  then  passing  northwards  the  Mohammedans  laid 
siege  to  Antioch  in  May.  The  prince  was  absent  at 
Tripoli,  and  this  great  city,  which  170  years  previously 
had  resisted  the  Crusaders  for  over  six  months,  fell 
once  more  beneath  the  sway  of  the  Mohammedans  after 
a  siege  that  had  not  lasted  so  many  days.  The  fall 
of  Antioch  led  to  the  Crusade  of  Edward,  but  that 
enterprise  as  we  have  seen,  did  little  to  check  the 
progress  of  Bibars.  It  were  tedious  to  trace  in  detail 
the  steps  by  which  the  last  poor  remnants  of  the 
Latin  colonies  perished.  One  by  one  the  strong 
castles  of  the  military  orders  were  captured,  until 
the  Franks  were  confined  to  a  few  isolated  cities 
on  the  coast,  which  were  separated  yet  more  by 
mutual  jealousy  or  discord.  Bibars  died,  perhaps 
of  wounds  received  in  battle  with  the  Tartars, 
in  1277,  but  his  death  brought  no  relief  to  the 
Franks.  His  successor,  Malek  El-Mansiir  or  Kalaiin, 
took  Markab  in  1285,  and  the  great  and  rich  city 
of  Tripoli  in  1289.  As  one  by  one  the  different 
towns  were  taken,  their  inhabitants  were  either  put  to 
the  sword,  or  suffered  to  escape  with  their  lives  to 
Acre.  Thus  the  population  of  that  city  was  much 
increased,  and  within  its  walls  there  were  gathered 
representatives   from   every  nation    in    Christendom. 


THE   CONQUnsTS   OF  BIBARS. 


4t; 


For  every  one  there  was  a  separate  commune,  and  the 
various  lords  of  the  land,  the  masters  of  the  great 
orders,  the  representatives  of  the  kings  of  France, 


ACRE   ABOUT    I29I. 


England,  and  Jerusalem,  each  exercised  separate 
authority,  so  that  there  were  in  one  city  seventeen 
independent  powers,  "whence  there  sprang  much 
confusion."      It  is  not  strange  that  under  such  cir- 


4l6  THE   KINGDOM   OF  ACRE. 

cumstances  the  city  became,  as  it  were,  the  sink  into 
which  all  the  vileness  of  Christendom  found  its  way. 
Ov^er  its  mixed  population  many  ruled  but  none  had 
authority  ;  within  its  walls  the  precepts  of  religion, 
law,  and  morality  were  alike  void,  so  that  in  its  last 
days  AcYQ  became  a  byword  in  all  Christian  lands  for 
the  luxury,  turbulence,  and  vice  of  its  inhabitants. 
Popes  did  not  cease  to  preach  with  more  or  less 
sincerity  the  duty  of  a  new  Crusade,  but  the  spirit 
of  self-denial  and  heroism  which  inspired  the  warriors 
of  the  Cross  in  an  earlier  age  was  now  Extinct.  Such 
assistance  as  the  West  afforded  came  in  the  shape  of 
mercenary  troops,  and  it  was  the  dissolute  violence 
of  some  of  these  mis-called  Crusaders  that  precipi- 
tated the  end  of  the  Christian  rule  in  Syria. 

Pope  Nicholas  IV.,  in  his  zeal  for  the  Eastern 
Christians,  had  sent,  as  it  is  said,  no  less  than  seven- 
teen hundred  mercenaries  at  his  own  cost  to  Acre. 
These  men,  being  left  without  pay  and  in  lack  of 
means  of  subsistence,  fell  to  plundering  the  Saracen 
merchants,  who,  under  cover  of  a  truce,  had  come  to 
Acre  for  the  purpose  of  peaceful  trade.  The  Sultan 
appealed  to  the  rulers  of  Acre  for  redress,  but  it  was 
in  vain  that  the  Templars  urged  the  justice  and 
prudence  of  concession.  Malek  El-Ashraf  or  Khalil, 
who  just  at  this  time  succeeded  Kalaiin  as  Sultan, 
then  had  resort  to  arms,  and  on  the  25th  of  March, 
1 29 1,  his  troops  appeared  before  the  walls  of  Acre. 
There  were  not  wanting  enough  soldiers  to  have 
successfully  defended  the  city  ;  but  even  in  this  the 
last  hour  of  their  extremity,  its  inhabitants  were 
more   intent   upon   feasting  than   upon  fighting,  and 


THE   FALL   OF   ACRE.  417 

when  the  trumpet  called  them  to  battle,  could 
not  tear  themselves  from  the  pleasures  of  love. 
Cowardice  and  discord  also  played  their  part  in 
ruining  the  hopes  of  a  successful  defence.  Many  at 
the  first  threat  of  danger  made  haste  to  flee  over- 
sea ;  whilst  others  who  stayed  for  a  time  departed 
when  the  prospects  of  success  grew  desperate. 
Among  these  latter,  to  his  shame,  went  the  Bur- 
gundian  knight,  Otho  de  Grandison,  whom  Edward 
of  England  had  sent  with  treasure  and  men  to  the 
assistance  of  the  Christians  in  the  East.  Not  even 
when  the  whole  purpose  of  their  existence  was  in  peril 
could  the  Templars  and  Hospitallers  lay  aside  their 
mutual  jealousy  ;  and  so  the  defence,  if  conducted 
with  valour  in  parts,  lacked  that  general  unity  of  pur- 
pose which  could  alone  have  made  it  successful.  At 
length  on  Friday,  the  i8th  of  May,  Khalil's  engines 
had  wrought  such  a  breach  in  the  walls,  that  the  moat 
being  filled  with  the  stones  and  the  bodies  of  the 
dead,  his  army  forced  its  way  into  the  city.  The 
people  fled  before  him  to  the  towers,  thg  palaces  of 
the  nobles,  or  the  great  house  of  the  Templars. 
Others,  making  their  way  to  the  harbour,  crowded 
on  board  the  ships  in  such  numbers,  that  some 
vessels  were  swamped  as  they  lay  at  anchor.  Henry 
n.  of  Cyprus,  who  had  played  a  not  unworthy  part 
in  the  early  days  of  the  siege,  had  already  escaped 
to  his  island  kingdom,  whither  the  Grand  Master  of 
the  Hospital  and  a  number  of  other  fugitives  now 
followed  him.  But  there  yet  remained  sixty  thou- 
sand Christians  whose  fate  was  slavery,  or  the  sword, 
or  worse.  The  Templars  and  those  who  had  taken 
«8 


4l8  THE   KINGDOM  OF  ACRE. 

refuge  with  them  met  the  noblest  end  ;  for,  resisting 
to  the  last,  they  succumbed  only  when  their  fortress 
was  undermined,  and  together  with  numbers  of  their 
assailants  perished  in  its  ruins.  Thus  almost  exactly 
a  century  after  its  recovery  by  the  soldiers  of  the 
Third  Crusade  was  Acre  finally  lost  to  the  Christians  ; 
and  since  Tyre  and  the  few  other  places  that  still 
remained  to  the  Franks  could  offer  no  effectual  resis- 
tance, the  last  vestiges  of  the  Latin  kingdom  of  Jeru- 
salem were  swept  away. 


XXVII. 

THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  CRUSADES. 

"For  now  I  see  the  true  old  times  are  dead, 

And  now  the  whole  Round  Table  is  dissolved." 

Tennyson. 

It  would  be  wrong  to  suppose  that  the  feehngs  of 
Western  Europe  were  not  deeply  excited  by  the  fall 
of  Acre.  Pope  Nicholas  in  particular  was  eager  that 
this  loss  should  be  made  the  occasion  of  a  new 
Crusade.  But  neither  his  influence,  nor  the  feelings 
of  princes  and  people  themselves,  were  strong  enough 
to  bring  about  the  serious  undertaking  of  such  an 
enterprise.  The  century  that  had  elapsed  between 
the  capture  of  Jerusalem  by  Saladin,  and  that  of  Acre 
by  Khalil  had  witnessed  great  and  marvellous  changes 
in  Europe.  In  a  mis-called  Crusade  the  papacy  had 
crushed  the  power  of  the  Empire,  and  destroyed  the 
semblance  of  unity  in  the  Western  world.  The  triumph 
of  the  papacy  had  fostered  the  growing  seed  of  the 
principle  of  separate  and  independent  nationalities. 
It  had  been  fatal  also  to  its  own  authority.  When 
the  popes  debased  their  spiritual  office  for  the  further- 


420  THE   CLOSE   OF  THE   CRUSADES. 

ance  of  their  political  aims,  they  lost  the  substance 
which  they  possessed,  and  obtained  but  the  shadow 
of  what  they  clutched  at.  The  coming  century  was 
filled  with  the  national  warfare  of  the  French  and 
English,  and  with  a  divided  papacy  and  a  nerveless 
empire  there  was  no  central  authority  that  might 
have  rallied  the  nations  of  the  West  to  a  new 
Crusade. 

Yet  in  a  half-hearted  way  popes  preached  and 
princes  talked  of  renewed  warfare  for  the  Church 
against  the  Infidel.  Nicholas  IV.  spent  his  last  days 
in  calling  on  the  rulers  of  Germany,  France,  and 
England  to  take  the  Cross  ;  but  he  did  not  survive  the 
fall  of  Acre  by  a  twelvemonth,  and  after  his  death  the 
papacy  was  vacant  over  two  years.  Of  his  successors, 
Boniface  VIII.  was  too  full  of  his  schemes  for  papal 
aggrandisement;  Clement  V.  too  much  the  tool  of 
the  French  king  to  seriously  resume  the  initiative. 
John  XXII.  took  up  once  more  the  cause  of  Christ- 
endom, and  obtained  from  Philip  of  Valois  and 
Edward  III.  a  promise  to  go  on  the  Crusade.  But 
in  the  midst  of  his  labours  John  was  cut  off  by  death, 
and  within  a  few  years  his  two  allies  had  involved 
their  countries  in  a  war  that  was  to  last  with  but 
little  intermission  for  over  a  hundred  years. 

Meantime  the  power  of  the  Ottoman  Turks  was 
growing  yearly,  at  the  expense  of  the  Greek  Empire 
in  the  East.  At  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century 
the  victorious  Bayazid  had  overwhelmed  Bulgaria  and 
Servia,  and  threatened  to  destroy  Hungary  also. 
The  imminence  of  the  danger  stirred  the  chivalry  of 
the  West  to  take  up  arms  against  the  common  foe 


THE   OTTOMAN  TURKS.  421; 

of  Christendom.  In  1396  a  goodly  band  of  French 
knights,  under  the  Comte  de  Nevers,  went  to  aid 
Sigismund  in  his  warfare  with  the  Turks,  but  only  to 
share  in  his  defeat  at  Nicopolis.  If  Bayazid  failed  to 
accomplish  the  conquest  of  Constantinople,  it  was  due, 
not  to  the  valour  of  Christendom,  but  to  the  might  of 
Timur  the  Tartar.  The  Greek  Empire  was  further 
preserved  by  the  quarrel  of  Bayazid's  sons,  and 
it  was  only  in  1453  that  the  capture  of  Constanti- 
nople by  Moharnmed  II.  stirred  a  pope  to  proclaim 
once  more  to  the  princes  of  the  West  the  duty  of  a 
Crusade.  For  another  two  centuries  the  Turks  hung 
as  a  storm-cloud  over  Eastern  Europe,  and  in  one 
sense  the  victories  of  Don  John  at  Lepanto  in 
1 571,  and  of  Sobieski  at  Vienna  in  1683,  may  be 
counted  amongst  the  Triumphs  of  the  Cross.  Yet 
these  exploits  cannot,  any  more  than  the  frequent 
wars  with  the  Algerine  corsairs  from  the  fourteenth 
to  the  nineteenth  centuries,  properly  be  counted  as 
Crusades  ;  for  though  politically  speaking  they 
aimed  at  averting  what  was  substantially  the  same 
danger,  tiley  did  not  possess  that  religious  charac- 
teristic which  is  essential  to  the  idea  of  a  Holy 
War. 

It  is  indeed  to  the  decay  of  that  spirit  of  enthusiasm 
which  had  imparted  to  the  Crusades  their  religious 
characteristic,  that  we  must  attribute  the  discontinu- 
ance of  the  attempt  to  preserve  the  Holy  Places  under 
Christian  rule.  Some  instances  we  do,  however,  find 
of  men  who  were  to  all  appearance  fired  with  the  true 
Crusading  fervour.  Such  was  our  own  king,  Henry  V., 
who  died  with  these  words  on  his  lips :  "  Good  Lord, 


422  THE   CLOSE   OF   THE   CRUSADES. 

Thou  knowest  that  mine  intent  hath  been,  and  yet 
is,  if  I  may  live,  to  rebuild  the  walls  of  Jerusalem.' 
Henry's  intention  seems  to  have  been  sincere,  and 
only  a  short  time  previously  he  had  despatched  the 
Burgundian  knight  Gilbert  de  Lannoy  to  Egypt  and 
Syria  to  report  on  the  practicability  of  a  fresh  Crusade. 
So  too  Columbus  dreamt  of  a  new  war  for  the  faith 
in  the  East,  before  he  took  up  that  marvellous  enter- 
prise in  the  West,  which,  by  diverting  the  course  of 
commerce,  made  a  new  Crusade  more  than  ever 
unlikely.  But  these  men  stand  out  as  solitary  excep- 
tions, and  with  the  changing  spirit  of  the  times  it  was 
impossible  that  the  world  should  witness  again  such 
strange  scenes  of  enthusiasm  as  had  marked  the  early 
days  of  the  First  Crusade,  or  as  that  perhaps  still 
stranger  delusion  which  in  the  years  12 12  and  12 13 
sent  numbers  of  children  wandering  off,  in  the  belief 
that  by  their  means  should  be  accomplished  that 
which   had  been  beyond   the  power  of  kings. 

But  if  the  Crusading  spirit  had  run  its  course  in 
Europe  the  Latin  kings  of  Cyprus  and  the  knights  of 
St.  John  at  Rhodes  maintained  during  two  centuries  a 
gallant  struggle  in  defence  of  the  Cross.  The  latter 
were  avowedly  dependent  on  recruits  from  Europe ;  the 
former  no  doubt  also  benefited  by  the  aid  of  soldiers, 
who  had  left  their  homes  for  this  purpose,  or  who, 
during  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  landed  at 
Cyprus,  and  for  a  time  gave  their  services  to  the  king. 
Amongst  these  warrior  pilgrims  who  came  from  our 
own  land  were  Henry  of  Lancaster,  father  in-law  of 
John  of  Gaunt;  William,  Lord  Roos  of  Hamlake,  who 
died  in  the  East  in    1352;    and  Job.n.  Lord  Grey  of 


RHODES  AND   CYPRUS.  423 

Codnor,  who,  after  serving  his  own  sovereign  with 
distinction  in  France,  fought  for  Peter  de  Lusignan, 
King  of  Cyprus,  with  other  English  knights,  at  Alex- 
andria in  1365.  Peter  may  in  some  sense  not  unfairly 
be  called  the  last  of  the  Crusaders,  and  had  made  an 
endeavour  to  rouse  the  flagging  interest  of  the  West, 
in  the  course  of  which  he  paid  a  visit  to  England  and 
was  handsomely  entertained  by  Edward  III.  But  his 
fight  at  Alexandria  had  no  practical  result,  and  the 
city  was  abandoned  almost  as  soon  as  it  was  taken. 
Still  it  was  the  last  notable  achievement  of  Western 
chivalry  in  the  East,  and  it  is  perhaps  in  this  spirit 
that  Chaucer  says  of  his  perfect  knight — 

"  At  Alisaundre  he  was  whan  it  was  wonne.'" 

If,  however,  military  enthusiasm  had  declined,  there 
was  no  falling  off  in  pilgrim  zeal.  From  John  of 
Wurzburg  and  Theoderic,  in  the  days  of  the  king- 
dom, to  Burcard  and  Felix  Fabri,  in  the  latter  years  of 
the  fifteenth  century,  the  pilgrim  record  runs  on  in  an 
unbroken  line.  So  numerous  were  the  pilgrims  that 
a  regular  system  was  organised  for  their  conveyance 
under  the  superintendence  of  the  Venetian  senate. 
An  "  Information  for  Pilgryms,"  by  William  Wey, 
Fellow  of  Eton,  was  of  sufficient  interest  to  be 
printed  by  Caxton.  Wey  gives  the  would-be  pilgrim 
careful  directions  .for  his  journey  to  Venice,  and 
details  of  various  excursions  to  be  made  in  Palestine, 
together  with  such  useful  advice  as  where  to  buy  a 
bed  for  the  voyage  in  Venice  ;  how  it  was  well  to 
avoid  the  lowest  stage  in  the  vessel,  "  for  it  is  ryglit 
evyll  and   smouldryng  bote  and   stynkynge "  ;   how 


424  THE   CLOSE   OF   THE   CRUSADES. 

Famagosta  was  unhealthy  for  Engh"shmen ;  how  there 
was  "good  wine  and  dear"  to  be  had  in  Jerusalem, 
and  what  payments  it  would  be  right  to  make  in  the 
Holy  Land. 

But  the  zeal  which  has  maintained  the  stream  of 
pilgrims  to  the  present  day  was  a  thing  apart  from 
that  enthusiasm  for  the  Holy  War  which  made  the 
Crusades  possible.  Though  in  a  sense  ihe  age  of  the 
Crusades  was  not  closed  till  the  dawn  of  the  Renais- 
sance, their  inter-est  as  a  living  force  came  to  an  end 
when  the  last  visible  sign  of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem 
perished  with  the  fall  of  Acre. 


XXVIII. 


CONCLUSION. 


**  The  old  order  changeth,  yielding  place  to  new, 
And  God  fulfils  Himself  in  many  ways, 
Lest  one  good  custom  should  corrupt  the  world." 

Tennyson. 


It  is  always  difficult  to  estimate  with  precision  the 
exact  limits  of  any  great  upheaval  of  human  thought 
and  action,  or  to  trace  with  certainty  the  true  relations 
of  cause  and  effect  amidst  the  multitude  of  historic  facts. 
Nowhere  is  this  difficulty  more  apparent  than  in  tlie 
Crusading  epoch,  when  so  many  forces  were  at  work, 
so  many  countries  in  connection,  so  many  creeds  and 
races  in  strange  antagonism  or  yet  stranger  alliance. 
But  with  it  all  some  broad  facts  seems  to  stare  us  in 
the  face.  Contrast  the  Europe  of  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury with  the  Europe  of  the  fourteenth,  the  age  that 
preceded  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  with  the  age  that 
succeeded  the  fall  of  Acre,  and  in  a  rough  wa}'  we 
can  suggest  limits  within  which  the  Crusades  have 
affected  the  world's  history.  Still  we  cannot  be  sure 
that  the  changes  which  we  perceive  are  due  to  the 
Crusades   alone.     Thus    nothing    seems    more   clear 


426  CONCLUSION. 

than  that  the  growth  of  the  great  Italian  seaports 
was  fostered  by  the  Crusades  ;  but  that  growth  had 
already  begun  when  the  First  Crusade  started,  and 
would  doubtless  have  continued  had  no  armed 
pilgrim  ever  set  foot  in  Palestine.  Such  an  ex- 
ample serves  to  show  the  difficulty  of  assigning  a 
specific  cause  to  any  of  the  great  changes  wrought 
during  our  epoch.  Historically  speaking,  no  one 
influence  ever  acts  singly,  and  if  we  are  justified  in 
attributing  any  particular  results  to  the  Crusades, 
it  can  only  be  in  a  very  loose  and  general  way. 
But  subject  to  such  limitations  it  seems  proper  to 
indicate,  however  tentatively,  the  modes  wherein 
Western  life  —  political,  ecclesiastical,  social,  com- 
mercial, and  intellectual — was  aftected  by  so  great 
an  upheaval  as  was  involved  in  the  Crusades. 

In  the  political,  or  perhaps  to  speak  more  accu- 
rately the  national,  life  of  Europe  the  Crusades  acted 
both  as  a  combining  and  a  disintegrating  force.  The 
continued  absence  of  the  petty  baronage  in  the  East, 
and  its  perpetual  decimation  under  the  pressure  of 
debt  and  travel,  battle  and  disease,  helped  to  concen- 
trate authority  in  the  hands  of  the  royal,  officers. 
Each  nation,  too,  had  brought  home  to  it  a  conscious- 
ness of  unity  such  as  it  had  never  felt  before.  Com- 
munity of  danger  in  the  toilsome  plains  of  Hungary, 
the  pathless  Bulgarian  forest,  the  rugged  depths  of  Asia, 
or  the  burning  Syrian  desert,  drew  together  all  men 
of  kindred  race  and  speech.  So  in  the  First  Crusade 
there  were  the  two  opposing  factions  of  Proven  gals 
and  Franco-Germans,  nominally  divided  as  to  the 
genuineness   of  the    Holy    Lance,    but    in    truth   by 


r 


RESULTS   OF    THE   CIWSADES.  427 

mutual  jealousy.  A  like  discord  between  Franks  and 
Teutons  was  perhaps  the  rock  on  which  the  Second 
Crusade  split ;  and  again  in  the  Third  Crusade  it  was 
jealousy  of  English  valour  that  sent  the  French  king 
home  before  the  work  of  the  war  was  well  begun. 
Later  Crusades  showed  similar  features  on  somewhat 
different  lines  ;  the  feud  was  now  between  adherents 
of  pope  and  emperor,  but  as  the  one  included  the 
French,  and  the  other  the  Germans,  here  also  the 
quarrel  tended  to  assume  a  national  aspect. 

It  was  in  France  that  the  combining  forces  of  the 
Crusades  were  most  felt.  There  one  by  one  the  petty 
fiefs  were  swallowed  up  in  the  greater  lordships,  and 
the  greater  lordships  in  the  royal  power.  In  the 
eleventh  century  the  kings  of  France  ruled  only  in  a 
narrow  strip  of  territory  with  Paris  as  its  centre,  but  by 
the  time  of  the  fall  of  Acre  France  had  already  put  on 
much  of  its  present  form.  It  might  thus  in  a  sense 
be  said  that  modern  France  is  a  creation  of  the  Cru- 
sades ;  and  though  such  a  statement  would  involve  the 
disregard  of  other  important  factors,  it  must  not  be 
forgotten,  as  we  shall  see  later  on,  that  the  Crusades 
did  much  for  the  consolidation  of  French  national 
sentiment  by  the  spread  of  French  culture  and  the 
French  speech  over  a  wide  area. 

In  the  other  countries  of  Europe  the  growth  of 
national  sentiment  was  also  fostered  during  the  Cru- 
sading epoch,  but  there  was  no  such  spectacle  of 
political  consolidation  as* is  afforded  in  France.  We 
are  here  more  struck  by  the  process  of  disintegration  ; 
for  before  the  Crusades  the  Empire  gave  Europe  a 
semblance  of  unity  which  had  nearly  disappeared  by 


428  CONCLUSION. 

the  time  that  they  came  to  a  close.  The  power 
which  the  Crusades  threw  into  the  hands  of  the  popes 
aided  them  materially  in  their  struggle  with  the 
Empire,  and  it  was  indeed  in  a  so-called  Crusade  to- 
wards the  close  of  our  own  period  that  the  true 
authority  of  the  Empire  was  destroyed.  The  disin- 
tegration of  the  Imperial  power  was  followed  directly 
by  the  destruction  of  true  political  unity  alike  in  Ger- 
many and  in  Italy.  In  the  latter  country  the  power 
of  the  cities  was  fostered  through  the  development 
of  commerce,  whilst  at  the  same  time  such  central 
authority  as  was  possessed  by  the  emperors  disap- 
peared. The  process  of  disintegration  was  further 
assisted  by  the  policy  of  the  popes  in  Southern  Italy, 
where  the  union  of  the  crowns  of  Sicily  and  Jerusalem 
in  the  person  of  Frederick  II.  was  turned  to  his  ruin 
by  Gregory  IX.  and  Innocent  IV.  It  is  only  in  our 
own  time  that  Germany  and  Italy  have  recovered 
from  the  havoc  that  was  wrought  by  the  network  of 
Crusading  politics. 

In  England  we  can  trace  no  direct  influence  of 
equal  importance.  But  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that 
the  warfare  which  led  to  the  loss  of  the  Angevin 
•dominions  in  Northern  France  originated  in  a  Cru- 
sading quarrel,  and  that  it  was  in  the  Crusades  that 
the  antagonism  of  France  and  England  was  developed, 
if  not  actually  created.  In  this  way  the  circumstances 
of  the  Third  Crusade  contributed  not  a  little  to  the 
growth  of  English  liberty  in  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury. The  other  countries  of  Europe  had  but  a  slight 
share  in  the  Crusades.  Yet  Spain  and  Portugal  were 
created  through  the  process  of  their  own  warfare  with 


POLITICAL   INFLUENCE.  429 


I 

»  the  infidel,  and  the  foundations  of  modern  Prussia 
■  were  laid  through  the  Crusading  enterprise  of  the 
F     Teutonic  knights  in  Lithuania. 

Outside  the  limits  of  the  Latin  world  it  is  impor- 
tant to  note  that  the  Crusades  led  to  a  political  inter- 
course, and  to  semi-political  relationships  of  a  kind 
that  had  not  been  witnessed  since  Otho  IL  married 
his  Greek  wife.  Let  alone  the  alliances  of  the  Frank 
princes  of  Syria  vyith  the  Imperial  house  of  Constanti- 
nople, we  find  the  sister  of  Philip  Augustus  wedded 
to  the  Emperor  Alexius  ;  Italian  nobles,  the  dukes  of 
Austria  and  kings  of  Sicily,  sought  alliance  in  the 
same  direction,  and  even  Philip  of  Swabia,  the  son  of 
Barbarossa,  and  claimant  of  the  Imperial  throne,  did 
not  hesitate  to  take  a  Greek  wife.  Of  no  great  im- 
portance in  themselves,  such  incidents  point  to  an 
enlargement  of  the  political  horizon,  which  was  of 
considerable  moment  to  Western  Europe.  The  same 
tendency  finds  a  rather  ludicrous  illustration  in  the 
proposal  gravely  made  to  Edward  I.,  that  European 
princesses  should  be  brought  up  to  speak  Eastern 
tongues,  that  thus  by  marrying  Tartar  kings  and 
Saracen  emirs  they  might  through  the  grace  of  God 
and  their  own  beauty  win  over  their  husbands  to  the 
faith. 

On  the  vast  importance  of  the  Crusades  for  ec- 
clesiastical history,  there  can  be  but  one  opinion  ; 
yet  here  also  exists  the  difficulty  of  tracing  simple 
relations  of  cause  and  effect.  Thus  we  are  con- 
fronted with  diverse  opinions  ;  some  holding  that 
the  Crusades  were  the  foreign  policy  of  the  papacy 
and   the  source  of  its  preponderant   power ;    whilst 


430  CONCLUStOM. 

others  argue  that  by  widening  the  intellectual 
horizon  of  mankind  they  paved  the  way  for  the 
Reformation,  and  were  an  essentially  false  move  on 
the  part  of  the  popes.  As  a  retrospective  judgment 
there  is  much  truth  in  either  statement ;  but  in  so  far 
as  they  attribute  a  conscious  motive  to  Roman  policy, 
both  appear  raistaken.  For  though  the  Crusades 
were  turned  very  much  to  the  advantage  of  the 
Roman  see,  they  did  not  owe  their  origin  to  the 
popes,  who  were  powerless  to  promote  them  when 
enthusiasm  had  flagged.  Still  less  could  the  popes 
have  foreseen  the  dangers  that  were  to  result  from 
the  breaking  down  of  old  barriers  of  thought  and 
intercourse. 

To  turn,  however,  to  particulars.  In  the  first  place, 
there  can  be  no  question  that  the  authority  of  the 
popes  was  much  increased  through  the  preaching  of 
the  Crusades  under  their  auspices.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  was  no  small  thing  that,  whether  from  forethought 
or  good  fortune,  the  popes  avoided  those  dangers 
which  the  actual  direction  of  a  Crusade  entailed.  No 
other  Western  power  was  equally  happy.  The  union 
of  Western  Europe  in  a  common  effort  on  behalf  of 
the  faith  gave  the  papal  see  an  opportunity  to  assert 
for  itself  a  position  as  the  centre  and  mainspring  of 
the  politics  of  Latiii  Christendom.  Those,  moreover, 
who  took  the  Cross,  put  themselves  in  the  power  of 
the  Pope,  who  could  alone  remit  their  vows.  In  each 
of  the  great  kingdoms  of  the  West  the  sovereign  at 
one  time  or  another  assumed  the  Cross,  either  from 
religious  enthusiasm  or  to  propitiate  papal  favour. 
The  vow  once  taken,  it  mattered  little  whether  the 


THE   CRUSADES  AND    THE   PAPACY.  43I 

prince  went  or  whether  he  went  not,  whichsoever 
course  he  adopted  must  turn  to  the  advantage  of 
Rome.  If  he  went  he  acknowledged  the  Pope's  head- 
ship, if  he  went  not  he  incurred  his  anathema.  With 
what  fatal  effect  the  papal^  s^  could  use  the  power 
thus  obtained  is  best  illustrated  in  the  history  of 
Frederick  II.  In  England,  also,  the  power  which 
the  popes  acquired  in  the  thirteenth  century  sprang 
directly  from  those  troubles  which  had  their  occasion 
in  the  Crusade  of  Richard. 

If  the  Crusades  contributed  to  elevate  the  eccle- 
siastical over  the  civil  power,  within  the  Church  itself 
they  favoured  the  assertion  of  papal  supremacy.  The 
preaching  of  the  Crusades  gave  rise  to  constant  lega- 
tions, which  afforded  the  popes  a  useful  opportunity 
for  asserting  their  position  as  the  head  of  the  Church 
in  every  country  of  the  Latin  obedience.  The  absence 
of  Western  bishops  in  the  East  gave  from  time  to 
time  further  opportunities  for  the  assertion  of  papal 
authority,  whilst  the  establishment  of  Eastern  bishop- 
rics led  in  the  end  to  the  creation  of  those  bishops 
in  partibus  infidelium,  who  have  in  later  ages  filled  a 
not  unimportant  part  in  the  polity  of  the  Church. 
More  than  this  the  Crusades  led  directly  to  the  crea- 
tion of  the  entirely  novel  military  orders.  The 
knights  of  the  Temple,  in  particular,  were  a  powerful 
prop  of  papal  policy,  and  under  different  auspices 
might  have  become  a  veritable  militia  of  the  Church 
in  Western  Europe.  A  more  religious,  but  less  direct 
product  of  the  Crusades,  were  the  orders  of  Friars,  of 
whom  the  Dominicans  sprang  immediately  from  the 
pseudo- crusade  against  the  Albigenses.     Yet,  again, 


432  CONCLUSION, 

the  Crusades  were  the  pretext  for  frequent  levies  on 
the  clergy,  by  which  means  both  the  power  and  wealth 
of  the  papacy  were  much  increased.  If,  however,  the 
clergy  were  taxed  in  the  cause  of  the  Church,  they 
themselves  could  well  afford  it.  The  Crusading 
knight  or  noble  had  to  sell  or  mortgage  his  estates 
at  a  sacrifice  to  procure  the  money  for  his  journey. 
When  all  were  in  turn  so  anxious  to  sell,  the  eccle- 
siastical corporations  alone  had  the  power  and  desire 
to  buy.  The  wealth  thus  amassed  was  never  alienated, 
and  by  this  means  was  brought  about  that  concen- 
tration of  landed  property  in  ecclesiastical  hands, 
which,  politically  speaking,  was  in  great  measure  to 
cause  and  to  justify  the  Reformation.  Yet  a  further 
source  of  wealth  was  found  in  the  sale  of  immunities 
to  those  who  desired  exemption  from  a  vow  which 
they  had  taken  in  thoughtless  enthusiasm.  So  far 
did  this  practice  proceed  that  it  was  even  customary 
for  the  aged  and  infirm  to  be  given  the  Cross  for  the 
express  purpose  of  being  made  to  pay  for  exemption. 
It  was  in  this  custom  that  there  originated  the  sale 
of  indulgences  for  other  purposes,  which  in  the  course 
of  time  was  to  become  the  immediate  cause  of  the 
Reformation. 

If,  however,  the  Crusades  brought  to  the  Church 
both  wealth  and  power,  these  advantages  were  inevit- 
ably followed  by  the  reaction  of  covetousness  and 
discontent.  Thus  the  age  of  the  Crusades  was  also 
the  age  of  heresies,^  to  combat  which  the  intolerance 


*  As,  for  instance,  the  Henrician,  the  Petrobrussian,  the  Waldensian, 
the  Paulician,  and,  above  all,  the  Albigensian. 


THE  CRUSADES  AND   THE   REFORMATION.     433 

natural  in  minds  accustomed  to  religious  warfare 
called  into  being  the  Holy  Inquisition.  The  Albigen- 
sians  were  in  a  sense  the  precursors  of  the  Reformers, 
and  Dominic  himself  the  prototype  of  Torquemada. 
But  in  the  heresies  of  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth 
centuries  there  was  this  further  peculiarity,  that  they 
appear  to  have  originated  in  part  from  intercourse 
with  the  East.  There  is  grave  reason  to  regard 
the  Albigcnsians  as  tainted  with  Manicheism,  the 
doctrines  of  which  were  no  doubt  brought  home  by 
returning  Crusaders.  Be  this  as  it  may,  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  the  doctrinal,  political,  and  social 
causes  which  led  to  the  Reformation  all  sprang 
from  seed  that  was  sown  in  the  times  of  the 
Crusades. 

Probably  few  ages  of  the  world's  history  have 
witnessed  a  greater  amelioration  in  the  conditions  of 
social  life  than  took  place  in  Western  Europe  during 
the  period  of  the  Crusades.  The  tenth  and  eleventh 
centuries  were  acquiescent  under  a  regime  of  almost 
hopeless  anarchy,  the  fourteenth  was  through  the 
widespread  existence  of  social  discontent  pregnant 
with  promise  for  the  future.  But  the  causes  which 
underlie  any  great  change  of  social  condition  are 
usually  so  complex  and  so  obscure  that  it  is  hazardous 
to  speak  with  any  certainty.  In  the  present  case, 
however,  the  changes  are  most  marked  pt  the  top  of 
the  social  scale,  and  it  is  here  that  the  influence 
exerted  by  the  Crusades  can  be  mo; ':  clearly  traced. 
Politically,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Crusades  were  fatal 
to  the  power  of  the  feudal  nobility  ;  but  this  loss  of 
power  was  in  the  end  to  turn  out  to  the  good  both  of 

29 


434  CONCLUSION. 

the  order  as  a  part  and  of  society  as  a  whole.  The 
misdirected  activity,  which  found  its  vent  in  the  waste 
bickerings  of  feudal  despotism  and  anarchy,  was 
through  the  Crusades  turned  into  a  well-ordered 
channel.  On  the  one  hand,  those  turbulent  spirits, 
who  made  all  progress  at  home  impossible,  were 
drawn  away  to  a  distant  and  harmless  enterprise  ; 
on  the  other  hand,  a  high  and  noble  ideal  was  sub- 
stituted for  the  base  and  petty  motives  of  personal 
aggrandisement.  The  lust  of  warfare  was  sated  by 
the  Crusades,  whilst  at  the  same  time  it  was  purified 
by  the  inspiration  of  religious  enthusiasm.  This 
in  itself  would  have  contributed  not  a  little  to  the 
general  improvement  of  morals  and  manners.  It 
was  further  supplemented  by  the  growth  of  luxury 
and  culture  consequent  on  the  commercial  and  intel- 
lectual expansion,  which  resulted  from  the  Crusades. 
These  influences,  combined  v/ith  the  growth  of  royal 
authority,  transformed  the  feudal  nobility  from  the 
curse  of  the  West,  into  a  settled  and  orderly  member 
of  the  body  politic. 

Such  a  change  was  of  the  utmost  importance  to 
the  inferior  orders  of  society,  and  the  consequent 
amelioration  of  manners  could  not  but  make  its 
influence  more  and  more  widely  felt  as  time  went 
on.  The  people  of  the  towns  were  the  first  to  reap 
the  benefit.  The  displacement  of  feudal  anarchy  by 
settled  order  under  a  strong  central  authority,  enabled 
the  townsfolk  to  profit  to  the  full  from  the  growth 
of  commerce.  With  increased  wealth  came  larger 
notions  of  liberty,  and  the  power  to,  assert  them. 
Thus  it  is  to  these  centuries  that  in  every  country  of 


SOCIAL  INFLUENCE.  435 

the  West  we  can  trace  under  diverse  circumstances 
the  revival  of  an  organised  and  vigorous  civic  Hfe. 
It  is  indeed  true,  so  far  as  we  can  judge,  that  the 
change  must  in  any  case  have  come  ;  but,  at  the 
same  time,  the  Crusades  and  all  that  was  involved  in 
them  did  beyond  question  contribute  in  a  marked 
degree  to  that  development  of  town  life  which  is  one 
of  the  most  striking  characteristics  of  Western  Europe 
during  our  period, 

Of  the  changes  that  took  place  in  the  condition  of 
the  country  folk  it  is  more  difficult  to  speak.  Their 
elevation  from  a  condition  of  serfdom  did  not  come 
till  the  age  of  the  Crusades  had  passed  away,  and 
was  then,  as  it  would  appear,  due  to  the  operation 
of  other  causes.  But  over  and  above  the  softening 
influences  consequent  on  the  general  improvement 
of  manners,  there  are  some  respects  in  which  the 
Crusades  were  directly  beneficial  to  the  peasant  class. 
It  was  not  that  those  who  took  the  Cross  became  free, 
for,  numerous  as  these  may  have  been,  those  who 
survived  to  return  were  but  relatively  few.  More 
important  were  tlie  better  social  order  and  the  milder 
rule  of  the  new  times.  To  the  peasants  it  must  have 
been  an  additional  boon  that,  through  the  transfer  of 
property,  many  came  under  the  rule  of  ecclesiastics, 
who,  if  harsh  taskmasters,  were  still  preferable  to 
the  turbulent  nobles  they  displaced.  Yet,  again,  the 
growth  of  larger  ideas  was  favourable  to  freedom, 
and  at  least  made  the  future  hopeful.  But  so  far  as 
the  mass  of  the  populatioa  is  concerned  perhaps 
the  most  that  can  be  said,  is — that  the  widening 
of    the     bounds     of     human     knowledge     through 


436  CONCLUSION. 

the   Crusades   helped   to  make  a  better  order  pos- 
sible.^ 

One  of  the  greatest  of  the  benefits  conferred  on 
society  by  the  Crusades  was  the  raising  of  the  stan- 
dard of  comfort  through  the  spread  of  luxury.  The 
expansion  of  commerce  in  the  Middle  Ages  is  from 
one  point  of  view  that  change  which  we  can  attribute 
most  safely  to  the  influence  of  the  Crusades.  It  was 
the  need  of  the  Crusaders  for  transport,  and  the 
traffic  necessary  to  supply  the  wants  of  those  Franks 
who  had  settled  in  Syria,  that  gave  the  requisite 
stimulus  to  the  infant  commerce  of  Italy,  and  effectu- 
ally opened  up  the  East  to  the  West.  By  this  means 
the  cities  of  Italy  were  brought  into  close  commercial 
relations  with  the  Greeks  and  Saracens,  and  less 
directly  with  even  more  distant  nations.  The  esta- 
blishment of  the  Latin  Empire  at  Constantinople 
paved  the  way  for  the  creation  of  the  Venetian 
colonial  system  in  the  Levant ;  and  the  fall  of  that 
Empire  led  to  the  success  of  the  Genoese  under  Greek 
patronage  in  the  Euxine.  The  latter  people  thus 
established  a  caravan  trade  with  Persia  from  Trebi- 
zond  ;  whilst  about  the  same  time  the  Venetians 
entered  into  friendly  relations  with  the  Saracens  of 
Alexandria,  and  thus  secured  the  profitable  trade  of 
the  Nile  and  the  Red  Sea.  The  caravan  trade  of  the 
Euphrates  valley  had  already  been  tapped  from  the 

*  In  England  the  Crusades  do  not  seem  to  have  directly  influenced 
social  life  in  the  same  degree.  The  worst  evils  of  feudalism  existed 
only  during  the  reign  of  Stephen,  and  popular  growth  proceeded  on 
different  lines  to  those  which  prevailed  on  the  Continent.  But  even 
here  weight  must  be  given  to  the  general  improvement  of  manners  and 
to  the  influence  exerted  by  changes  abroad. 


THE   CRUSADES  AND   COMMERCE.  437 

ports  of  the  Syrian  coast.  By  the  side  of  this  wider 
commerce  the  actual  trade  with  the  Latin  colonies  of 
Syria  was  of  comparatively  slight  importance,  and  it 
is  this  which  explains  the  fact  that  the  loss  of  those 
colonies  and  the  cessation  of  the  Crusades  were  not 
detrimental  to  Italian  commerce.  Indeed  the  same 
motives  of  self-interest,  which  made  the  Italian  cities 
favourable  to  the  Crusades  at  the  start,  made  them 
lukewarm,  if  not  hostile,  when  the  continuance  of  the 
warfare  threatened  to  jeopardise  the  commerce  which 
it  had  created. 

The  commercial  benefits  of  the  Crusades  were  not 
confined  to  Italy.  Marseilles  enjoyed  like  privileges 
with  her  Italian  rivals  in  Palestine,  and  shared  in  the 
profits  arising  from  the  transport  of  pilgrims  and 
soldiers,  as  notably  in  the  Crusade  of  Richard  I.  Nor 
was  this  all,  for  during  the  twelfth  century  English, 
Flemish,  North  German,  and  even  Danish  and 
Norwegian  fleets  appeared  in  the  Mediterranean. 
The  commercial  influence  of  the  Crusades  on 
Northern  Europe  was,  however,  for  the  most  part 
either  less  direct  or  of  later  growth.  Venice  as  the 
chief  distributing  mart  of  the  Middle  Ages  became 
in  the  fourteenth  century  the  southern  terminus  of 
a  great  land  trade-route.  It  was  on  this  continental 
traffic  that  the  wealth  of  the  German  and  Flemish 
cities  largely  depended,  and  thus  the  Hanseatic 
League  owed  its  prosperity  if  not  its  origin  to  the 
Crusades.  It  is  noteworthy  also  that  the  other  great 
line  of  Hanseatic  development  was  aided  by  the 
Crusading  enterprise  of  the  Teutonic  knights  in 
Prussia  and  Lithuania. 


438  CONCLUSION. 

The  commerce  which  the  Crusades  assisted  to 
create  was  purely  "thalassic"  or  "potamic";  when, 
through  the  discoveries  of  Columbus  and  Vasco  da 
Gama,  the  trade  of  the  world  assumed  an  "  oceanic  " 
phase,  the  commercial  influence  of  the  Crusades  came 
to  an  end.  We  could  have  no  clearer  evidence  of  the 
close  relation  between  the  Crusades  and  mediaeval 
commerce  than  the  fact  that  the  Crusading  epoch 
was  only  definitely  closed  when  commerce  was 
diverted  into  a  new  course. 

In  other  points,  however,  the  commercial  influence 
of  the  Crusades,  if  less  direct,  was  more  enduring. 
It  is  not,  perhaps,  too  much  to  say  that  the  dis- 
coveries of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries 
were  the  outcome  of  the  maritime  energy  that 
was  fostered  by  the  Crusades,  At  any  rate,  these 
discoveries  would  probably  have  been  deferred 
had  the  commerce  of  Europe  pursued  a  more 
sluggish  course  in  the  early  Middle  Ages.  Yet  again, 
it  was  to  the  Crusades  that  we  owe  the  first 
beginnings  of  maritime  law  ;  Crusading  princes,  like 
Richard  of  England,  made  ordinances  for  the  rule  of 
their  fleets  at  sea,  and  the  Assize  of  Jerusalem  includes 
regulations  which  contain  the  germ  of  a  maritime 
code.  Other  indispensable  adjuncts  of  a  commercial 
system  which  owe  their  origin,  in  part  at  least,  to  the 
Crusades  are  bajiking  and  exchange.  The  financial 
needs  of  Crusaders  and  merchants  in  the  East  gave 
occasion  for  the  practice  of  the  elementary  principles 
of  commercial  finance.  The  Jews  and  great  Italian 
merchants  had  regular  banking  agents  in  Syria,  and 
made  the  advance  of  money  to  Crusaders   a  formal 


THE    CRUSADES  AND   COMMERCE.  439 

part  of  their  business.  The  military  orders  were  not 
above  sharing  in  such  profits,  and  the  Templars  in 
particular  undertook  financial  transactions,  and  were 
entrusted  frequently  with  the  care  of  treasure  by 
Western  princes  and  nobles.  The  extension  of  papal 
taxation  through  the  Crusades  was  also  important  in 
this  connection.  The  true  development  of  com- 
mercial finance  belongs,  however,  to  a  later  age. 

One  result  of  the  expansion  of  commerce  was  to 
bring  into  common  use  the  spices,  perfumes,  and 
other  products  of  the  East,  which,  before  the 
Crusades,  had  been  the  luxury  of  the  few.  Bede,  for. 
instance,  on  his  death-bed  divided  his  little  store  of 
pepper  and  incense  amongst  his  friends  as  something 
very  precious.  But  in  the  thirteenth  century  pepper 
was  an  article  of  such  common  use  that,  according  to 
a  rumour  recorded  by  Matthew  Paris,  the  Saracens 
plotted  to  destroy  their  Christian  enemies  in  the 
West,  by  poisoning  their  spices.  Pass  over  a  hundred 
years,  and  we  find  in  the  vivid  picture  of  a  country 
inn  in  "  Piers  Plowman,"  that  even  the  wife  of 
Beton  the  Brewster  has  "  pepper  and  pionys,  and 
a  pound  of  garlike,"  to  spice  her  ale  with; 
Various  industries  also,  such  as  dyeing  and  glass- 
blowing,  profited  much  from  intercourse  with  the 
East.  Silk-weaving  was  introduced  to  Sicily  from 
Greece  by  King  Roger,  in  1148,  and  the  sugar  cane 
was  brought  to  that  island  about  the  same  time. 
The  Latin  kings  of  Jerusalem  gave  special  care  in 
their  legislation  to  commerce,  and  in  the  trading  cities 
of  their  kingdom,  the  merchants  of  the  West  could 
find  not  only  the  cotton  and  silken  goods  of  Syria, 


440  CONCLUSION. 

but  perfumes  from  Persia,  spices  and  jewels  from 
India,  and  even  precious  pottery  from  China. 

The  previous  pages  will  have  indicated  that  in 
some  respects  it  is  for  their  intellectual  results 
that  the  Crusades  are  most  important,  and  that 
it  was  their  effect  on  the  mental  environment  of 
mankind  which  determined  their  influence  within  the 
more  limited  spheres  of  action.  It  will  be  most 
profitable  to  dwell  on  some  particular  phases  of  the 
extension  of  human  knowledge  and  understanding, 
which  will  sufficiently  illustrate  the  general  aspect  of 
intellectual  development. 

In  the  First  Crusade  Europe  was,  one  may  almost 
say  for  the  first  time  since  the  days  of  Thucydides, 
confronted  by  an  event  of  stupendous  importance, 
and  yet  one  which,  like  the  struggle  between  Athens 
and  Sparta,  lent  itself  to  a  strictly  artistic  treatment. 
So  unique  an  occasion  was  not  lost,  and  the  history 
of  the  Holy  War  is  told  by  ten  or  twelve  almost  con- 
temporary historians.!  But  the  fame  of  all  was  over- 
shadowed by  the  great  work  of  William  of  Tyre,  which 
may  perhaps  fairly  be  called  the  first  historical  work 
of  the  Middle  Ages  that  is  not  a  mere  chronicle  of 
events.  If  Herodotus  is  called  the  Father  of  History, 
William  may  be  styled  the  Father  of  Modern  History. 
Such  a    title   he    deserves  for  his  well-ordered  and 

^  Tudebode,  Albert  of  Aix,  and  Raymond  of  Agiles  were  among  the 
chief.  Of  the  others,  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  several  were  connected 
with  English  or  Norman  princes.  Fulcher  of  Charlies  was  the  com- 
panion of  Robert  of  Normandy  and  Stephen  of  Blois,  Ralph  of  Caen  was 
himself  a  Norman  born,  the  historian  and  friend  of  Tancred,  and  the 
pupil  of  the  Patriarch  Arnulf.  Guibert  of  Nogent  and  Baldric  of  Dol 
also  came  from  the  border  lands  of  the  Norman  duchy. 


INFLUENCE   ON  HISTORICAL   LITERATURE,    441 

artistic  treatment  of  a  great  and  worthy  subject,  for 
his  judicious,  and  not  slavish  use  of  eariier  authorities, 
and  for  his  vivid  narrative  of  those  events  which  came 
within  the  wide  range  of  his  own  knowledge.  The 
growth  of  the  historic  sense  is  shown  also  by  the 
change  that  comes  over  Western  historians.  In  the 
twelfth  century  our  English  writers  not  only  concern 
themselves  in  an  unwonted  way  w^'th  continental 
politics,  but  actually  begin  to  be  somewhat  of  autho- 
rities for  events  abroad.  Among  the  historians  of  the 
later  Crusades  there  is  no  single  name  of  such  note  as 
William  of  Tyre  ;  but,  for  another  characteristic,  they 
are  even  more  important.  William's  great  work  was 
probably  translated  into  French  soon  after  his  own 
death,  and  within  fifty  years  a  continuation  was 
written  in  France  by  Ernoul  who,  as  a  young  man, 
had  been  squire  to  the  famous  Balian  of  Ibelin. 
Ernoul  was  the  first  to  tell  the  story  of  one  of  the 
great  kingdoms  of  Latin  Christianity  in  its  own 
speech,  and  without  the  aid  of  rhyme.  Bernard  the 
Treasurer,  and  others,  composed  further  continuations 
which  carry  on  the  history  almost  to  the  fall  of  Acre. 
The  whole  narrative,  including  the  French  translation 
of  William  of  Tyre,  was  known  as  the  Chronique 
d^OutremeVy  or  Estoire  d^ Evades ;  it  enjoyed  great 
popularity,  and  is  well  worthy  to  rank  with  the  works 
of  Villehardouin  and  Joinville.  Ernoul,  like  these 
two  writers,  describes  events  in  which  he  had  himself 
taken  part,  and  it  was  no  small  thing  for  literature 
that  history  had  thus  begun  to  be  written  by  laymen 
in  the  common  speech  for  popular  perusal. 

History,  in  the  literary  sense,  owed  much  to  the 


442  CONCLUSION. 

Crusades,  but  geography  was  still  more  deeply 
indebted.  Geographical  knowledge  and  science  had 
indeed  retrograded  in  Western  Europe  since  the  days 
of  Ptolemy.  With  the  First  Crusade,  however,  a  new 
era  commences ;  not  only  was  the  knowledge  of 
Eastern  lands  revived  in  the  West,  but  a  far  more 
intimate  acquaintance  was  established  as  to  the 
intervening  countries  and  seas.  Every  spring  and 
autumn  witnessed  the  departure  of  the  fleets  for 
Syria,  and  the  stages  of  the  journey  were  marked 
with  such  precision,  that  Roger  Howden  can  give 
the  distances  from  port  to  port  in  regular  order  from 
England  to  Palestine.  A  further  extension  soon 
followed,  for  in  Syria  merchants  and  pilgrims  came 
into  contact  with  those  whose  knowledge  reached  to 
the  most  eastern  and  southern  confines  of  Asia. 
The  next  step  was  for  Europeans  to  acquire  a  first- 
hand acquaintance  with  the  far  East  ;  this  they  did 
through  the  relations  which  were  established  during 
the  thirteenth  century  between  the  princes  of  Latin 
Christendom  and  the  rulers  of  the  Mongol  Empire. 
Most  famous  of  these  early  travellers  was  the  Fran- 
ciscan William  Rubruquis,  whom  Louis  IX.  sent  as 
his  envoy  to  the  great  Khan,  in  1253.  Of  still  more 
importance  are  the  Venetian  Marco  Polo,  and  the 
Franciscan  Odoric,  who,  early  in  the  next  century, 
travelled  through  Persia,  India,  and  China.  These 
travellers  first  made  common  in  Europe  a  real  ac- 
quaintance with  the  far  East,  and  it  was  through 
them  that  geographical  knowledge  once  more  began 
to  advance.  More  than  this,  it  was  their  discoveries 
which     inspired      the     enterprise     that     culminated 


INFLUENCE   ON  GEOGRAPHY  AND   SCIENCE.    443 

in  the  achievements  of  Columbus  and  Vasco  da 
Gama. 

If  the  Crusades  thus  extended  man*s  knowledge 
of  other  peoples  and  lands,  they  extended  no  less  the 
limits  of  his  own  understanding.  Not,  it  is  true, 
altogether  in  those  directions  that  might  most  natu- 
rally have  been  expected.  Intercourse  with  the 
Empire  of  the  East  caused  no  such  revival  of  classical 
learning  as  was  to  come  about  three  centuries  later. 
Nor  did  contact  with  Syrian  Christians  or  Moham- 
medans confer  any  special  benefit  on  medicine  or 
philosophy.  The  treasures  of  Arabic  skill  and  science 
were  imparted  to  Latin  Christendom  from  another 
quarter,  and  in  so  far  as  they  contributed  to  the 
advance  of  medicine  and  philosophy  the  debt  is  due  to 
the  doctors  not  of  Damascus  but  of  Salerno  and  Toledo. 
Nor  even  was  such  knowledge  of  Eastern  languages  as 
existed  due  specially  to  the  Crusades,  and  the  Koran 
itself  was  translated  about  1 144  by  an  Englishman, 
Robert,  who  had  gone  to  study  astronomy  in  Spain, 
and  probably  never  set  foot  in  Palestine  at  all.  From 
the  same  quarter  came  also  the  revived  knowledge  of 
Aristotle,  which  paved  the  way  for  mediaeval  philo- 
sophy and  scholasticism. 

But  if  we  turn  from  science  to  literature  we  find 
that  the  influence  exerted  by  the  Crusades  was  great 
and  manifest.  The  Crusades  were  the  creation  of 
French-speaking  peoples,  and,  above  all,  of  those 
adventurous  Normans  who  carried  the  language  of 
their  adoption  wheresoever  they  settled.  Never  did 
Christendom  come  so  near  having  a  common  speech  ; 
for  several  centuries  French  was  the  most  universal 


444  CONCLUSION, 

medium  of  intercourse  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Jordan  and  the  Golden  Horn.  If  French  thus  became 
the  speech  of  princes,  lawyers,  and  merchants,  yet 
more  important  was  it  that  it  became  the  recognised 
language  of  literature.  The  great  Italian,  Arnault 
Daniel,  used  it  for  his  famous  poem  on  Lancfelot — 
which  Dante  has  immortalised.  Dante's  own  tutor, 
Brunetto  Latino,  adopted  it  for  his  Tesauro,  boldly 
declaring  that  he  chose  French  in  preference  to  bis 
native  tongue  "because  it  is  more  delectable  and 
more  widely  diffused." 

Mediaeval  poetry  was  indeed  the  creation  of  French- 
men and  the  Crusades.  Only  one  chanson — that  of 
Roland — is  certainly  of  earlier  date,  but  from  the 
moment  of  the  Crusades  the  world  of  romance  wakes 
into  new  life.  Religious  enthusiasm,  warlike  gallantry, 
and  the  mystery  of  the  East,  all  combined  to  inspire 
the  minstrel  with  themes  for  his  song.  Jerusalem 
was  hardly  captured  before  French  poets  began  to 
tell  of  the  achievements  of  French  knights  in  French 
verse.  Soon  every  great  chanson  has  its  Eastern 
element ;  Huon  of  Bordeaux  has  many  adventures 
in  Babylon  and  the  East  ;  Renaud  de  Montauban, 
in  his  later  years,  performs  no  mean  exploits  in  the 
Holy  Land  ;  Bevis  of  Hamptoun  visits  Jerusalem 
and  Damascus  and  weds  an  emir's  daughter  ;  Richard 
Cceur  de  Lion's  mother,  like  Thomas  a  Becket's,  is 
in  legend  a  Saracen  princess.  Even  when  the  scene 
is  not  laid  in  the  East  we  have  fighting  with  Saracens 
nearer  home,  as  in  the  romance  of  *'  Doon  de  May- 
ence." 

If  the  Crusades  created  a  new  poetical  literature, 


THE   CRUSADES  AND   ROMANCE.  445 

they  also  created  the  long  historical  poem  as  distinct 
from  the  short  "  cantilena."  Geoffrey  Bechada,  early 
in  the  twelfth  century,  sang  in  French  the  story  of  the 
First  Crusade,  in  which  he  had  himself  taken  part ; 
though  his  work  has  now  perished  it  was  well  known 
to  Geoffrey  of  Vigeois  fifty  years  later.  Richard  the 
Pilgrim,  even  earlier,  composed  what  was  probably  the 
oldest  form  of  the  "  Chanson  d'Antioch,"  which  was 
afterwards  the  favourite  theme  with  Crusaders,  and 
was  perhaps  the  foundation  of  the  Latin  poem  of  our 
own  Joseph  of  Exeter.  Another  early  writer  was 
William  IX.  of  Poitiers,  who  used  to  amuse  his 
friends  with  songs  of  his  adventures  in  Palestine. 
The  historical  narratives  thus  composed  were  trans- 
formed by  later  minstrels,  who  embellished  them  with 
romantic  additions  of  their  own,  such  as  the  legend 
of  the  "  Knight  of  the  Swan,"  and  the  wondrous 
descent  of  Godfrey  of  Bouillon.  In  the  process 
there  was  created  a  new  romantic  literature  of  pure 
imagination,  wherein  the  bare  facts  of  the  older 
writers  were  lost  in  a  wealth  of  legendary  fable, 
fancy,  and  folly. 

Of  all  that  was  entailed  for  literature  in  this 
creation  of  romance,  and  of  its  still  abiding  influence, 
we  cannot  now  speak.  Perhaps,  indeed,  it  is  of 
more  value  here  to  dwell  on  its  importance  for  the 
mediaeval  world  ;  on  the  new  element  of  brightness 
that  it  brought  into  man's  life  ;  on  the  inspiration  of 
nobler  ideas  that  it  afforded  ;  and  on  the  quickening 
of  the  human  intellect,  of  which  it  was  the  first  and 
not  the  least  hopeful  evidence. 

But   from    the   discussion    of    the   results   of    the 


44^  CONCLUSION. 

Crusades  we  must  now  turn  away  to  consider  for 
a  little  their  true  character,  and  how  far  they  were 
successful  in  achieving  the  objects  that  they  aimed  at. 
If  the  consequences  of  the  Crusades  are  puzzling  in 
their  complexity,  no  less  complex  are  the  motives  to 
which  they  owed  their  origin.  The  enthusiasm  of 
religion,  the  spirit  of  adventure,  the  lust  of  power, 
the  desire  of  gain,  all,  no  doubt,  contributed  in  their 
degree.  Probably  it  is  true  to  say  that  only  of  a 
few  Crusaders,  as  of  Godfrey  and  St.  Louis,  can  we 
predicate  absolute  purity  of  motive.  But  after  all 
detractions  are  made,  there  will  still  remain  the  over- 
mastering fact  that  the  Crusades  were  the  outcome 
of  an  enthusiasm  more  deep  and  enduring  than  any 
other  that  the  world  has  witnessed.  They  were  no 
mere  popular  delusion  ;  for  principles  of  sound  reason 
overruled  the  ungoverned  excitement  of  the  mob.  No 
deep-laid  plot  of  papal  policy  ;  for  neither  Gregory 
VII.  when  he  projected,  nor  Urban  II.  when  he 
preached  the  Holy  War,  could  have  foretold  the  pur- 
poses to  which  their  successors  would,  half  uncon- 
sciously, turn  it.  Not  the  savage  outbreak  of  warlike 
barbarism ;  for  they  entailed  a  patient  endurance  which 
only  the  inspiration  of  a  noble  ideal  made  possible. 
The  Crusades  were  then  primarily  wars  of  an  idea, 
and  it  is  this  which  sets  them  apart  from  all  other 
wars  of  religion  ;  for  into  the  Crusades  proper  the 
spirit  of  religious  intolerance  or  sectarian  jealousy 
hardly  entered.  The  going  on  the  Crusade  was  the 
"  Way  of  God,"  not  to  be  lightly  taken  up  or  lightly 
laid  aside  like  the  common  affairs  of  men.  The  war 
was  God's  warfare,  to  be  waged  in  His  behalf  for  the 


TRUE   CHARACTER   OF   THE   CRUSADES.        447 

recovery  of  the  Heritage  of  Christ,  the  land  which 
Our  Blessed  Lord  Himself  had  trod.  If  this  idea 
was  not  present  to  all  w^hen  they  took  the  Cross, 
yet  it  is  safe  to  say  that  the  great  mass  of  the  Cru- 
saders came  at  some  time  under  its  spell.  It  is  hard 
always  for  the  men  of  one  age  to  comprehend  the 
enthusiasms  of  another.  We  can  only  marvel  at  the 
strange  infection  which  for  nearly  two  centuries  ran 
riot  through  the  West  of  Europe.  It  is  easier  for  us 
to  recognise  the  epic  grandeur  of  the  enterprise,  in 
which  was  concentrated  all  that  was  noblest  in  the 
mediaeval  spirit.  The  Crusades  were  the  first  united 
effort  of  Western  Christendom.  They  raised  mankind 
above  the  ignoble  sphere  of  petty  ambitions  to  seek 
after  an  ideal  that  was  neither  sordid  nor  selfish. 
They  called  forth  all  that  was  most  heroic  in  human 
nature,  and  filled  the  world  with  the  inspiration  of 
noble  thoughts  and  noble  deeds.  Of  the  manifold 
consequences  that  were  to  spring  from  this  inspira- 
tion, the  higher  ideals  of  life,  the  wider  range  of 
understanding,  enough  has  been  said  already  to  show 
that  the  Crusades  were  as  beneficial  in  their  general 
results  as  they  were  undoubtedly  sincere  in  their 
original  undertaking. 

From  the  consideration  of  ideals  which  inspired  the 
Crusaders,  we  pass  naturally  to  the  practical  purpose 
which  they  endeavoured  to  achieve.  Two  principal 
objects  presented  themselves  to  the  promoters  of  the 
First  Crusade.  The  chief  was  no  doubt  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Holy  Places  to  Christian  rule  ;  the  secon- 
dary object — but  to  such  leaders  at  least  as  Gregory 
VII.   and   Urban  II.    a  no  less  clear  one — was  the 


44^  CONCLUSION.       * 

defence  of  the  Eastern  Empire  against  the  danger  of 
Turkish  conquest.  The  first  was  based  on  a  senti- 
ment, but  on  a  sentiment  which  with  some  change 
of  form  still  survives  ;  the  second,  on  an  urgent 
necessity,  the  pressure  of  which  was  yet  felt  two 
centuries  ago.  The  first  object  was  within  a  few 
years  achieved  by  the  establishment  of  the  kingdom 
of  Jerusalem.  But  the  success  was  barely  complete 
before  the  process  of  decay  commenced.  With  the 
causes  of  that  decay,  the  narrow  limits  and  ineffectual 
frontier  of  the  kingdom,  the  jealousies  of  Crusaders 
for  the  Syrian  Franks  and  for  one  another,  the  rival 
policies  of  the  military  orders  and  the  native  baron- 
age, the  deterioration  of  energy  amongst  those  who 
settled  in  the  East,  and  the  waning  enthusiasm 
amongst  those  who  remained  in  the  West,  we  have 
already  in  their  several  places  dealt.  A  failure  in 
this  sense  the  Crusades  no  doubt  were  ;  but  with  it 
all  we  cannot  regard  as  entirely  fruitless  an  enter- 
prise which  maintained  a  fairly  vigorous  life  for  one 
century,  and  prolonged  its  death  struggle  for  another. 
The  success  of  the  second  great  object  of  the 
Crusades  is  best  regarded  from  a  twofold  point  of 
view — firstly,  as  concerns  the  Empire  of  the  East  ; 
and  secondly,  as  concerns  the  history  of  the  world  at 
large.  In  the  former  case,  it  seems  clear  that  but  for 
the  First  Crusade  the  Empire  of  the  Comneni  must 
have  succumbed  to  the  Seljukian  Turks.  Certainly 
the  twelfth  century  witnessed  a  great  recovery  both 
of  territory  and  power  on  the  part  of  the  Eastern 
Empire.  But,  at  the  same  time,  it  must  be  re- 
membered  that  the  constant  passage  of  huge   and 


OBJECTS   OF   THE   CRUSADES.  449 

disorderly  hosts  was  the  source  of  serious  harm,  and 
that  the  destruction  of  the  true  Empire  of  the  East 
was  the  work  of  a  so-called  Crusade.  Perhaps  it  is 
not  too  much  to  say  that  whatever  benefit  was 
wrought  by  the  First  Crusade  was  more  than  undone 
by  the  Fourth.  From  the  time  of  the  latter  enter- 
prise there  was  no  strong  united  power  to  guard  the 
East,  and  the  success  of  the  Turks  was  probably  due 
as  much  to  this  as  to  their  own  prowess.  Certainly 
the  political  and  religious  dissensions  of  East  and 
West  were  aggravated  by  the  Crusades,  but,  above 
all,  by  the  Fourth  Crusade,  and  the  power  of  resis- 
tance in  Christendom  was  so  far  weakened.  From 
this  standpoint,  therefore,  the  eventual  failure  of  the 
Crusades  to  achieve  their  second  great  object  was 
hardly  less  complete  than  it  was  in  the  case  of  the 
first. 

Looking  at  the  Crusades,  however,  from  the  more 
general  standpoint  of  the  world's  history,  we  can  pass 
a  more  favourable  judgment.  It  was  an  impera.tive 
necessity  for  the  welfare  of  Christendom  that  the 
advance  of  the  Turks — which  during  the  eleventh 
century  had  made  such  rapid  progress — should  be 
stayed.  The  First  Crusade  rolled  back  the  tide  of 
conquest  from  the  walls  of  Constantinople,  and  the 
wars  of  the  next  two  centuries  gave  full  employment 
to  the  superfluous  energies  of  Islam.  Even  after 
Acre  had  fallen,  the  Latin  kingdom  of  Cyprus,  the 
knights  of  St.  John  at  Rhodes,  and  the  maritime 
power  of  Venice — all  creations  of  the  Crusades — 
combined  to  delay,  if  they  could  not  stop,  the 
advance   of  Mohammedanism.     The   importance   of 

,30 


450  CONCLUSION. 

this  for  Western  civilisation  cannot  be  over-esti- 
mated. Had  the  capture  of  Constantinople  by 
Mohammed  II.  been  anticipated  by  three  centuries  it 
is  impossible  that  the  Turkish  conquests  should  have 
been  confined  to  the  peninsula  of  the  Balkans  and 
the  valley  of  the  Lower  Danube.  A  new  influx  of 
barbarism,  at  the  very  moment  when  the  gloom  of 
the  Dark  Ages  was  breaking,  might  have  been  as 
ruinous  to  the  social  and  political  life  of  Western 
Europe  as  it  was  to  that  of  Western  Asia.  At  the 
least  it  must  have  put  back  the  progress  of  civilisa- 
tion in  Europe  by  centuries,  if  it  had  not  altered 
utterly  the  course  of  the  world's  history. 

We  of  the  present  day  who  live  under  the  shadow 
of  the  Revolution,  and  still  feel  the  effects  of  the 
Reformation,  are  too  apt  to  regard  all  that  went 
before  as  matters  of  purely  archaeological  interest, 
or  as  furnishing  only  the  foundation  for  a  romantic 
tale.  It  is  easy  to  contrast  the  glories  of  the 
Renaissance  with  the  wreck  of  Mediaevalism,  and 
to  feel  that  between  the  two  there  is  a  great  gulf 
fixed.  But  the  mediaeval  world  had  had  its  own 
glories,  which,  as  they  faded,  let  fall  the  seeds  of 
future  prosperity.  The  processes  of  decay  and  new 
birth  are  as  natural  to  the  historical  as  to  the  physical 
world,  and  there  is  no  justice  in  the  taunt  of  failure  ; 
for  it  is  in  the  failures  and  half-successes  of  one  age 
that  there  are  sown  the  seeds  of  the  glories  of  another. 
The  Middle  Ages  were,  in  their  way,  as  important 
and  fruitful  for  mankind  as  any  other  epoch  of  the 
world's  history.  The  Crusades  were  their  crowning 
glory  of  political  achievementj  the  central  drama  to 


THE   CRUSADES  NOT  FRUITLESS.  45 1 

which  all  other  incidents  were  in  some  degree  sub- 
ordinate. If  the  enthusiasm  which  produced  them 
perished,  it  was  not  until  it  had  borne  good  fruit : 
we  may  perhaps  contrast  the  age  of  the  Crusades 
with  the  age  of  the  Early  Renaissance,  which  suc- 
ceeded it,  in  some  respects  to  the  disadvantage 
of  the  former ;  but  when  all  is  said  and  written 
this  much  at  least  must  be  admitted  :  it  was  not 
altogether  a  change  from  the  worse  to  the  better 
that  gave  France  a  Louis  the  Treacherous  for  a 
Louis  the  Saint,  and  England  a  Richard  of  the 
Subtle  Brain  for  a  Richard  of  the  Lion  Heart. 


The  old  order  changeth,  yielding  place  to  new, 

And  God  fulfils  Himself  in  many  ways, 

Lest  one  good  custom  should  corrupt  the  world." 


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INDEX 


Acre,  97,  99,  118,  120,  127-28, 
U3^  135.  138,  149,  167,  172, 
184,  187,  196,  217,  224,  250; 
259,  267-68,  295,  299,  30Q, 
317-26,  330-31.  340,  344-45* 
348,  363-65,  369,  372,  375> 
381-83,  386-87,  396,  404,  406, 
410-1 1,  413-19,  424-25,449 

Adel  (Sayf-ed-din  el-Adel  Abu 
Bekr,  Saphadin),  Sultan  of 
Egypt,  259,  262,  264,  279, 
321,  338-40,  346,  368-69,  371, 

373,  375-76,   385 
Adhemar,  Bishop  of  Puy,  32,  46, 

54-5,  66,  72-5,  78-9,  87-8 
Afdal    (Ayubite),    178,   264,   274, 

368 
Albara,  78,  1 13 
Albert  of   Aix,    historian   of   the 

First  Crusade,  26,  28,  57,  62, 

106,  135,  440 
Albigensians,  184,  391,  431,  433 
Aleppo,  78,   no,   113,   145,   147, 

149,  150,   152-53,  161-62,  164, 

197-99,    203-6,    217,    237-38, 

242-44,  257,  260  61,  264,  300, 

368,  413 
Alexandria,  84,  183,  234-35,  248, 

381,  395-96,  423,  436 
Alexius  Coninenus,  Emperor  of  the 

East,   19,  21,   28,   38-9,  43-4, 

47,   44,    51-5,    67,    72,   83-4, 

104,    106,    115,    140,     143-44, 

156 


Alice  of  Antioch,  189-91,  453 

Alice  of  Cyprus,  383-84,  453-54 

Amalfi,  170,  296 

Amalric  I.,  King  of  Jerusalem, 
123,  177-78,  186,  196,  227,  232- 
36,  242-50,  272,  352,  453 

Amalric  II.,  King  of  Jerusalem 
and     Cyprus,   369,    373.    453- 

54 
Amalric  III.,  King  of  Jerusalem, 

373,  453-54 
Amalric  de  Montfort,  386-87 
Anar,  Vizir  of  Damascus,  195-96, 

218,  222-23 
Anna  Comnena,  historian,  49,  52, 

191-92,  358 
Antioch,  45,  55,  58,  63-79,  106, 

109,    115,    129,    143-55,    160, 

189-93,    214,    216-17,  229-30, 

242,  244,  273,  294-96,  298,  300, 

309,  312-13,  316,  321,  363,  368, 

371-72,  385,  414 
Antioch,  Princes  of,  see  Bohemond, 

Raymond,     Reginald,     Roger, 

Tancred 
Antioch,  Princesses  of,  see  Alice, 

Constance 
Antioch,   Principality  of,   II3-I4, 

125,  155,  168,  242 
Aquitanian  Crusade,  the,  103-7 
Arculf,  6-8 

Arish  (El-Arish),  no,  140,  198 
Arkah,  81,  83,  115,  157 
Armenia  and  the  Armenians,  60- 

61,   129,  148-49,   162-64,  202, 

204-5,  229,  371,  375 


45^ 


INDEX. 


Arnulf,  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem, 
82,  88,  94,  118,  130,  140,  193, 
440 

Arsuf,   98-9,    116,    133,    136-37, 

141.  336,  353.  356,  414 
Artois,  Count  of,  see  Robert 
Ascalon,  92,  95,  97,  99-100,  133, 

135,  138,  140,  142,  165-66,  194, 

219,    226-27,    251,    255,    267, 

277,  299,  331,  336-40,  342,  346, 

364.  386-88 
As<  alon.  Counts  of  Jaffa  and,  see 

Amalric    J.,    Guy,    Walter    de 

Brienne,     William     of    Mont- 

ferrat 
Ascalon,    County    of  Jaffa   and, 

I 16-17 
Assassins,  tUe,   115,245-46,  341, 

358,  406 
Assizes  of  Jerusalem,  122-24,  127, 

290,  363 
Athareb,  161,  164,  199-200 
Ayub,  230,  240,  243 
Ayubites,  264,  36"^,  385-86,  388, 

400,  408,  456 


B 


Bagdad,  5,  105,  148,  412-13 

Baha-ed-din,  historian,  263,  281, 
315,  320,  331,  343,  367 

Balak  (Ortokid),  161-62,  164,  166 

Baldwin  I.,  King  of  Jerusalem, 
43.  58-63,  78,  98,  109,  123, 
127,  130-42,  147,  150-51,  157- 
59.  294-95.  353.  356,  359-60, 
452 

Baldwin  II.,  du  Bourg,  King  of 
Jerusalem,  109,  116,  130,  138, 
144-45,  147,  153,  159-68,  171, 
189,  199.  453 

Baldwin  III.,  Kin:^  of  Jerusalem, 
117,  196,  217,  222-32,  247, 
288,  290,  300,   360,  453 

Baldwin  IV.,  King  of  Jerusalem, 
249-51,  255  57,  260-61,  265- 
70,  283,  364,  453 

Baldwin  V.,  King  of  Jerusalem, 
121,  266-67,  271,  453 

Baldwin,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, 307,  322-23 


Baldwin  of  Flanders,  Emperor  of 

Constantinople,  370-71 
Baldwin  of  Ibelin  or  Ramleh,  262, 

267-68,  273 
Balian  I.  of  Ibelin,  117,  194 
Balian  II.  of  Ibelin,  262,  267-68, 

273-75.  277-80,  339.  441 
Banias  or  Csesarea  Philippi,   116, 

195-96,  246 
Barkiyarok,  144,  146 
Beit  Nuba,  337,  342 
Belvoir,  178,  258,  361 
Bernard  of   Clairvaux,  172,- 174, 

207-11,  220,  391 
Bernard  of  St.  Michael's  Mount, 

10-13,  15 
Bernard   de  Tremelay,  Master  of 

the  Temple,  177,  227 
Bertram,  Count  of   Tripoli,   I16, 

148,  157-58,  295 
Bethlehem,  87,  99,  298,  347,  381 
Bethshan,  116,  258,  261,  375,  381 
Beyrout,    115-16,   130,   147,   156, 

230,  259,    267,  277,  299,  321, 

330,  344,  364,  369,  384 
Bibars  Bendocdar,  Sultan  of  Egypt, 

245.  413-14 
Bohemond  I.,  Prince  of  Antioch, 

24,  44-5,  47,   51-3,  56,  58-9, 

66-71,  75-6.  79-80,  97-9,  109, 

115,130,133,  143-45,294,352, 

358,  454 
Bohemond  II.,  Prince  of  Antioch, 

115,  145,  149,  165,  364,  454 
Bohemond  III.,  Prince  of  Antioch, 

193,  242,  254,   261,   268,   316, 

368,  371-72,  454 
Bohemond  IV.,  Prince  of  Antioch, 

371-72,  385,  454 
Bohemond  VI.,  Prince  of  Antioch, 

409,  411,  414,  454 
Borsac  of  Hamadan,  151 
Borsoki,  Emir  of  Mosul,  151,  165, 

198 
Bostra,  223,  260 
Botron,  115,  271-72 
Brienne,  John  de,  see  John 
Brienne,  Walter  de,  see  Walter 
Bulgaria  and  Bulgarians,  37-8,  46, 

309-11 
Bures,  William  de,  see  William 


INDEX. 


459 


Byzantine  Empire,  19,  115,  212, 
448-49  ;  see  also  Alexius,  John, 
Isaac,  Manuel,  Greeks 


Csesarea,  83,  99,  116,  118,    129, 
133,  260,  269,  333,  337,  401, 
412 
Cresarea,  Lords  of,   see  Eustace, 

Hugh,  Walter 
Cresarea  on  the  Orontes,  192,  217, 

227 
Ciesarea  Philippi,  see  Banias. 
Cairo,  233,  235-36,  344,  395 
Caliph,    Caliphate,    see    Bagdad, 

Egypt,  Fatimites 
Charismians,  178,  388-89 
Charles  the  Great,  10,  ii,  24,  287 
Charles  of  Anjou,  288,  410 
Clermont,  Council  of,  26,  28-33 
Commerce,  in  the  Latin  Colonies, 
113,  117,  127-28,  198,  294-96, 
299-300,  346,  381,  416;  influ- 
ence of  Crusades  on,  436-40 
Commercial  legislation,  126,  439 
Comneni,  the,  see  Alexius,  Anna, 

Isaac,  John,  Manuel 
Conrad  III^,  of  Germany,  209-19 
Conrad    IV.,    of   Germany,    384, 

387,  409 
Conrad   of   Montferrat,    King   of 
Jerusalem,    277,    309,    317-19. 
321,    323-4,    329-30,    339-41. 

373 

Constance  of  Antioch,  165,  190, 
193,  228,  454 

Constantinople,  38-9,  43-5,  47, 
50,  193,  212,  244,  309-11,  358, 
369,  371,421,  436,  449-50 

Corbogha,  Emir  of  Mosul,  63,  71, 
75-6,  144,  290 

Corradin  (El-.Miiazzam),  lord  of 
Damascus,  375-7,  387 

Courtenay,  Joscelin  de  ^^^  Joscelin 

Courts  of  Law,  125-6 

Crusades,  the  First,  26-92,  287, 
328,  426,  440  ;  the  Aquitanian, 
103-7  ;  the  Second,  207-21, 
427  ;  the  Third,  305-48,  427, 
437  ;  the  German,  369-70 ;  the 


Fourth,  370-71,  449;  the  Fifth, 
374-79;  of  Frederick  II., 
379-82 ;  of  Theobald  of  Navarre 
and  Richard  of  Cornwall, 
386-87  ;  of  S.  Louis,  390-404  ; 
of  Edward  I.,  404-7  ;  the 
Children's,  422  :  Results  of, 
political,  426-29 ;  ecclesiastical, 
429-33 ;  social,  433-3^  ;  com- 
mercial, 436-40  ;  intellectual, 
440-45  :  true  character  of,  446- 
47  :  objects  of,  how  far  attained, 

447-51 
Cyprus,  81,  122,   178,  184,  294, 

315,  341,  364-5,  369,  373,  375, 

383-4,  394,  405,  409,  412,  417, 

422-3,  449 
Cyprus,  emperor  of,  see  Isaac 
Cyprus,  kings  of,  see  Amalric  II., 

Guy,  Henry,  Hugh,  Peter 


D 


Dagobert  of  Pisa,  Patriarch  of 
Jerusalem,  98,  130-32,  134,  295 

Damascus,  no,  117,  130,  134, 
139,  150, 156,  176,  179,  195-96, 
198-99,  204,  206,  217-19,  237, 
240-41,  243,  257,  259-60,  262, 
264,  300,  368,  376,  385,  387-88 

Damascus,  atabeks  and  rulers  of, 
see  Anar,  Corradin,  Nur-ed-din, 
Tughtakin 

Damietta,  236-37,  257,  337,  352- 
53.  374-78,  380,  394-96,  398- 
400 

Danishmend,  see  Ibn  Danish- 
mend 

Darum,   116,  244,  259,  340,  342, 

361,  363 
Dawud  (Ayubite),  Lord  of  Kerak, 

385,  387 
Dorylaeum,  57 
Durazzo,  24,  45-6,  50,  145,  352, 

358 


Edessa,  60-63,  77-8,  109-10, 
1 12-13,  "5,  125,  130,  142, 
144-49,    151,    160-62,    201-2, 


460 


iNDM. 


204-7, 241,  259,  264,  280, 299, 
390 

Edessa,  Counts  of,  see  Baldwin  I. , 

Baldwin  II.,  Joscelin 
Edessa,  County  of,  1 12-13 
Edward    I.,    King    of    England, 

404-7,  414,  417 
Edward  III.,  King  of  England, 

420,  423 
Egypt,  no,  140,  226-27,  232-37, 

243-44,  252,  257-59,  262,  300- 

302,  368,  372-78,  385,  3:4-400 
Egypt,  Cahphs  of,  5,  6,  18,  84-5, 

232-34,  237 

Egypt,  Sultans  of,  368,  285,  400; 
see  Adel,  Bibars,  Kalaun, 
Kamil,  Khalil,  Kutuz,  Musa, 
Saladin,  Saleh,  Turan  Shah 

Egyptians,  135,  145,  156,  226 

El-Adel,  El  Afdal,  &c.,  see  Adel, 
Afdal,  &c. 

Eleanor  of  Aquitaine,  209^,219- 

Eleanor  of  Castile,  406-  7 

Elim,    or   Aila,    111-12,    1 16-17, 

139,  364 
Emesa,  or  Hems,  no,  112,  115, 
145,  156,  198,  204, 243-44,  264, 

413 

Emicho,  Count,  36,  40 

England,  influence  of  Crusades 
on,  428,  431,  436 

England,  Kings  of,  see  Edward, 
Henry,  Richard 

English  and  the  Crusades,  the,  20, 
132,  137-38,  183,  193,  2n, 
220,  242,  248,  288,  298, 
313-15,  318,  322,  333,  374, 
376-77,  387,  396-98,  404,  427, 
437  ;  see  also  Edward  I.  and 
Richard  I. 

Ernoul,   historian,    267,   273-74, 

303,  441 

Es-Saleh,  &c.,  see  Saleh,  &c. 
Eugenius  III.,  pope,  173,  207 
Euphrates,    61,     no,    n2,    144, 

148,  163,  197,  199,  259,  388 
Eustace  Grener,  Lord  of  Csesarea, 

and  >idon,  118,  166,  193 
Evreniar,  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem, 

134,  155 


Fatimites,    the,    5,    17-18;    seg 

also  Egypt,  Caliphs  of 
Flanders,  Counts  of,   see   Philip, 

Robert,  Theodoric 
Flemings  and  the  Crusades,  the, 

248,    318,  370,  437.     See  also 

Flanders 
France,  influence  of  the  Crusades 

on,  427-28,  443-44 ;  preaching 

of  -  the  Crusades  in,  34-5,  210, 

307   370,  374 
France,  Kings  of,  see  Louis  VI., 

VII.,    IX.,    Philip    I.,    Philip 

Augustus,    Philip    III.,    Philip 

IV 
French    and   the   Crusades,   the, 

29,    36-8,    45,     loi,    2n-i9, 

313  14,  318,  322,  329,  337-38, 

340-48.    370,  376-77,  386-87, 

394-403  ;    see  also  Louis  VII., 

Louis  IX.,  Philip  Augustus 
Frederick  I.,  emperor,  211,  251, 

265,  309-13 
Frederick  IL,  emperor,  and  King 

of  Jerusalem,  289,  378-87,  391, 

401,  408-9,  428,  431 
Frederick  of  Swabia,  313,  322 
Fulcher    of    Chartres,    historian, 

49-50,  55.  98-9,  I35»  139-40, 

142,  170,  440 
Fulk  the  Black,  of  Anjou,  15-16, 

188 
Fulk  of  Anjou,  King  of  Jerusalem, 

167,    173,    176,    188-97,   290, 

295,  359 
Fulk  of  Neuilly,  180,  370-71 


Galilee,  the  Principality  of,  116- 

18,  125,  363 
Galilee,  Princes  of,  see  Hugh  of 

Falkenberg,     Joscelin     I.,     of 

Courtenay,    Tancred,    William 

de  Bures 
Gaza,  n7,  176,  255,  386,  388 
Genoese,  the,    90,   98,   133,   158, 

294-96,  340,  345.  364,  409-12, 

414.  436 


INDEX. 


461 


Geoffrey  de  Lusignan,  276,  319, 

330 
Geoftrey  de  Sergines,  399,  410-11 
Gerard  the  Hospitaller,  171 
Gerard   de   Rideford,    Master    of 

the  Temple,  271-76,  319 
Gerard  of  Sidon,  118,  226,  364 
Germans  and  the  Crusades,   the, 
37-40,  42,  102,  133,  182,  212- 
14,  217,  311-13,  321-22,  369- 
70,  381,  427,  437 
Gibelin,  176,  178 
Gilbert  de  Lacy,  177,  242 
Godfrey   de   Bouillonj  42-4,    47, 
SI,  55    i8,  63,  66-7,  74,  76-7, 
82,  85,  88-90,  93-103,  122-23, 
133,   160,  285,  295,  30r,  352, 
445-46,  452 
Greeks  and   the  Crusaders,  the, 
23,  43,  67,  8r,   121,  143,  145, 
192,  206,   212.  214,  217,  229, 
236-37,  254,  309-11,  371 
Greek  Empire,  the,  420-21 
Greek     Emperors,    see    Alexius, 

Isaac,  ]<     \,  Manuel 
Gregory  VII.,  pope,  14,  20,  23-5, 

28,  42,  446-47 
Gregory  IX.,  pope,  380-83,   386, 

428 
Grener,  j^^  Eustace,  Hugh, Walter 
Guibert  of  Nogent,  historian,  26, 

34-5,440 
Guy  de  Lusignan,  King  of  Jeru- 
salem  and    C5^prus,    117,    256, 
261-62,  266-68,  272-76,   315- 
19,  324,  329-30,  333,  341,  369 


H 


Haifa,  116,  157,  333,  363 
Hakim,  Caliph  of  Egypt,  18 
Hamah,   no,   112,   115,   198-99, 

204,  243-44,  300,  388,  413 
Harenc,  66,   113,    190,  228,  230, 

242,  254 
Harran,  144-45,  ^9^y  259 
Hattin,  178,  276-77,  308 
Hazart,  78,  113,  193 
Hebron,  I16-17,  298,  387 
Henfrid  HI.,  of  Toron,  n8,  255- 

56,  291 


Henfrid  IV.,  of  Toron,  262,  272, 

329 
Henry  of  Champagne,   King  of 
Jerusalem,    292,    322,    341-42, 

344,  369 
Henry  I.,  King  of  Cyprus,  383- 

84,  409 
Henry  II.,  King  of  Cyprus,  417 
Henry  IV.,  Emperor,   23-4,  42, 

210 
Henry  VI.,  Emperor,  311,  369 
Henry  I.,  King  of  England,  180 
Henry  II.,  King  of  England,  181, 

189,  265,  269,  279,  283,  307-9, 

328,  392,  396 
Henry    HI.,    King   of    England, 

181,   288,  391,  393,  396,  401, 

407 
Henry  V.,  King  of  England,  421- 

22 
Heraclius,  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem, 

180,  268-72,  277-80 
Holy  Sepulchre,   the,  see  Sepul- 
chre, the  Holy 
Hospital  of  St.  John  at  Jerusalem, 

knights  of  the,  see  Hospitallers ; 

Masters    of    the,    see    Gerard, 

Raymond  du  Puy 
Hospitallers,    the,    120,     170-71, 

175-81,    227,    235,    268,    275, 

333-36,    361,    377,    389,    409, 

411,413,417 
Hubert  Walter,  Bishop  of  Salis- 
bury, 322,  347,  367 
Hugh  I.,  King  of  Cyprus,  375, 

383 
Hugh    II.,    King   of  Cyprus  and 

Jerusalem,  409 
Hugh   HI.,  King  of  Cyprus  and 

Jerusalem,  405,  409-10 
Hugh   of  Falkenberg,  Prince   of 

Galilee,  1 18,  138 
Hugh  Grener,  Lord  of  Csesarea, 

233-34,  291 
Plugh  of  Ibelin,  125,  235,  294 
Hugh  I.,  Count  of  Jaffa,  117 
Hugh    II.,   Count  of  Jaffa,    117, 

193-95 
Hugh   de    Payen,  Master  of  the 
lemple,     170-72,     176,     180, 
185 


462 


INDEX. 


Hugh  of  Vermandois,  43,  45,  56, 

74,  76,  103 
Hungary,    16,    37,    40,   42,  210, 

309-11,  374-75 
Huns,  the,  15,  22,  41 


Ibelin,  117,  361 

Ibelin,  Baldwin  of,  see  Baldwin; 

Balian  of,  see  Balian  ;  Hugh  of, 

see  Hugh  ;  John  of,  see  John 
Iconium,  58,  201-2,  205,  311-12  ; 

see  also  Rum 
Iconium,    Sultans    of,    see    Kilij 

Arslan,  Masud 
Ibn  Danishmend,  99,  143-44,  146 
Ibn  El-Athir,  150,  199-200,  203, 

240-41 
II-Ghazi     (Ortokid),      Emir     of 

Mardin,    147,    151,    153,    155, 

160-61 
I  mad -ed -din  Zangi,  see  Zangi 
Innocent  III.,  pope,  370,  373-74 
Innocent  IV.,  pope,  396,  400-1, 

412,  428 
Isaac  Comnenus,  Emperor,  309- 

10 
Isaac  Comnenus  of  Cyprus,  315 
Isabella,    Queen     of    Jerusalem, 

262,    272,    329-30,    341,    369, 

373 
ItaUans   and    the    Crusades,    81, 
133,  261,  294-97,  363-64,  426, 
436-38  ;  see  also  Amalfi,  Geno- 
ese, Pisans,  Venetians 

J 

Jaffa,  86,  90,  100,  107,  132-33, 
135-38,  141,  251,  267,  295, 
336-39,  345-46,  369,  386,  401, 
414 

Jaffa,  Counts  of,  see  Hugh 

Jaffa  and  Ascalon,  Counts  of,  see 
Amalric  L,  Guy  de  Lusignan, 
Walter  de  Brienne,  William  of 
Montferrat 

Jaffa  and  Ascalon,  County  of,  116- 

17 
James  of  Avesnes,  318-19,  322, 

336 


James  de  Vitry,  Bishop  of  Acre, 
174,  178,  296-97,  299,  374, 
378 

Javaly  Secava,  Emir  of  Mosul, 
146-47 

Jekermish,  Emir  of  Mosul,  144- 
46 

Jerusalem,  City  of,  2,  3,  6,  9-1 1, 
17,  21,  27,  29,  85-92,  95,  98- 
100,  118-22,  126,  129,  140, 
166,  170-71,  177,  224,  230, 
246,  261,  266,  270-72,  277-81, 
290,    298,    305,    336-37,    344, 

347,  363,  381,  384,  387-88, 
390,  425 

Jerusalem,  Kingdom  of,  112,  130, 
157,  166,  172,  193,  206,  224, 
247-48,  265-66,  273,  277,  282, 

348,  408,  418,  et  passim  ; 
geographical  extent  and  divi- 
sions of,  1 1 6-18;  officers  of, 
124  ;  judicial  organisation,  125- 
26  ;  financial  system,  127-28  ; 
ecclesiastical  organisation,  129; 
bailiffs  of,  373,  384,  387,  409, 
410;  causes  of  its  fall,  no,  123- 
24,  186-87,  301-3,  448 

Jerusalem,  Kings  of,  see  Amalric, 
Baldwin,  Conrad,  Frederick, 
Fulk,  Godfrey,  Guy,  Henry, 
Hugh,  John 

Jerusalem,  Queens  of,  see  Isabella, 
Mary,  Melisend,  Sibylla,  Yo- 
lande 

Jews,  the,  36,  40,  128,  438 

Joanna,  daughter  of  Henry  II., 
314-15,  338-39 

John  de  Brienne,  King  of  Jeru- 
salem, 373,  375-79,  381 

John  Comnenus,  emperor,  113, 
191-92 

John  of  Ibelin,  "the  Old,"  bailiff 
of  Jerusalem,  122,  373,  383-84 

John  de  Nesles,  370-72 

Joinville,  Jean  de,  298,  358,  394- 
95,  398-99,401,  441. 

Jordan,  William,  see  William 

Joscelin  I.  of  Courtenay,  Count  of 
Edessa,  118,  144,  147,  159, 
161-65,  201-2 

Joscelin  II.  of  Courtenay,  Count 


INDEX. 


463 


of  Edessa,    189,    191-92,    202, 
204-6,  235,  241 
Joscelin    III.    of   Court enay,    the 
Seneschal.  262,  267-68,  271 

K 

Kafer  Tab,  145,  162,  164 
Kalai'in,  Sultan  of  Egypt,  414-16 
Kc.mil,  Sultan  of  Egypt,  376-79, 

381,  385,  400,  409 
Kerak,    262-63,    273,    277,    339, 

361,  2>^^,  Z7^,  Z'>^7 
Kerak  and  Montreal,  lordship  of, 

116-17 
Kerak  and    Montreal,   Lords  of, 

see  Philip  of  Nablus,  Reginald 

of  Chalillon 
Kernk   des  Chevaliers,   115,  178, 

361-62 
Khalil,  Sultan  of  Egypt,  416-17, 

419 
Khartpert,  162-65 
Kilij    Arslan  I.,  Sultan  of  Rum, 

39,  54,  106,  144,  146 
Kilij  Arslan  II.,  Sultan  of  Rum, 

230,  311-12 
Knights,   see   Hospitallers,  Tem- 
plars,    Teutonic,    Thomas     of 

Acre 
Kutb-ed-din,   Atabek   of  Mosul, 

238,  243 
Kutuz,  Sultan  of  Egypt,  413 


Latin  Empire  of  Constantinople, 

370-71 
Laodicea,  86,  97,  99,   113,    133, 

156,  254,  295 
Laodicea  in  Asia  Minor,  215,  311 
Lebanon,  81,  in,  259 
Leo  of  Armenia,  312,  368,  372, 

375,  377,  385 
Leopold  of  Austria,  326,  374,  376 
Louis  VI.,  King  of  France,  180, 

189,  209,  318 
Louis  VII.,  King  of  France,  207, 

209-20,  265 
Louis  IX.,  King  of  France,  187, 

209,    288,   386,   392-404,   410, 

412,  442,  446,  451 


Louis,  Landgrave   of  Thuringia, 

318,  322 
Lulu,  ruler  of  Aleppo,  150,  153 
Lusignan,  see  Geoffrey,  Guy,  and 

Cyprus,  Kings  of 
Lydda,  1 16-17,  255,  337 

M 

Malek  Shah,  Seljuk  Sultan,   19, 

21,  144,  197 
Mamluks,    195,    203,    255,    400, 

409,  413 
Manbij,  164,  201 
Mansurah,  398 
Manuel      Comnenus,      Emperor, 

193,  212,  214-15,  228-30,  235- 

36,  244,  248,  252,  290,  365 
Mardin,  no,  112,  147,  151,  198, 

204,  264 
Markab,  115,  178,  361,  414 
Marra,  78-81,  113 
Marseilles,    296,    313,    365,    386, 

392,  394,  437 
Mary  of  Antioch,  405,  410 
Mary,  Queen  of  Jerusalem,  373 
Masud,  Sultan  of  Iconium  or  Riim, 

201,  205 
Masud  (Zangid),  Atabek  of  Mosul, 

257.  259-60,  263-64 
Maudud  of  Mosul  (Seljuk),  146- 

51,  198 
Melisend,    Queen    of   Jerusalem, 

167,  189,  194-95,  208,  224-26 
Messina,  313-4,  365 
Milo  de  Planci,  245,  250 
Mohammed,  Seljuk  Sultan,  144, 

146-47,  151 
Mons  Ferrandus,  190-91 
Montferrat,  see  Conrad,  William 
Montreal,  117,  139,  361 
Montreal,  lords  of  Kerak  and,  see 

Kerak 
Mosul,  144,  146-47,  15 1 »  197-99, 

201,    203,    238,    243,   259-60, 

263-64 
Mosul,     rulers     of,    see  Borsoki, 

Corbogha,.  Javaly,    Jekermish, 

Kutb-ed-din,  Masud,  Maudud 
Musa  (Ayubite),  Sultan  of  Egypt, 
.    400 


464 


INDEX. 


N 
Nablus,   88,    116,  118,  126,  224, 

246,  262,  274-75,  299,  3^7 
Nablus,  Philip  of,  see  Philip 
Nazareth,  117,  157,223,  246,261, 

274-75>  298,  300,  347,  381 
Nesles,John  de,  ^^r  John 
Nicgea,  16,  19,  39,  84,  214-15,  350 
Nicholas  IV.,  Pope,  416,  419-20 
Nisibis,  198,  201,  259-60 
Normandy,  Robert  of,  see  Robert 
Normans,  20,  22-3.  49,  211,  443  ; 

see    also    Bohemond,     Robert, 

Tancred 
Norwegians    and    the    Crusades, 

the,  132-33*  364-65,  437 
Nur-ed-din,    Atabek    of   Aleppo, 

177,  203,  205-6,  223,  227-28, 

230-43, 246-48 


Odo  of  Deuil,  historian,  211,  214, 

216 
Odo  de  St.  Amand,  Master  of  the 

Temple,  246,  256 
Orontes,  65,  68,  81,  113,  197,  199, 

201,  264 
Ortok,  21,  144,  203 
Ortokids,    203  ;    see    Balak,    II- 

Ghazi,  Sokman 
Ossama,  228,  232 
Ottoman  Turks,  421-22 


Papacy  and  the  Crusades,  the,  20, 
24,  28,  207,  306-7,  369-70,  374, 
380-83,  386,  396,  400-1,  416, 
419-20,  428-32 

Pelagius,  Cardinal  legate,  376-78 

Peter  Bartholomew,  73,  78-80, 
82-4,  94 

I  ter  the  Hermit,  26-8,  35-9,  51, 
87,  96 

Peterde  Lusignan,  King  of  Cyprus, 

423 
Philip,  Bishop  of  Beauvais,  318, 

330,  340 
Philip,    Duke  of  Burgundy,  285, 

334,  339-40,  343 
Philip,  Count  of  Flanders,  252-54, 

307,  328 


Philip  I.,  King  oi  France,  28,  145, 

188 
Philip  Augustus,  King  of  France., 

251,  265,  269,  307-9,  313-15, 

324-31,  337,339,  348,  351,369, 

373,  378,  392 
Philip  III.,  King  of  France,  401, 

403 
Philip  IV.,  King  of  France,  181, 

184 
Philip  of  Nablns,  117,300 
Philippopolis,  43,  51,  311 
Physicians,  230,  240,  246,  443 
Piacenza,  Council  of,  28 
Pilgrims  and  Pilgrimages,  2-4,  6- 

17,  27,  85,  98,   118,   120,   171, 

188-89,    226,    237,    257,    298, 

318,  347,  423-24,  442 
Pisans,  the,  98,  133,  271,  294-96, 

340,364,410-11 
Pons,  Count  of  Tripoli,  116,  151, 

155,  158,  167,  189-91,453 
Popes;    see    Eugenius,    Gregory, 

Innocent,  Nicholas,  Urban 
Portugal  and  the  Crusades,  220, 

313,  428 
Pullani,  the,   294,  296,  41 1  ;  see 

also  Syrian  Franks 

R 

Ralph  of  Caen,  historian,  95,  440 

Rakka,  198,  201,  299 

Ramleh,    84,    117,   132,    136-38, 

140,  255,  337-38,  344 
Ramleh,  Baldwin  of,  see  Baldwin 
Raymond  of  Agiles,  historian,  47, 

57,  73,  75,  82-3,  86,  91,  95-6, 

440 
Raymond,  Prince  of  Antioch,  190- 

93,217,  219 
Raymond  du  Puy,  Master  of  the 

Hospital,  171,  177,  185,  227 
Raymond  Pilet,  77,  83,  86 
Raymond    of    Toulouse,    or    St. 

Gilles,  32,  34,  45-8,  53-5,  58, 

66-7,  69,  72-4,  T],  79-82,  85, 

88,  90,92,  93,  95-8,  104-6,  116, 

156-57,  352 
Raymond    I.,    Count  of  Tripoli, 

158,  191,  217 
Raymond  II.,  Count  of  Tripoli 


tNDBX. 


465 


158,  229,  242,  247,  250-51,  256- 

57,  266-68,  270-77,  302-3 
Red  Sea,  139,  299-300,  364 
Reginald  of  Chatillon,  Prince  of 
Antioch    and    Lord  of  Kerak, 
117,    228-30,    241,    252,    257, 
262,  268-69,  271,  273,  276-77, 

291,  303>  303>  364 
Reginald,  Loidof  Sidon,268,  291, 

339 

Rhodes,  Knights  of  St.  John  at, 

184,  187,  422,  449 
Richard,  Earl  of  Cornwall,   187, 

387 
Richard  I.,  King  of  England,  177, 

180,  280,  285-86,  307-9,  313- 

15,  324-48,  351-53,   358,  360, 

365.    367,    369,    370,   437-38, 

444,451 
Richard  Filangier,  384 
Ridhwan  (Seljuk)  of  Aleppo,  78, 

144-47,  149-50 
Robert,  Count  of  Artois,  396,  398 
Robert  I.,  of  Flanders,  21 
Robert  II.,  of  Flanders,  49,  56,  58, 

66-7,  72,  85,  88,  95,  103 
Robert  Ckiiscard,  20,  23-5 
Robert,  Duke  of  Normandy,  49- 

51,  55-8,  66,  74,  76,  85,  93-7, 

103,  134 
Roger      FitzRichard,    Trince     of 

Antioch,  115,  135,  i49-55>  359 
Roger,  King  of  Sicily,   190,  211, 

214 
Romances  and  the  Crusades,  101, 

284-85,  443-45 
Riim,  39,  144,  248  ;  see  also  Icon- 

ium 
Rum,  Sultans  of,  see  Kilij  Arslan, 

Masud 


Safed,  117,  178,  277,  361,  404,  414 
Saladin,  Sultan  of  Egypt,  187, 
235-37,  239,  243-45,  247, 255- 
64,  268,  270,  273,  275-81,  284, 
292,  300-1,  303,  306,  319-26, 
331-34,  338-40,  342,  344-47, 
351,  364,  367-69 
Saleh  Ayub,  Sultan  of  Egypt,  385, 
400 


Salisbury,   Earl   ©f,    see  William 

Longsword 
Samosata,  61-2,  112 
Saphadin,    see    Adel     (El    Adel 

Sayf-ed-din  Abu  Bekr) 
Saruj,  62,  112 
Sa)^f-ed-din    (Zangid)    of  Mosul, 

203,  238 
Seljuks,   19,  448  ;  Seljuk  sultans 

and     princes,    see    Barkiyarok, 

Kilij     Arslan,     Malek     Shah, 

Masud,  Maudud,    Mohammed, 

Ridhwan,  Tutush 
Sepphoris,     117,     258-59,    261, 

275.  300 
Sepulchre,  the  Holy,   6,   16,   18, 

91,  97,  100,  120,  123,  134,  140, 

196,  230,  266,  271-2,  278,  343, 

347,  381782  , 
Shawir,  Vizir  of  Egypt,  232-33, 

235-36 
Shirkuh  (Ayubite),  Vizir  of  Egypt, 

233-36,  242 
Shobek,  see  Montreal 
Sibylla,     Queen     of     Jerusalem, 

251-52,    256,     266,     271-72, 

329 

Sicily,  45,  248,  257,  308-9,  313- 

14,  324,  328,  369,  404,  439 
Sicily,     Kings     of,     see     Roger, 

William 
Sidon,  133,  138-39,  156,  294,  321, 

330,  363,  401-2 
Sidon,     Lords    of,     see   Gerard, 

Reginald,  Walter 
Sidon,  Lordship  of,  116-18 
Sigurd,  133,  364-65 
Simon  de  Mont  fort,  387 
Sinjar,  199,  257,  260,  264 
Sokman  ibn  Ortok,  21,  144-46 
Spain  and  the  Crusades,  180-81, 

308,  m,  386,  391,  401,  411, 

428 
Stephen  of  Burgundy,  104-6,  136 
Stephen  of  Chartres   and    Blois,    , 

49,   50,    55,    71-2,    103-6,   136/ 
Syrians,  126,  128,  292-94  ; 

Syrian     Franks,    the,    218,     220, 

282-83,    294,    296-97,    302-3, 

329,  337,  ZZ9,  341-  348,  368, 

411*448 


466 


INDEX, 


Tabarie,  see  Tiberias 

Tancred,  Prince  of  Antioch,  45, 
52-4,  56,  58-60,  85-8,  91-2, 
95-6,  100,  106,  117,  134,  138- 
39,  143-49.  156,  290 

Tarsus,  59-60,  106,  113,  143, 
192,  217,  229,   261,    312,  371 

Tartars,  the,  288,  385-86,  391, 
409,  412-14 

Tell-basher,  78,  147,  149,  164, 
201-2 

Templars,  the,  120,  122,  170-74, 
176-87,  189,  208,219,  227, 232- 
33,  235,  244-46,  255-56,  268, 
271,  275,  287-88,319,  326,  333, 
361,370,377,  383,  389,  396-98, 
410-11,  413,  416-18,  431,  438 

Temple  of  the  Lord,  or  Templum 
Domini,  6,  120-21,  157,  266, 
298,  381 

Temple  of  Solomon,  91-2,  120- 
21,  171 

Temple,  Knights  of  the,  see  Tem- 
plars 

Temple,  Masters  of  the,  see  Ber- 
nard de  Tremelay,  Gerard  de 
Rideford,  Hugh  de  Payen, 
Odo  de  St.  Amand 

Teutonic  knights,  182-83,  294, 
389,  413,  429,  437 

Theobald  of  Navarre,  386-87 

Theodoric  of  Flanders,  189, 
227-28,  301 

Thomas  of  Acre,  knights  of  St. , 

183 
Tiberias,   100,   117,    138-39,  149, 

157,    159.   198,  200,  217,  223, 

258,  273,  275-76,  299 
Toron,   116,   ii8,   363,  370;   see 

Henfrid 
Tortosa,   133,   178-79,  183,   298, 

316,  361 
Tripoli,  99,  115,  133,  148,  229- 

30,  242,  244,  257,  295-96,  299, 

309,  414 

Tripoli,  Counts  of,  see  Bertram, 
Pons,  Raymond,  William  Jor- 
dan 

Tripoli,  County  of,  11 5-16,  156- 
58,  361 


Tudebode,  historian,  72,  440 
Tughtakin,  Atabek  of  Damascus, 

139,  145,  150,  151,  165-66,  195 
Tunis,  401-4 
Turan  Shah  (Ayubite),  Sultan  of 

Egypt,  400 
Turcoples,    154,  173,    175,    178, 

363 
Turks,  see  Seljuks,  Ottomans 
Tutush  (Seljuk),  21,  144-45 
Tyre,    97,    118,    129,    133,    139, 
156,  165-68,  224,  228,  244,  259, 
266,  277,  295-96,  298-99,  309, 
317,    320-21,    323,    325,   330, 
340-41,    350,   364,   373,   409, 
412,  418 
Tyre,  William,  Archbishop  of,  see 
WiUiam 

U 

Urban  II.,  pope,  26-32,  49,  207, 
446-47 


Venetians,  the,  100,  133,  166, 
294-96,  364,  37 1  >  410-11,  414, 
423,  436-37,  449 

Vezelay,  210,  313 

Vitry,  James  de,  see  James 

W 

Walter  de  Brienne,  Count  of 
Jaffa,  117,  388-89 

Walter  Grener,  Lord  of  Caesarea, 
118,  194 

Walter  the  Penniless,  37-9,  51 

William,  Duke  of  Aquitaine,  104, 
106,  136 

William  de  Bures,  Prince  of  Gali- 
lee, 118,  167 

William  Jordan,  Count  of  Tripoli, 
116,  157-58 

William  Longsword,  Earl  of  Salis- 
bury, 396-98 

William  of  Montferrat,  251-52, 
266,  329 

William  IL,  King  of  Sicily,  248, 
308-9 

William  of  Tyre,  historian,  66, 
125,  128,  141,  157,  170,  I77» 


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^AAR  2  8  19T 


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LD  21A-40»n-2,'69 
(J60578l0)476— A-32 


General  Library 

University  of  California 

Berkeley 


U.C.  BERKELEY  LIBRABIES 


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